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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 1 




SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 

BUREAU OF A]\rERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

BULLETIN 61 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



BY 



FRANCES DENSMORE 




530177 

AUG 9 1918 




WASHINGTON 

GOVEKNJUEJVT PRINTING OFFICE 

1918 



Monoi^raph 



LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 



Smithsonian Institution, 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 

Washington, D. C, June 8, 1915. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith the manuscript of a 
memoir on Teton Sioux Music, by Frances Densmore, and to recom- 
mend its pubHcation as a bulletin of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology. 

Very respectfully, 

F. W. HOUGE, 
Ethnologist^n-Chanje. 
Dr. Charles D. Walcott, 

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 



FOREWORD 



The analytical study of Indian music wliicli the writer commenced 
among; the Chippewa has been continued among the Sioux. Those 
familiar with the two books already published ' will find no material 
change in method of treatment in tlie present volum<\ We have but 
passed from the land of pine forests and lakes to the broad plains 
where the buffalo came down from the north in the autumn and 
where war parties swept to and fro. 

The present volume contains tabidated analyses of 600 songs, 
comprising the Chippewa songs previously published as well as the 
songs of the Teton Sioux. By means of these tables the songs of 
the two tribes can be compared m melodic and rhythmic peculiari- 
ties. In Bulletin 53 the Chippewa songs were grouped according 
to their use, and descriptive, as well as tabulated, analyses disclosed 
resemblances between certain groups of songs having the same 
mental concept. In the present memoir the comparison is based, 
not on tlie use, but on the age, of the songs, this series bemg divided 
for analysis into two groups, one comprising songs believed to be 
more than 50 years old and the other comprising songs of more 
recent origin. This analysis shows that the restrictions of civiU- 
zation have had a definite effect on the structure of Sioux melodies. 

In presenting Teton Sioux music the writer desires to acknowledge 
her appreciation of the valued assistance of her principal interpreter, 
Mr. Robert P. Higheagle, a member of the Sioux tribe and a gradu- 
ate of Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute as well as of the 
business department of Carnegie CoUege. Mr. Higheagle's coopera- 
tion covered the entire period of collecting the Teton material and 
of preparing it for publication. To this work he brought a knowl- 
edge of Sioux life and character without wliich an interpretation of 
their deeper phases could not have been obtain(^d. During Mr. 
Higheagle's absence it became necessary to employ occasionally 
otlier interpreters, whose aid is acknowledged in connection with the 
material wliich they interpreted. The principal assisting interpreter 
was Mrs. James McLauglihn, whose courtesy is gratefully acknowl- 
edged. 

The writer desires also to express her appreciation of the assistance 
cordially extended by the members of the staff of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology and of the National Museum in their respective 
fields of research. 

Frances Dexsmore, 

> ("hippewa Music, Bulletin 45, and Chippewa Miisic— H, liuUttin 6S, of the Bureau of American Kth- 
nology. 

V 



CONTENTS 

Page 

List of songs xiii 

1 . Arranged in order of serial numbers xiir 

2. Arranged i ii order of catalogue numbers xix 

Names of singers ; . . . . xxvi 

Phonetic key .xxviii 

Introduction 1 

The Teton Sioux 1 

IMethod of work and of analysis 5 

Tabulated analysis of 240 Sioux songs 12 

Melodic analysis 12 

Comparison between old and comparatively modern Sioux songs 22 

Tabulated analysis of 600 Indian songs (Chippewa and Sioux) 26 

Melodic analysis 26 

Rhythmic analysis 35 

Analysis of Sioux and Chippewa songs 40 

Grapliic representations or ' ' plots " 51 

Comparison between analysis of Chij^pewa and Sioux songs 54 

Test of pitch discrimination among Cliippewa and Sioux 56 

Music as a cultivated art among Chippewa and Sioux 58 

Ceremonies 63 

The White Buffalo Calf pipe (Pteliin^cala Canog'pa) 63 

The Alo^wag pi ceremony 68 

The ceremony of Spirit-keeping (Waki'dagapi) 77 

The Sun dance 84 

The Sun dance of the Teton Sioux. 87 

Description of a Teton Sioux Sun dance 98 

Old songs 152 

Ceremonial songs ' 152 

Dreams and their obligations 157 

Heyo'ka Ka'ga (Fool Impersonation ) 157 

Dreams concerning animals 172 

Dreams concerning the buffalo 173 

Dreams concerning the elk 176 

Dreams concerning the wolf 179 

Dream of the crow and owl 184 

Songs concerning the bear 195 

Plots of songs (dreams about animals) 204 

The sacred stones (tuijkar)') 204 

Plots of songs (the sacred stones) 244 

Treatment of the sick 244 

Narrative of a vigil and prayer for the sick 274 

Plots of songs used in treatment of the sick 283 

Societies (oko^lakidiye) 284 

Dream societies 285 

Buffalo society 285 

Elk society 293 

Horse society^ 298 

Military societies 311 

Fo.x society 314 

VII 



Vm CONTENTS 

Societies (oko^lakidiye) — Continued 

Military societies — Continued. Page 

Kaggi'yulia (Crow-owners) 318 

Cagte^ tJQza (Strong Heart) 320 

Badger society 325 

Miwa'tani 326 

WTiite Horse Riders (Suqk'ska-alcari^yaijka) 329 

War songs (Ozu'ye oloVag) 332 

Personal narrative by Red Fox 375 

Personal narrative by Eagle Shield 379 

Songs a(;companied ])y native drawings 387 

Old Buffalo's war narrative 412 

Plots of songs of war 418 

Analysis of war songs 419 

Comparatively modern songs 428 

War songs 428 

The Buffalo hunt (Wana'sapi) 436 

Council and chief songs . . . .' 448 

Council songs 448 

Chief songs 452 

Plots of chief songs 461 

Songs connected with dances aiid games 468 

Dances 468 

The grass dance 468 

Shuliling-feet dance 477 

Night (lance 479 

Begging dance 481 

Plots of grass-dance songs 483 

Games 485 

The moccasin game (Haij'pa ape V cut] pi) 485 

The game of hiding a stick 489 

Miscellaneous songs 492 

Children's songs 492 

Songs connected with legends 494 

Legend of the maiden 's leap 494 

Legend of Ghost Hill 496 

Songs in honor of an individual 497 

Love songs (wio'weste olo' waij ) 509 

Sioux songs recorded at Sisseton, S. Dak 512 

Plots of songs of sadness 519 

Rhythmic units 528 

Bibliograph y 551 

Index 555 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATES 

Faring page 

1. Siya'ka Title 

2. Views on Standing Rock Reservation 4 

3. Wand and ear of corn used in Hugka ceremony 72 

4. Part of Huqka ceremony (native drawing) j 74 

5. Decorated robe 77 

n. Outer wrapi)ing for S))irit ])undle and ))raided sweet grass 79 

7. Implenients used in handling coals in Spirit lodge 79 

8. Spirit post 81 

9. Buffalo Boy 91 

10. No Heart 91 

11. White-Buffalo-Walking 91 

12. Participants in Sun dance 94 

13. Chased-by-Bears 95 

14. Sun-dance pipe 102 

15. Gifts of tobacco 102 

10. The Sun dance (drawing by No Heart) 122 

17. The Sun dance (native drawings) 122 

IS. Sun-dance whistle 125 

If). Hair ornament of Iniffalo hide worn in Sun dance 126 

20. Ceremonial grouping of articles in Sun dance 127 

21. Articles used in Sun dance 133 

22. Red Bird 149 

23. Lone Man 159 

24. Charging Thunder 170 

25. Brave Buffalo 173 

20. Hoop carried by Elk dreamer - 178 

27. Hair ornament worn l)y Elk dreamer 179 

28. Bent stick carried by Wolf dreamer 179 

29. Sacred stone owned by Brave Buffalo 208 

30. Sacred stone owned by Chased-by-Bears 210 

31. Goose 251 

32. Gourd rattle 252 

33. Medicine bag with articles used by owner in treating the sick 252 

34. Medicine bag of badger paws 253 

35. Medicine l)ag of mink hide 253 

30. Small bags of medicine and spoon 254 

37. Splint and matted deer hair used in treating fractures 201 

38. Bear-with-^^'hite-PaF 207 

39. Drum and decorated drumstick 207 

40. Eagle Shield •- 207 

41. Necklace worn when treating the sick 207 

42. Fasting vigil (drawing by oid Buffalo); Old Buffalo 274 

43. Buffalo-dance shield 285 

44. Crow-skin necklace and <'ase - 319 

45. Strong Heart society rattle - - 322 



LIST OF SONGS 



1. Arranged in Order of Serial Numbers 
songs used in ceremonies 

Song of the Coming op the White Buffalo Maiden 

Serial Catiiloguo 

No. No. Page 

1. "I am walking" 569 67 

Songs of the Alo'\va:^'pi Ceremony 

2. Song of prptended search 649 73 

3. Ceremoiiial Boug 648 75 

Songs of the Sun Dance 

4. Song for sprnrincr fair weather 497 99 

5. "We arc coming" 456 105 

6. Song of the Braves' dance (no words) 498 107 

7. " With dauntless courage " 488 108 

8. "The many lands you fear" 450 109 

9. Song of the departure of the young men (no words) 480 110 

10. Song of the return of the young men (no words) 481 112 

11. Song- of cutting the sacred pole 451 113 

IL'. Song of victory over the siicred pole 486 115 

13. Song of painting the sacred pole 452 117 

14. Song after raising the sacred pole (a) 628 119 

15. Song after raising the sacred pole (6) 629 120 

16. Song after raising the sacred pole (c) 630 121 

17. Song of preparing the sacred place 500 123 

18. Song of final visit to the vapor lodge 631 124 

19. Opening song of the Sun dance (a) (no words) 453 128 

20. (Opening song of the Sun dance (6) (no words) 479 129 

21. Opening prayer of tin; Sun dance 501 130 

22. "Wakaij'taij'ka, pity me" 688 135 

23. Song of lamentation 487 136 

24. Noon song 506 138 

25. Song concerning the sun and moon 504 139 

26. "Wakaij 'tag ka hears me" 483 140 

27. "Black face-paint he grants me" 503 141 

28. "I have conquered them " 484 142 

29. Dancing song (a) (no words) 499 143 

30. Dancing song (b) (no words) 505 144 

31. Dancing song (c) (no words) 482 145 

32. Dancing song (d) (no words) 485 145 

;53. Dancing song (c) (no words) 457 146 

34. Dancing song (/) (no words) 458 147 

35. Dancing song (g) (no words) 459 148 

36. Song at sunrise 502 148 

XlII 



XIV LIST OF SONGS 

Songs of the IIeyo^ka 
Serial Catalogue 

No. No. Page 

37. "The horsemen in the cloud"..-. 492 160 

38. " Before the gat hering of the clouds' ' 493 162 

39. Song in time of danger 496 163 

40. Song concerning a dream of the thunderbirds 491 165 

41. "Amnd" 494 168 

42. "In a sacred manner I return " , 495 169 

43. "The thunderbird nation" 571 171 

SONGS OF PERSONAL DREAMS 

Songs Received from Animals 

44. "A buffalo said to me " 606 174 

45. Weapon song (no words) 608 176 

46. Song of the elks (no words) 609 177 

47. "Owls hooting" 607 180 

48. Song of the young wolves 570 182 

49. Song of the old wolf 568 183 

50. Song of the crow and owl 473 186 

51. "Where the wind is blowing" 474 187 

52. "I made it walk" 533 189 

53. Song of a wolf 650 190 

54. "Toward them I walk " 639 191 

55. "An eagle nation is coming" 472 193 

56. "Ablacktaildeer" 564 194 

57. "A bear said this" 581 196 

58. "He comes to attack" 662 197 

Songs concerning the Sacred Stones 

59. "May you behold a sacred stone nation " 602 209 

60. "The sacred stones come to see you " 675 212 

61. " I sing for the animals " 489 215 

62. "Myhorse" 490 216 

63. "Worthy of reverence" 563 219 

64. "A sacred stone nation is speaking " 566 220 

65. "They move with a purpose " 567 221 

66. "From everywhere they come " 565 222 

67. "A wolf nation called me 'father' " 541 224 

68. "I have caused them to roam " 539 225 

69. " These are my spies " 667 226 

70. " I am reqiured to roam " 668 227 

71. "Father, behold me! " 574 228 

72. " I was ordered to return " 582 229 

73. " Father, sing to me! " 462 230 

74. " A spirit has come " 461 232 

75. " From whence the winds blow " 463 233 

76. "Something I foretold " 464 234 

77. " In a sacred manner I live " 632 236 

78. "A voicelsent" 633 237 

Songs Used in Treatment op the Sick 

79. "The sunrise" 603 249 

80. "Behold the dawn!" 610 250 

81. "Behold all these things!" 511 255 



LIST OF SONGS XV 

Serial Catalogue 

No. No. Page. 

82. " I am sitting " 5J5 256 

88. "Wewilleat" 512 258 

84. "These are good " 513 259 

85. "You will walk" 514 260 

86. Song preceding treatment of fractures 516 262 

87. An appeal to the bear 517 263 

88. Song of the bear 518 264 

89. "Beartoldme" 519 265 

90. Song of healing 674 268 

91. Sitting Bull's medicine song (a) 654 272 

92. Sitting Bull's medicine song (b) 655 273 

93. "A wind from the north " 536 275 

94. "May this be the day" 540 277 

SONGS OF SOCIETIES 

Dream Societies 
Songs of the Buffalo Society 

95. "Northward they are walking " 663 286 

96. "My goal" 664 287 

97. "In the north" 660 288 

98. "Their voices could be heard "-. 555 289 

99. "Against the wind" 556 290 

100. "Icome" 546 291 

101.- (No words) (a) 549 292 

102. (No words) (6) 550 292 

103. (Nowords)(c) 577 293 

Songs of the Elk Society 

104. Song of the Elk society 538 294 

105. "Sometliing sacred I wear" 471 295 

106. "My life is such" 575 296 

107. "Anelkaml" I 622 297 

Songs of the Horse Society 

108. "My horse flies like a bird" 573 299 

109. "When a horse neighs" 604 300 

110. "Horses are coming " 605 301 

111. "Prancing they come" 537 302 

112. "Chasing, they walked " 470 303 

113. "A root of herb " •. 467 304 

SONGS OF WAR 

Military Societies 

Songs of the Fox Society 

114. Song of the Fox society (a) 677 316 

115. Song of the Fox society (b) 580 317 

Songs of the Strong Heart Society 

116. Song of the Strong Heart society (a) 509 322 

117. Song of the Strong Heart society. (No words) (6) 544 323 

118. Song of the Strong Heart society. (No words) (c) 548 324 

119. Song of the Strong Heart society. (No words) (d) 557 324 



XVI LIST OF SONGS 

Songs of the Badceh Society 
Serial Catalogue 

No. No. Page 

120. Sonj^ of the Badger society. (No words) («) 553 325 

121. Song of the Badger soeiety. (No words) (6) 554 32(1 

SONCS Ol' THE MlWA^T.WI SoCIETY 

122. Ceremonial 8ong of the Miwa^tani 572 328 

Songs op the White Horse Riders 

123. Song of the White Horse Riders. (No words) (a) 534 330 

124. Song of the White Horse Riders. (No words) (/;) 535 331 

Consecutive Songs of a Typical War Expedition 

125. ''Those are not my interest" 52S 334 

(Dnplicate of No. 125) 336 

12«. "Likea wolf I roam" 056 336 

127. ''Watch your horses" 532 337 

128. "Friends, go on!" 527 338 

129. "A wolf I considered myself " 547 339 

130. "Adventures I seek " 523 340 

131. "His horses he granted me " 543 341 

132. "Those hills I trod upon " 070 342 

(Duplicate of No. 132) 343 

(Duplicate of No. 132) 344 

133. Wolf song 524 345 

(Duplicate of No. 133) 346 

■134. "It is difficult" Oil 347 

135. Song of the camp 057 349 

130. "Clear the way, I come!" 034 351 

137. "At the wind center I stand " 635 352 

138. Song concerning war paint 465 353 

139. "Tremble! U tribe of the enemy " 400 354 

140. "Behold my horse!" 408 355 

141. "See my desire" 616 356 

142. "The earth only endures!' 617 357 

143. "Tell her" 621 358 

44. "She stands tliere smiling" 658 361 

145. "Horses I am bringing" 529 362 

146. "He is returning" ()89 364 

147. Song concerning Wliite Butterfly 086 365 

148. "He lies over there " 687 360 

149. "Learn the songs of victory " 685 368 

150. Song in honor of Oni^han 400 309 

151. "You may go on the warpath" 531 370 

(Duplicate of No. 151 — "When you return ") 371 

152. ' ' I look for him in vain " 530 372 

153. "He is again gone on the warpath" 591 373 

154. "You should give up the warpath" 576 374 

Songs op Personal Narratives concerning War 

155. Song of the warpath 676 378 

156. "May Ibe there" 623 382 

157. "Aprairiefire" 624 383 

158. Song concerning Sitting Crow 625 384 

159. "A spotted horse". 020 385 



LIST OV SONGS XVII 

Serial Catalo^ufi 

No. No. i'ago 

ItiO. "Owls hoot at mo" 627 386 

IGI. " I wish to roam " 651 390 

1G2. "A night is diiferenl " 652 391 

163. "I am bringing horses"' 653 392 

164. "Even tlie eagle dies" 507 394 

165. ' ' I took courage " 508 395 

166. " Captives I am bringing " 510 396 

167. "They deserted their leader" 520 398 

168. "One of them will be killed " 521 400 

169. "I intend to take his horses" 522 402 

170. "It [si, myself" 583 403 

171. "Horses I seek" 584 404 

172. "When I came you cried " 585 406 

173. "I struck the enemy " 586 407 

(Duplicate of No. 173) 408 

174. "I come after your horses" 587 409 

175. "Two war parties" 588 410 

176. "Sister, I bring you a hors" " 589 411 

177. Song of self-reliance 636 413 

178. "I am the fox" 637 414 

179. " Hook for them " ' 638 417 

SONGS OF THE BUFFALO HUNT 

180. Song of the buffalo hunt. (No words) (a) 475 440 

181. Song of the buffalo hunt. (No words) (6 • 476 441 

182. Song of the buffalo hunt. (No words) (c) 545 442 

183. Song to secure buffalo in time of famine 469 445 

COUNCIL SONGS 

184. "I sing of the dead chiefs" 669 448 

185. "I fear not" 455 449 

186. "I wish to do my part " 614 450 

187. "His customs I adopted " 615 451 

CHIEF SONGS 

188. Song in honor of Two Bears 454 453 

189. Song in honor of Gabriel Renville («) 665 454 

190. Song in honor of Gal)riel Renville (6 ) • 666 455 

191 . Song in honor of John Grass 643 456 

192. Song in honor of Red Fish 673 457 

193. Song of Sitting Bull (a) 612 459 

194. Song of Sitting Bull (b) 613 460 

DANCE SONGS 

Songs of the Grass Dance 

195. "They are charging them" 593 473 

196. Song of the grass dance (a) 596 474 

197. Song of the grass dance. (No words) (6) 594 475 

198. Song of the grass dance. (No words) (c) 595 476 

199. Song of the grass dance. (No words) (d) 597 476 

200. Song of the grass dance. (No words) (c) 526 477 

4840°— Bull 61—18 2 



XVni LIST OF SONGS 

Songs of the Shuffling-feet Dance 
Serial Catalogue 

No. No. Page 

201. Song of the shuffling-feet dance (a) 600 478 

202. Song of the shuffling-feet dance (No words) (b) 592 479 

Song of the Night Dance 

203. Song of the night dance (No words) 601 480 

Songs of the Begging Dance 



204. Begging song of the old women (no words) 682 482 

205. Begging song 619 483 



GAME SONGS 

Songs of the Moccasin Game 

206. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (a) 551 486 

207. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (b) . . 552 486 

208. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (c) 560 487 

209. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (d) 559 487 

210. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (e) 561 488 

211. Song of the moccasin game. (No words) (/) 525 488 

Songs of the Hiding-stick Game 

212. Game song (no words) 598 490 

213. Song when a game is almost won (no words ) 599 490 

214. Song of victory 618 491 

children's songs 

215. Song of little girls' play (a) 680 492 

216. Song of little girls' play (6) 681 493 

217. Lullaby 679 493 

SONGS CONNECTED WITH LEGENDS 

218. Song of the maiden's leap 620 495 

219. Song of a ghost 542 497 

SONGS IN HONOR OF AN INDIVIDUAL 

220. "The poor are many " 640 498 

221. "I expected to give something " 641 499 

222. "Two ^^^lite Buffalo " 642 500 

223. "Take fresh courage " 478 501 

224. "The White Horse Riders said this " 477 502 

225. "Two White Buffalo, take courage " 671 503 

226. "The tribe you help" 672 504 

227. "WTienever the tribe assembles " 684 505 

228. "They depend upon you " 683 506 

229. " I donated a horse " 579 507 

230. "Hence they come" 578 508 

231. "Ashorttime" 558 509 

LOVE SONGS 

232. "Come" 659 510 

233. Love song. (No words) («) 590 511 

234. Love song. (No words) {b) 661 511 



LIST OF SONGS 



XIX 



SONGS RECORDED AT SISSETON, S. DAK. 

Serial Catalogue 

No. No. Page 

235. "Yoii have relied upon me'' 645 513 

236. "I have been helping " 644 514 

237. Song of the Ticketless society (no words) 678 515 

238. Song concerning Fierce F'ace : 662 516 

239. Song concerning a message from Washington 646 517 

240. Song of the famine 647 518 

2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers 



(Cata- 
logue 
No. 



450 
451 

452 
453 
454 
455 

456 
457 
458 
459 
4()0 
461 
462 
463 
464 
465 
46() 
467 
468 
469 
470 
471 
472 
473 
474 
475 
476 
477 
478 
479 
480 



Title of song 



"The many lands you fear" 

Song of culting the sacred i)ole 

Song of painting the sacred pole 

Opening song of the Sun dance («) 

Song in honor of Two Bears 

•'I fear not" 

"We are coming" 

Dancing song (c) 

do.(/) 

do. ig) 

Song in honor of Oni^han 

"A spirit has come " 

"Father, sing to me" 

'' P'rom whence the winds blow " 

"Something I foretold " 

Song concerning war paint 

"Tremble! O tribe of the enemy" . . . . 

"A root of herb" 

"Behold my horse!" 

Song to secure buffalo in time of famine. 

"Chasing, they walked " 

" Something sacred I wear " 

"An eagle nation is coming " 

Song of the crow and owl 

" WTiere the wind is blowing" 

Song of the biiffalo hunt (a) 

do. (6) 

"The White Horse Riders said this" . . . 

"Take fresh courage" 

Opening song of the Sun dance (6) 

Song of the departure of the young men 



Name of singer 



Siya'ka 
do.. 



<lo 

....do.... 

....do.... 

....do.... 

....do.... 

....do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do..'.. 

J. ..do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

.....do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

Lone Man . 
do.... 



Serial 
No. 



8 

II 

13 

19 

188 

185 

5 

33 

34 

35 

150 

74 

73 

75 

76 

138 

139 

113 

140 

183 

112 

105 

55 

50 

51 

180 

181 

224 

223 

20 

9 



Page 



10!) 

li:'> 
117 
128 
453 
449 
105 
146 
147 
148 
369 
232 
230 
233 
234 
353 
354 
304 
355 
445 
303 
295 
193 
186 
187 
440 
441 
502 
501 
129 
110 



XX LIST OF SONGS 

2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers — Contiuued 



Title of son}: 



Song of the return of the young men . . 

Dancing song (c) 

"Wakai)''tar|ka hears me" 

"I have conquered them" 

Dancing song (d) • 

Song of \-ictory over the sacred j)oIe. . . 

Song of lamentation 

"With dauntless courage " 

"I sing for the animals" 

"My horse" 

Song concerning a dream of the thun- 
derbirds 

"The horsemen in the cloud " 

"Before the gathering of the clouds " . . 

' ' A Avind " 

" In a sacred manner I return " 

Song in time of danger 

Song for securing fair weather 

Song of the Braves' dance 

Dancing song (« ) 

Song of preparing the sacred place. . . 

Opening prayer of the Sun dance 

Song at sunrise 

"Black face-paint he grants me" 

Song concerning the sun and moon. . . 

Dancing song (b) 

Noon song 

" Even the eagle dies " 

"I took courage" 

Song of the Strong Heart society («) . . . 

"Captives I am bringing" 

"Behold all these things" 

"We will eat" 

"These are good" 

"You will walk " 

"I am sitting" 

Song preceding treatment of fractures. 

An appeal to the bear 

Song of the bear 



Name of singer 



Lone Man. 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

.....do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 



.do. 
.do. 
.do. 
.do. 



Red Bird 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

Eagle Shield. 

do 

do 

do 

do....... 

do 

do 

do 

do 



Serial 
No. 



.do. 
.do. 
.do. 



10 
31 
26 

28 
32 
12 
23 
7 
(il 
(i2 
40 

37 
38 
41 
42 
39 
4 

(; 

29 

17 

21 

3(J 

27 

25 

30 

24 

l(i4 

165 

11(1 

lOG 

81 

83 

84 

85 

82 

8G 

87 



Pajre 



.112 
145 
140 
142 
145 
115 
136 
108 
215 
216 
165 

160 
162 
168 
169 
163 
99 
107 
143 
123 
130 
148 
141 
139 
144 
138 
394 
395 
322 
396 
255 
258 
259 
260 
256 
262 
263 
264 



LIST OF SONGS XXI 

2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers — Continued 



Cata- 
logue 
No. 



519 

520 

521 

522, 

523 

524 

525 

52G 

527 

528 

529 

530 

531 

532 

533 

534 

535 

536 

537 

538 

539 

540 

541 

542 

543 

544 

545 

546 

547 

548 

549 

550 

551 

552 

553 

554 

555 

556 

557 



Title of song 



Name of singer 



Bear told me" Eagle Shield . . 

"They deserted their leader" do 

"One of them will be killed" ' do 

"I intend to take his horses" ' do 

"Adventures I seek" Two Shields... 

Wolf song do 

Song oi the moccasin game (/) do 

Song of the grass dance (e) do 

"Friends, go on!" do 

"Those are not my interest " do 

"Horses I am bringing" do 

"I look for him in vain" do 

"Yon may go on the warpath " do 

"Watch your horses" do 

"I made it walk" do 

Song of the White Horse Riders («) do 

. . . . . d o . ( 6 ) do 

"A wind from the north" do 

"Prancing they come" do 

Song of the Elk society do 

"I have caused them to roam " do 

"May this be the day" do 

"A wolf nation called me 'father' " do 

Song of a ghost do 

"His horses he granted me" do 

Song of the Strong Heart society (6) ... Gray Hawk. . . 

Song of the buffalo hunt (c) do 

"I come" do 

"A wolf I considered myself" do 

Song of the Strong Heart society (c) do 

Song of the Buffalo society (a) do 

....do. (6) do 

Song of the moccasin game (a) do 

. . . .do.(6) do 

Song of the Badger society (a) do 

do. (6) do 

"Their voices could be heard" do 

"Against the ^vind" do 

Song of the Strong Heart society (d) do 



Serial 

No. 



167 

168 

169 

1.30 

133 

211 

200 

128 

125 

145 

152 

151 

127 

52 

123 

124 

93 

111 

104 

68 

94 

67 

219 

131 

117 

182 

100 

129 

US 

101 

102 

206 

207 

120 

121 

98 

99 

119 



Page 



265 

398 

400 

402 

340 

345 

488 

477 

338 

334 

362 

372 

370 

337 

189 

330 

331 

275 

302 

294 

225 

277 

224 

497 

341 

823 

442 

291 

339 

324 

292 

292 

486 

486 

325 

326 

289 

290 

324 



XXII LIST OF SONGS 

2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers — Continued 



Title of aouK 



Name of singer 



"A short time" Gray Hawk. 

Song of the moccasin game (r/) i do. 

do.(c) 

do.(f) ■ 

"He comes to attack " 



"Worthy of reverence" 

"A blacktail deer" 

"From everywhere they come" 

"A sacred stone nation is speaking". . .! do. 

"They move with a purpose " I do. 

Song of the old wolf do. 

"I am walking" do. 

..do. 

..do. 

..do. 



....do 

....do 

Charging Thun- 
der. 

....do 

....do 

....do 



Song of the young wolves 

"The thunderbird nation " 

Ceremonial song of the Miwa^tani 
society. 

"My horse flies like a bird " 

" Father, behold me " 

"My life is such" 

"You should give up the warpath "... 

Song of the Buffalo society {/■) 

"Hence they come" do 

"I donated ahorse" do 



Brave Buffalo. 

Shooter 

....do 

....do 

....do 



Song of the Fox society (6) 

"A bear said this" 

"I was ordered to return" 

"It is I, myself" 

"Horses I seek " 

"When I came you cried" 

"I struck the enemy " 

"I come after your horses" 

"Two war parties" 

"Sister, I bring you ahorse" 

Love song (a) 

"He is again gone on the warpath " 

Shuffling-feet dance (6) 

" They are charging them " 

Song of the grass dance (d) 



do 

do 

do 

Swift Dog , 

do 

do 

do 

do.... 

do 

do 

do 

do 

Kills-at-Night. 

do 

do 



Serial 
No. 



231 
209 
208 
210 

58 

63 
56 
66 
64 
65 
49 
1 
48 
43 
122 

108 
71 
106 
154 
103 
230 
229 
115 
57 
72 
170 
171 
172 
173 
174 
175 
176 
233 
153 
202 
195 
197 



Page 



509 

487 
487 
488 
107 

219 
194 
222 
220 
221 
183 
67 
182 
171 
328 

299 
228 
296 
374 
293 
508 
507 
317 
196 
229 
403 
404 
406 
407 
409 
410 
411 
511 
371 
479 
473 
475 



LIST OF SONGS XXIII 

2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers — Continued 



Cata- 
logue 
No. 



595 
596 
597 
598 
599 
600 

601 
602 
603 
604 
605 
606 
607 
608 
609 
610 
611 
612 
613 
614 
615 
616 
617 
618 
619 
620 
621 
622 
623 
624 
625 
626 
627 
628 
629 
630 
631 
632 



Title of song 



Song of the grass dance (c) 

do. (a) 

do.(d) 

Game song 

Song when a game is ahnost won. . 
Song of the shuffling-feet dance (a) 



Name of singer 



Song of the night dance 

' 'May you behold a sacred stone nation 

' ' The sunrise " 

"When a horse neighs" 

"Horses are coming" 

"A buffalo said to me " 

"Owls hooting" 

Weapon song 

Song of the elks '. 

"Behold the dawn ! " 

"It is difficult" 

Song of Sitting Bull (a) 

do.(6) 

" I wish to do my part " 

' ' His customs I adopted " 

"See my desire" j do 

"The earth only endures " . r 

Song of victory 

Begging song 

Song of the maiden's leap -. 

"Tell her" 

"An elk am I" 

"May I be there" 

"A prairie fire " -..- .... 

Song concerning Sitting Crow 

"A spotted horse " 

"Owls hoot at me " 

Song after raising the sacred pole (a) . . 

do.(6) 

do.(c) 

Song of final visit to the vapor lodge . . . 
" In a sacred manner I live" 



Kills-at-Night. 

....do 

....do 

....do 

....do 

Kills-at-Night 
and wife. 

....do 

Brave Buffalo. 

....do 

....do 

....do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

Used-as-a-Shield 
do 



....do 

....do 

....do 

....do 

....do 

One Feather. . . 

....do 

....do 

....do 

....do 

....do 

Red Weasel . . . 

....do 

....do 

....do......... 

Bear Eagle... . . 



Serial 

No. 



198 
196 
199 
212 
213 
201 

203 

59 

79 

109 

110 

44 

47 

45 

46 

80 

134 

193 

194 

186 

187 

141 

142 

214 

205 

218 

143 

107 

156 

157 

158 

159 

160 

14 

15 

16 

18 

77 



XXIV LIST OF SONGS 

2. Arranged in Order of C^atalogue Numbers — Continued 



Title of eong 



Name of singer 



Bear Eagle . . . 

do 

do 

Old Buffalo... 

do 

do 

do 

Shoots First . . . 

do 

do 

do 

IIoly-FaceBear. 

do 

do 



"A voice I sent" 

"Clear the way, I come " 

"At the wind center I stand" 

Song of self-reliance 

"I am the fox" 

"I look for them" 

"Toward them I walk" 

"The poor are many " 

"I expected to give something" 

"Two White Buffalo " 

Song in honor of John Grass ,. 

"I have been helping " 

"You have relied upon me" 

Song concerning a message from Wash- 
ington. 

Song of the famine 

Ceremonial song 

Song of pretended search 

Song of a wolf 

"I wish to roam" 

"A night is different" 

"I am bringing horses" 

Sitting Bull's medicine song (a) 

do.(6) 

"Like a wolf I roam" 

Song of the camp 

' ' She stands there smiling " 

"Come!" , 

" In the north " 

Love song (6) 

Song concerning Fierce Face 

"Northward they are walking" 

"My goal" 

Song in honor of Gabriel Renville (a) . . . 

....do.(6) 

"These are my spies " 

"I am required to roam" do 

"I sing of the dead chiefs" .i Many Wounds 

' ' Those hills I trod upon " I do 



Serial 
No. 



..:.do 

Weasel Bear 

....do 

....do 

Jaw 

....do 

....do 

One Buffalo 

....do 

....do 

Dog Eagle 

....do 

....do 

Blue Cloud 

....do 

....do 

Little Conj uror . 
do 

Moses Renville. 

do 

Gray Whirlwind 



78 
136 
137 
177 
17S 
179 

54 
220 
221 
222 
191 
236 
235 
239 

240 

3 

2 

53 

161 

162 

163 

91 

92 

126 

135 

144 

232 

97 

234 

238 

95 

96 

189 

190 

69 

70 

184 

132 



237 
351 
352 
413 
414 
417 
191 
498 
499 
500 
456 
514 
513 
517 

518 
75 
73 
190 
390 
391 
392 
272 
273 
336 
349 
361 
510 
288 
511 
516 
286 
287 
454 
455 
226 
227 
448 
342 



LIST OF SONGS XXV 

2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers — Continued 



Cata- 
logue 
No. 



671 
672 
673 
674 

675 

676 
677 
678 
679 
680 
681 
682 
683 
684 
685 
686 
687 
688 
689 



Title of song 



■'Two White Buffalo, take courage' 

"The tribe you help" 

Song in honor of Red Fish 

Song of healing 



"The sacred stones come to see you ' 



Song of the warpath 

Song of the Fox society (a) 

Song of the Ticketless society 

Lullaby 

Song of little girls' play («) 

do.(b) 

Begging song of the old women. . 

"They depend upon you " 

"Whenever the tribe assembles" . 

"Learn the songs of victory " 

Song concerning White Butterfly . 

"He lies over there" 

"Wakaij^tagka, pity me" 

"He is returning" 



Name of singer 



Haka^la 

do 

Red Fish 

B e a r - w i t h - 
White- Paw. 

h as ed -by- 
Bears. 

Red Fox 

Bear Soldier. . 

Cekpa^ 

Yellow Hair... 

do 

do 

do 

Silent Woman. 

do 

do 

Mrs. Lawrence. 
do 

White Robe... 

Earth-Medi- 
cine Woman. 



Serial 

No. 



225 

226 

192 

90 

GO 

155 
114 
237 
217 
215 
216 
204 
228 
227 
149 
147 
148 
22 
146 



Pat 



503 

504 
457 
268 

212 

378 
316 
515 
493 
492 
493 
482 
506 
505 
368 
365 
366 
135 
364 



NMIES OF SINGERS 
Standing Rock Reservation 

MEN 



Number 
of songs 



29 

20 

18 

18 

17 

11 

11 

10 

10 

9 

9 

8 

6 

4 

4 

4 

4 

3 

3 

3 

3 

2 

2 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 



Ensflish name 



Teal Duck 

Two Shields 

Lone Man 

Gray Hawk 

Eagle Shield 

Charging Thunder . . . 

Used-as-a-Shield 

Brave Buffalo 

Red Bird 

Shooter 

Swift Dog 

lails-at-Night^ 

One Feather 

Red Weasel 

Bear Eagle 

Old Buffalo 

Shoots First 

Jaw 

Weasel Bear 

One Buffalo 

Dog Eagle 

Gray Whirlwind 

Many Wounds ...... 

Youngest Child 

Red Fish 

Red Fox 

Chased-by-Bears 

Bear Soldier 

Bear-with-White-Paw 



Sioux name 



Siya^ka ^ 

Waha^dugka-nog^pa 

Isna^la-wica^ 

Cetar)^-hota 

WagbU^-waha^cug ka 

Wakir)''yan-wata^kpe 

Waha'(5ai] ka-y a^pi 

Tatar) ''ka-ohi'tika 

Zintkaaa-h/ta2 

Oku'te 

Sur)^ka-lu^z,ahai] 

Haghe'-pikte 

Wi^yaka-wagzi'la 

Itug'kasai)-lu''ta 

Mato''-waQbli'' 

Tatagk'-ehaQ^ni 

Toke''ya-wi(^a^o 

Cehu^pa 

Ituri''-kasag-mato'' 

Tatag^ka-wagzi^la 

Sug^ka-wagbli^ 

Wamni^yomni-ho'ta 

Wopo^-tapi 

Haka'la 

Hogag'-luta 

Toka'la-lu^ta 

Mato'-kuwa* 

Mato^-aki^dita ^ 

Mato^nape^ska 



1 Died in March, 1913. 

2 Died in November, 1911. 

3 Kills-at-Night sang also two additional songs with his wife, Wita'hu. 
< Died in February, 1915. 

5 Died in March, 1915. 



SPECIAL SIGNS 
WOMEN 



XXVII 



Number 
of songs 


English iianu' 


Sioux luinie 


4 


Yellow Hair 


Pahi^wig 

Ini^laog^wig 

Canki/lawig 

Wita^hu 

Ta^i'naska^wig 

Maka^-pezu^tawiij 


3 


Silent Woman 


2 

2 
1 


Mrs. Lawrence 

Woman's Neck ' 

White Robe 


1 


Earth-Medicine Woman 



SissETON Reservation (men) 



Holy-Face Bear 

Blue Cloud 

Little Conjuror 

Moses Renville 

Twin : . . . . Cekpa^ 



Mato^-ite'-wakar) 

Mahpi^ya-to 

Wakarj^-cika^na 



1 Sang with her husband, Kills-at-Night. 
Total number of songs, 240. Total number of singers, 40. 

Special Signs Used in Transcriptions of Songs 



I I placed above the music indicates that the tones 

included within the bracket constitute a rhythmic unit. 

-f placed above a note indicates that the tone is sung slightly less 
than a semitone higher than the diatonic pitch. 

— placed above a note indicates that the tone is sung slightly less 
than a semitone lower than the diatonic pitch. 

Q- placed above a note indicates that the tone is prolonged slightly 
beyond the note value. 

placed above a note indicates that the tone is given less than 
the note value. 

Meaningless syllables are italicized. 

Where no words are beneath the notes it is understood that mean- 
ingless syllables were used, except in songs whose words were sung 
too indistinctly for transcription, such instances being mentioned in 
the analysis. 



XXVIir PHONETIC KEY 

PHONETIC KEY ' 

Vowels 

The vowels are five in number. Each has but one sound except 
when followed by the nasal y, which somewhat modifies it. 
a has the sound of English a in father. 
e has the sound of English e in they, or of a in face, 
i has the sound of i in marine, or of e in me. 

has the sound of English o in go, note. 

u has the sound of n in rule, or of oo in food. 

Consonants 

The consonants are 23 in number. 

b has its common English sound. 

6 is an aspirate with the sound of English ch, as in chin. 

6 is an emphatic c. It is formed by pronouncing 6 with a strong 
pressure of the organs, followed by a sudden expulsion of the breath. 

d has the common English sound. 

g has the sound of g hard, as in go. 

g represents a deep sonant guttural resembling the Arabic ghain. 

h has the sound of h in English. 

li represents a strong surd guttural resembling the Arabic Mm. 

k has the same sound as in English. 

k is an emphatic letter, bearing the same relation to Jc that c does to 
c. Formerly represented by q. 

1 has the common sound of this letter in English. It is peculiar to 
the Titoriwar) dialect. 

m has the same sound as in English. 

n has the common sound of n in English. 

r) denotes a nasal sound similar to the French n in hon, or the 
English n in drinlc. 

p has the sound of English v. with slightly greater volume and 
stress. 

s has the surd sound of English s, as in say. 

& is an aspirated s, having the sound of English sh, as in shine. 

t is the same as in English with slightly greater volume. 

w has the power of English w, as in walk. 

J has the sound of English y, as in yet. 

z has the sound of the common EngUsh z, as in zetra. 

i is an aspirated z, having the sound of the French j, or the English 
s in fleasure. Formerly represented by 7. 

1 From Riggs, S. R., Grammar and Dictionary of the Dakota Language {Smithnonian Contr. to Knowl- 
edge, IV, pp. 3-4, Washington, 1852). See also "Siouan Dakota (Teton and Santee Dialects) with re- 
marks on the Ponca and Winnebago," by Franz Boas and John R. Swanton, in Handbook of American 
Indian Languages, Bull. Ifi, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, pp. 875-965. 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

By FRANCES DENSMORE 



INTRODUCTION 
The Teton vSioux 

A majority of tho songs in this memoir were recorded among 
Indians belonging to the Teton division of the Dakota (Sioux) tribe, 
Hving on the Standing Rock Resen^ation in North and South Dakota. 
Songs were recorded also among the Sisseton and Wahpeton Sioux 
living at Sisseton, S. Dak.; 12 of these are included in this volume 
under the following numbers: 95, 96, 97, 189, 190, 234, 235, 236, 237, 
238, 239, 240. Field work was begun in July, 1911, and continued 
until 1914, Mr. Robert P. Higheagle acting as principal interpreter at 
Standing Rock and revising the material collected at Sisseton, where 
a competent interpreter could not be secured. The words of the 
songs recorded at Standing Rock, with few exceptions, are in the 
Teton dialect, while those recorded among the Sisseton and Wah- 
peton Sioux are in the Santee dialect. 

Before entering on a consideration of tliis material, the terms 
apphed to the tribe and its various divisions will be briefly noted. 
"Dakota" is the word used by these Indians in speaking of them- 
selves; this W(ti'd means "leagued" or "aUied" and is used also as 
an adjective, meaning "friendl3^" ^ The latter part of the word, 
meaning "friend," is pronounced Icola by the Teton and Icoda by tho 
Santee. The word "Sioux" was applied to the Dakota by Indians 
outside the tribe and by white men and has come to be the commonly 
accepted designation, even being extended to include cognate tribes 
know^l cohectively as the "Siouan family." According to J. N. B. 
Hewitt the word "Sioux" is a French-Canadian abbreviation of the 
Chippewa diminutive form Nadowe-is-iw-^g (nadowe, 'an adder,' 
'an enemy'; is, diminutive; iiv-ucj, 'they are'; hence, "they are the 
lesser enemies"). The Chippewa used this term to distinguish the 
Huron and Dakota from the Iroquois proper, whom they designated 
Nadowe 'wok, ' the adders ' or ' the enemies ' } A similar interpretation 
is given by Warren, the native historian of the Chippewa tribe. ^ 

1 Riggs, Stephen R., Grammar and Dictionary of the Dakota Language, in Smithson. Conir., iv, pp. 
XV, 48, Washington, 1852. 

2 See Handbook of American Indians (Bull. 30, Bur. Amcr. Ethn.), pt. 1, p. 37(5, 1907. 

3 Warren, William W., History of the Ojibways, ia Coll. Minn. Hist. Snc, vol. 5, p. T2, 1885 



2 BUREAU OF AMERICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [bi ll. 6i 

Riggs states * that the Dakota ' ' sometimes speak of themselves 
as the 'Oceti sakowir)/ Seven Council Jlres." ^ Tliis term referred to 
the seven principal divisions, which comprised the tribe or nation. 
Each of these was divided into numerous bands. The largest of these 
divisions was known as the Ti'torjwarj, contracted to the word Teton. 
This division is said to have constituted more than half of the entire 
tribe and to have exceeded the others in wealth and physical develop- 
ment. They seem always to have Hved west of the Missouri River. 
The four divisions of the tribe which lived east of the Missouri are 
now known collectively as the Santee. Riggs says: "These Missis- 
sippi and Minnesota Dakotas are called by those on the Missouri, 
Isanties, from 'isaqati' or 'isaqyati'; which name seems to have 
been given them from the fact that they once lived at Isaqtamde, 
Knife Lalce, one of those included under the denomination of Mille 
Lacs." •■' According to Riggs, these four divisions were the "Mdewa- 
kaqtoijwaijs, Wah))ekutes, Wahpetoijwaijs, and Sisitoijwaijs." Prior 
to the Indian outbreak in 1862 the home of these bands was in 
Minnesota. The two remaining divisions of the tribe are "the 
Ihaqktoqwaqna and the Ihaqtoijwaijs," the former living along the 
James River and in the vicinity of Devils Lake, and the latter west 
of the Missouri. Riggs states that "these two bands liave usually 
been designated by travelers under the name of 'Yanctons.'" In 
the Dakota language, as spoken by tliese three large divisions of the 
tribe, there exist some differences, principally in the use of certain 
consonants. These differences are fuUy set forth l)y Riggs.* A sim- 
ple illustration of one of these variations occurs in the tribal name, 
which is pronounced Dakota by the Santee and b;f the Yankton 
group, and Lakota by the Teton. Although the present memoir 
concerns cliiefly the T^ton group, the tribal name will be used in its 
commonly accepted form, Dakota. The words of the songs recorded 
by Teton are, however, given in the Teton dialect, wliile the Santee 
forms are used in the songs recorded by Santee. 

The earliest definite reference to this people in history is found in 
the Jesuit Relations for 1640, in which they are called "Nadvesiv" 
(Nadowessioux). In the next century Col. George Croghan com- 
piled "A List of the Different Nations and Tribes of Indians in the 
Northern District of North America, with the Number of Tlieir 
Fighting Men." In this list the name appears as La Suil, and in a 
footnote the author says: ''These are a nation of Indians settled 
southwest of Lake Superior (called by the French La Sue), who, by 
the best account that I could ever get from the French and Indians, 



1 In Grammar and Dictionary of the Dakota Language, op. clt., p. xv. 

2 See Dorsey, James Owen, Siouan Sociology, in Fifteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 21.>-2_'2; article.s 
Dakota and Siovr, in Handbook of American Indian.s; and Mooney, James, Sionan Trilies of the East 
Bull. 21, Bur. Amer. Ethn. 

3 Op. cit., p. xvi. 

< Ibid., pp. xvi, xvii. 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 3 

are computed ten thousand fighting men." ^ In 1804 this entry was 
made in the Journal of the Lewis and Clark Expedition: "At 6 oC 
in the evening we Seen 4 Indians . . . and three of them . . . belonged 
to the Souix nation." ^ But as white men came into closer contact 
with this tribe they began to use the word used by the Indians 
themselves. Thus in the "Scientific Data accompanying the orig- 
inal journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition," under the heading 
"Ethnology," we find mention of the "Sieux or Dar-co-tars," witli 
an extensive description of the tribe, including a table of its sub- 
divisions, which is probably the one sent by Clark to the Secretary of 
War.^ Gradually the native name came into more general use, with 
various modes of spelling, and in 1823 Major Long noted the "man- 
ners and customs of the Dacota Indians." * However, the word 
"Sioux" received the sanction of official usage in 1825, the statement 
being made in a Government document of that year that "Returns 
have been received from Gen. Clark and Gov. Cass, the commis- 
sioners appointed to mediate, at Prairie Du (liien, between the Sioux, 
Sac, Fox, Iowa, Chippewa, Menomonei, and Winnebago Tribes and to 
establish boundaries between them." ^ 

On April 29, 1868, a treaty was made by the Government with the 
Sioux and Arapaho Indians, which opens with the words: "From 
this day forward all war between the parties to this agreement shall 
forever cease. The Government of the United States desires peace, 
and its honor is hereby pledged to keep it. The Indians desire peace, 
and they now pledge their honor to maintain it." " The Sioux Reser- 
vation established at that time comprised about 20,000,000 acres of 
land, extending from the northern boundary of Nebraska to the 
forty-sixth degree of north latitude, and from the eastern bank of the 
Missouri River to the one hundred and fourth meridian of longitude.^ 
This was known as "the Great Sioux Reservation." By the terms 
of this treaty the Government placed agency buildings and schools 
on the reservation, and provided that, under certain conditions, a 
patent for 160 acres of land could be issued to an Indian, who woidd 
thereby become a citizen of the United States. The affairs of the 
Indians were administered at seven agencies on this reservation, but 
the Indians continued in large measure their old manner of life. 

1 Journal of Col. George Croghan, pp. 37-38; reprinted from Featherstonhaugh, in Amer. Mo. Journ. 
Geol., Dec, 1831. 

2 Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Kxpedilion, 1804-1800, Reuben (iold Thwaites ed., vn, p. 01, 
New York, 1905. 

3 Ibid., VI, pp. 93-100. 

* Keating, William H., Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peters Kiver, under the Com- 
mand of Maj. Stephen II. Long, i, p. 245, Philadelphia, 1824. 

^ McKenney, Thomas L., in documents accompanying the President's Message to Congress, Nineteenth 
Congress, First Session, No. 1, p. 90, 1825. 

6 Indian Laws and Treaties, compiled by Charles J. Kappler, vol. 2, pp. 770-75, Washington, D. C, 1903. 

' The writer gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Maj. James McLaughlin, United States Indian 
Inspector, in preparing the following data concerning the Standing Rock Reservation. Major McLaughlin 
was Indian agent on thi-; reservation from ISSl to 1895. 



4 BUREAU OF AMP:RICAN ethnology [bull. 61 

A part of the present Standing Rock Reservation (sec pi. 2) was 
included in tliis territory, and an additional tract extending north to 
the Cannon Ball River was added by an Executive order dated March 
16, 1875.^ An agency near the present site of the Standing Rock 
Agency (Fort Yates, N. Dak.) was established July 4, 1873, and soon 
afterward a niihtary post was established at that point.^ Two com- 
panies of Infantry were stationed there, and this force was increased 
to five companies of Infantry and two troops of Cavalry during the 
Indian troubles of 1876. The original name "Standing Rock Canton- 
ment" was changed to Fort Yates, and the post was continued until 
1904. 

The distinctively tribal life of the Teton Sioux may be said to 
have closed when the last Sun dance was held in 1881 and the last 
great buffalo hunt in 1882. A final hunt was held in November, 1883, 
and at that time the last buffalo were killed. Then followed a period 
of difficult adjustment on the part of the Indians, but Gall, Crow 
Bang, and others, who had been leaders in the tribal life, became also 
the leaders of their people in the adoption of farming and other pur- 
suits recommended by the Government, The great change, however, 
did not come to the Indians until 1889, when the Great Sioux Reser- 
vation passed into history. In its place were established five reser- 
vations.^ The boundaries of these reservations were determined by 
a commission of three, of which ex-Gov. Charles Foster, of Ohio, 
was chairman, his associates being Maj. George Crook, and Maj. 
WilUam Warner. This commission went from one agenc}^ to another, 
holding councils with the Indians, who ceded about 9,000,000 acres 
of land to the Govermnent at that time, A reference to the council 
wliich this commission lield on the Standing Rock Reservation 
appears in the description of a song of Sitting Bull (No. 194). Shortly 
after the work of this commission was finished the boundaries of the 
several reservations were surveyed, and the various bands of Sioux 
were assigned to these reservations. After these agency rolls were 
completed it was expected that the Indians would not leave their 
reservations without passes from tlie agent. From that time until 
the present there has been a steady development of education among 
the Sioux in boarding and day schools, and also by means of practical 
instruction in the white man's manner of life, 

1 Indian Laws and Treaties, op. cit., vol. 1, p. SXi. 

' "There lias been established by order of the War Department a military post at this agency of sufficient 
capacity for two companies of infantry." — Report of John Burke, United States Indian Agent, Standing 
Rock Reservation, in Ind. Aff. Rep. for 1875, p. 247. 

3 This was in accordance with an act of Congress dated March 2, 1889, entitled " An act to divide a portion 
of the reservation of the Sioux Nation of Indians in Dakota into separate reservations and to secure the 
relinquishment of the Indian title to the remainder, and for other purposes. " Indian Laws and Treaties, 
op. cit., vol. 1, p. 328. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 2 





LOWLAND ALONG MISSOURI RIVER 

VIEWS ON STANDING ROCK RESERVATION 



Method of AVork and of Analysis 

The method of collecting the Sioux songs was similar to that used 
in connection with the Chippewa work.* Songs were recorded by 
means of the phonograph, and a transcription was made from the 
phonograph record, care ])eing taken that the speed of the instrument 
was the same when recording the songs and when playing them for 
transcription. Ordinary musical notation is used for the transcrip- 
tion, with the addition of the special signs used in Bulletin 53. 

The transcriptions of these songs should be understood as indi- 
cating the tones produced by the singers as nearly as it is possible to 
indicate them in a notation which is familiar by usage and there- 
fore convenient for observation.^ 

As several hundred records were made, there were some accidental 
duplications of songs. In five instances (Nos. 125, 132, 133, 151, 
173) these are transcribed, such being considered sufficient to show 
the slight differences which appear when a song is sung by several 
singers of equal ability, or at different times by the same singer. 
Other duplications examined by the writer show fewer points of dif- 
ference than those wliich are transcribed. It occasionally happened 
that a song was known to have been imperfectly rendered, and in 
this case another record was made by a better singer, the second 
record being, of course, the only one taken into consideration. 
Indians distinguish clearly among good singers, indifferent singers, 
and totally unreliable singere. The writer has had experience with 
them all, and in the absence of information from the Indians, it is 
usually possible to distinguish them by comparing the several records 
of a song on the phonograph cylindcre. As frequently noted in the 
descriptive analyses, the renditions of a song by a good singer are 
usually uniform in every respect. An effort was made to employ only 
the best singers. In selecting the principal singei-s, as well as inform- 
ants, the writer ascertained a man's general reputation at the agency 
office and, in some cases, at the trader's store, as well as among liis 
o%\ai people. In a few instances material which appeared to be inter- 
esting has been discarded because the informant was found to be 
unreliable. On one occasion a man was brought to the writer by an 
informant with whom she was acquainted. Mr. Higheagle was 
absent, but another interpreter was secured and data concerning the 

1 Sec Bulletins -to and 53. 

- Helmholtz, The Sensations of Tone ( translated l)y A. J. p:ilis), pt. 3, p. 260, London, ISR"). Translator's 
footnote: "All these [scales) are merely the best representatives in Kuropean notation of the sensations 
produced by the scales on European ears."' 

4840°— Bull. 61—18 3 6 



6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Sun dance were recorded. In a few days, on Mr. Higlieagle's return, 
he said : ' 'There is trouble among the Indians. John Grass and other 
prominent men say they wiU have nothing more to do with the work 
if So-and-so is connected with it. He killed a man, and his record in 
other matters is not good." The matter was carefully considered? 
and the responsibility was placed on the man who introduced him. 
Finally all his material was expunged and the writer never saw 
him again. Such precaution might not be necessary if this work 
concerned only the social songs, but all the old music is associated 
with things that lie very close to the heart of the Indian. 

Throughout the work an effort was made to have the informants 
entirely at ease in discussing a subject, and never to aUow the form 
of a question to suggest a possible answer. Care was taken also to 
avoid an impression of seeking anytliing sensational or of tracing a 
similarity to the behefs or traditions of the white race. Indians 
become confused, even irritated, if questioned too closely, and for 
that reason it was often necessary to extend an investigation over 
several interviews, combining the data thus secured. When this 
was done the result was translated to the Indian for criticism. 

The method of analyzing the Sioux songs is the same as that used 
in the study of Chippewa songs. The headings of the tables of 
analysis have not been changed, but a few subdivisions have been 
added. For instance, in Tables 11 and 12 there is a separation of 
major and minor sixths and major and minor seconds, the last named 
being especially interesting, as it shows the minor second (semitone) 
to be used much less frec{uently than the major second (whole tone), 
a fact which has a direct bearing on the question whether Indians 
habitually and consciously use intervals smaller than those repre- 
sented by the musical scale of the white race. 

Except for the signs + and — , indicating that certain tones were 
sung shghtly above or below pitch, there is no attempt at showing 
variations from what is known as the ''piano scale." It is, however, 
repeatedly noted in the descriptive analyses that intervals of the 
second and of the minor third were sung too small. A similar re- 
duction was not observed in the larger intervals. In this connection 
the following statement by Prof. Max Meyer, of the University of 
IVIissouri, should be noted: 

The result of our experiments [with Doctor Stumpf] made in Berlin was that the 
Major Third, Fifth, and Octave are preferred a little larger than theoretical inter- 
vals; the Minor Third, on the contrary, a little smaller. . . . We may therefore 
state it as an established law that the smaller musical intervals are preferred dimin- 
ished. . . . that the larger musical intervals are preferred enlarged. . . . and that 
the point where the curve of deviation passes zero, is situated between the Minor and 
Major Thirds.' 

1 Meyer, Max, Experimental Studies in the Psychologj- of Music, American Journal of Psychology, 
xrv', pp. 201-206, Worcester, Mass., July-Oct., 1903. 



DENSMOREl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 7 

Many transcriptions represent the result of six or more readings 
of the phonograph cyUnder, a considerable interval of time being 
allowed to elapse between these readings. ' It has been found that 
the final transcription is usually the simplest, as by repeated observa- 
tions the ear eliminates bytones and the mannerisms of the singer. 
Thus in many instances it becomes possible to discern a rhythmic 
unit accurately repeated in every rendition of the song, when the 
melody seemed at first to be lacking in rhythmic form. 

In the present series the final measure of a song is transcribed as 
a complete measure unless a repetition of the song begins without a 
break in the time. Such a repetition is indicated by the usual mark 
for repeat. It will be observed that in probably a majority of 
instances the time is unbroken during several renditions of a song. 
When a brief pause occurs in the melody it is usually filled with shrill 
cries and calls or words rapidly enunciated, accompanying which the 
drumbeat is continuous. 

''Five-toned scales" are frequently mentioned in the descriptive 
analyses and also appear in the tabulated analyses. As stated in 
the author's previous works, the five-toned scales considered in these 
analyses are the five pentatonic scales according to Helmholtz, 
described by him as follows : 

1. The First Scale without Third or Seventh. . . . 

2. To the Second Scale, Mrithout Second or Sixth, belong most Scotch airs which 
have a minor character. . . . 

.3. The Third Scale, vnthout Third ■a.nd Sixth. ... 

4. To the Fourth Scale, without Fourth or Seventh, belong most Scotch airs which 
have the character of a major mode. 

5. The Fifth Scale, without Second anfl Filtli.i 

It may be needless to state that all these scales contain the same 
tones, the difference being in the keynote. The follo\\dng examples 
are given for convenience of reference, the tones being the same in all: 

First five-toned scale: Keynote G (sequence of tones G, A, C, D, E). 

Second five-toned scale: Keynote A (sequenceof tones A,C,D,E,G). 

Third five-toned scale: Kejmote D (sequence of tones D, E, G, A, C). 

Fourth five- toned scale : Keynote C (sequenceof tonesC, D,E,G,A). 

Fifth five-'toned scale: Keynote E (sequence of tones E, G, A, C, D). 

After a song is transcribed it is fully analyzed, the analyses being 
combined in the tables at the close of the various groups and later 
being incorporated in the tables on pages 12-21. Throughout the 
present work the repeated part of a song is not considered in com- 
puting the number of intervals which the melody contains. Such 
part often begins with the second or third measure, the opening 
measures taking the form of an introduction, a custom which was 



1 Helmholtz, H. L. F., The Sensations of Tone as a Physiological Basis for the Theory of Music (translated 
by A.J. Ellis), pp. 260, 261, 2d ed., London, ISSo. 



8 BUKEAU OF AMERICAIST ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

noted more fn^^uently among thc^ Chippewa than among the Sioux. 
Indian singers occasionally use much freedom in the arrangement of 
the phrases of a song in* its repetition. It is therefore considered 
advisable to analyze only the direct and simplest rendition of a song. 
A ''plot" of each melody is also made, as described and illustrated 
on pages 51-54. 

The words of certain songs are in a "sacred (esoteric) language," 
which disguises their meaning. See words of Mide' songs in Bulletin 
45'; also footnote, page 120 of this work. 

In the present volume the use of cross-references, which are found 
in Bulletin 53, is discontinued, and in their place will be found ref- 
erences to the analysis of the first song containing the peculiarity 
under consideration. Thus if a rest occurs in a song there will be 
found a reference to the analysis of song No. 79, which contains a 
list of all songs in which rests appear. The writer commends the 
use of the index of this book and of that of Bulletin 53 to those 
who wish to study the analyses closely. Songs can be traced also in 
the following manner: Let us suppose a reader is seeking songs from 
which the third tone of the octave is lacking. By. consulting the 
index of Bulletin 53 a reference is found to page 5, on which the 
persistence of the third and fifth is considered; also, to the songs in 
both Bulletin 45 and Bulletin 53, from which the third is lacking. 
Full treatment of a peculiarity is usually given with the analysis of 
the first song in which it occurs, but in this instance it is given in 
connection with other peculiarities in Bulletin 53, song No. 53, page 
140. It was there noted that more than one-half of the entir(^ group 
were songs concerning or sung by women, but the proportion of Avomen 
singers is much larger in the ]:> resent series, while the proportion of 
songs lacking the third is much smaller (see annlysis of song No. 22). 
Another method of tracing songs is by means of the tabulated analy- 
ses. Thus a student in search of songs from which the third tone of 
the octave is lacking would turn to Table 6, pages 21-23 of Bulletin 
53, note the classes in which such songs are found, and trace them 
through the tabulated analyses of these several classes. This is the 
more interesting of the two methods, as it shows the irequency of its 
occurrence and also suggests a relation between the peculiarity under 
consideration and the class of the song in which it occurs. Having 
noted that the omission of the third occurs in only 3.5 per cent of 
the Chippewa songs, the student ascertains in the same way from 
the present work on Sioux songs that it is abs(>.nt from only 5, less 
than 1 per cent of these songs. The tal^ulated, as well as the descrip- 
tive, analyses are intended to assist a careful, intelligent observation 
of Indian music. Both the means used and the results attained 
should be understood as anticipating a broader as well as a more 



DENSMORB] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 9 

intensive view of the subject when the study of Indian music shall 
have been more fully developed. 

The purpose of the descriptive analysis following each song is to 
suggest a method of critically obsei-ving Indian music. No single 
analysis is intended to draw attention to every peculiarity of the song. 
One who becomes accustomed to a systematic observation of Indian 
songs may detect other peculiarities. It is possible that in some 
instances another keynote may be regarded as more satisfactory 
than the one which is designated. Some songs are so strictly har- 
monic in form that onJy one tone can be regarded as a keynote, but 
others are so freely melodic that they could be harmonized in more 
than one key. The melodies are regarded primarily as a succession 
of vocal sounds from which by the test of the ear the writer selects 
one which is reasonably satisfactory as a keynote. If more than one 
tone can be regarded as keynote, that one is selected which is simplest 
in its apparent key relation to the song as a whole. In two instances 
(Nos. 108, 166) the songs are classified as "irregular." The use of 
the term ''key" throughout this work should be understood as a 
matter of convenience rather than as an indication that, in the 
opinion of the writer, there exists a fuUy established "key" in 
the sense of the term as used by musicians. It wiU be noted that in 
Table 1 the word "tonality" is used in preference to ''key." 

As an aid to the singing of these songs the writer would emphasize 
the importance of rhythm, suggesting toward this end that the rhythm 
of a song be mastered before the melody is played on a piano or other 
tuned instrument. Tap out the rhythm witli a pencil, or, better still, 
master it mentally, then hum the song softly with intervals as nearly 
correct as possible. Play the song on a tuned instrument in ord(M- to 
test the intervals, but the song, regarded as a native melody, can best 
be reproduced vocally, either without accompaniment or (if the song 
is simply harmonic in form) with one or two chords to sustain the 
voice. 

The musical customs of the Sioux do not differ materially from 
those of the Chippewa; for instance, there are the same reticence 
concerning old ceremonial and "medicine" songs, the same acknowl- 
edged ownership of personal songs, and the same custom of replacing 
in a war song the name of a liaK-forgotten hero with that of a new 
favorite. Among the Sioux, however, there seems to be more freedom 
in the rhythm of the drum. The Chippewa had drum-rhythms which 
were invariably used with certain classes of songs, but tliis feature 
seems to be more variable among the Sioux, except that the drum 
is always beaten in a rapid tremolo during "medicine" songs (as 
in the treatm(»nt of the sick), and also by a man when relating his 
dreams. The several drum-rhythms are shown in connection with 



10 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bfll. ei 

their first occurrence, in Nos. 5, 6, 8, 12, 19, 64. In Nos. 12 and 13 
the metric unit of drum and voice are in the ratio 2 to 1, suggesting 
points of coincidence, but the occasional prolonging or shortening of 
tones by the voice is such as to prevent a mechanical relation between 
the two. In many instances the tempo of the drum appears entirely 
independent of that of the voice. The illustration on page 110 shows 
the seeming lack of relation between drum and voice in No. 8, but in 
this, as in the simple ratio, the slight variability of the voice should 
be taken into account. In No. 125 the drum was struck with a 
clearness which made it possible to transcribe its beats throughout 
the song. In this instance the drum and voice coincided on the first 
of the measure, but the drum-rhythm was broken. In a few songs 
the drum and voice were at variance during the song until the closing 
measures, in which they coincided. These were songs in which the 
drumbeat was in quarter-note values, and this "swinging together" 
of voice and drum is noted in the descriptive analyses. 

At any gathering there is one man who acts as leader of the singers, 
who sit around the drum. The number at the drum varies with the 
size of the gathering; if a large number are dancing the singers sit as 
close as possible around the drum, each man beating the drum as he 
sings. Sometimes as many as 10 men can ''sit at the drum." A 
singer of recognized ability may, if he likes, bring a decorated drum- 
stick of his own, but the common custom is for the drummers to use 
ordinary drumsticks consisting of sticks wound at the end with cloth. 
If a singer at the drum becomes weary he lays down his drumstick, 
whereupon someone who has been dancing, or sitting with the spec- 
tators takes liis place. It was said that "the leader starts every song, 
and if it is an easy song the others commence right away, but if it is 
new and hard they begin more carefully." Most of the songs may be 
sung an indefinite number of times, the leader giving a signal for the 
close by two sharp taps on the drum, after which the song is sung 
only once. 

Sioux women usually sing with the men during the dancing songs ; 
this is not the custom among the Chippewa. The Sioux women sit 
on the ground, forming a circle back of the drummers, and sing in a 
liigh falsetto, an octave above the men. In three instances (Nos. 201, 
203, and a duplication of 173) the part sung by the women is shown 
in the transcription. Several other songs were recorded in this 
manner, but the transcription of each is from a subsequent rendition 
by a man singing alone. 

Among the Sioux as well as among the Chippewa, variations in 
either time or intonation are found more often in unimportant than 
in important parts of a song. 

It was said that there were ''different ways of ending songs," and 
that "a man coidd teU the kind of song bv the way it ended." The 



DENSMOREl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 11 

writer therefore sought more definite information on this point, con- 
sulting Used-as-a-Shield and other old-time singers. They said 
there were two ways, one being "to stop short" and the other ''to 
let the tone die away gradually." On being asked which kinds of 
songs were ended in each of these ways they could not give a definite 
answer at once, and requested time to consider it. After several 
days they said that they had ''tried over many old songs and found 
that they always stopped short when they sang such songs as the 
grass-dance, buffalo-dance, and Crow-owner's society songs," and 
that they ''trailed off the tone" when singing war songs and similar 
songs. 

Among the Sioux were found many songs which could be used on 
different occasions. Tims the songs in honor of a warrior could be 
sung when begging for food before his lodge, as weU as at the victory 
dances and at meetings of societies. The songs of those who went 
to seek a suitable pole for the sun dance were used also by those who 
went to look for buffalo or for the enemy. Hence it did not seem 
appropriate to base a comparative study of these songs on their use, 
as was done with the Chippewa songs. A better basis for comparison 
seemed to be the age of the song, and accordingly the songs were 
divided into two groups, the first and larger comprising songs believed 
to be fnuii 50 to 100 years old and the second those less than 50 years 
old. In addition to these comparative tables (pp. 12-21) the anal- 
j^ses at the close of each section are continued, for convenience of 
observation. 

It is not so difficult to judge the age of a song as might be imagined. 
For instance, the last Sun dance was held more than 30 years ago, 
and a man who sang the ceremonial songs at that time said that he 
learned them when a young man from an aged man who was taught 
them in his youth. Such songs are undoubtedly more than a century 
old. In like manner, if a man about 70 years of age sings a song which 
he says that his father received in a dream when a youth and which he 
used in treating the sick, the song is evidently to be classed among 
the older songs. On the other hand, it is known that the Strong 
Heart society was organized among the Standing Rock Sioux only 
about 50 years ago, and that the White Horse Riders is a modern 
organization. The songs of both these societies are therefore com- 
paratively modern songs, but the songs of the Miwa'tani are placed 
in the older group, as there was a certain ceremony connected with 
their initiation of new members, one of the ceremonial songs being 
preserved. The songs of the Crow-owners are also included with the 
older songs, as this was shown to be a society of more than 50 years 
standing, and only a few of its songs were remembered. Songs con- 
taining mention of a rec(>nt custom are manifestly modem. 



Tabulated Analysis of 240 Sioux Songs 



MELODIC ANALYSIS 

Table 1.— TONALITY i 





Group I.- 
Old songs. 


Group II.3 
Comparatively 
modern songs". 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number, 


Per cent. 




57 


39 

60 

1 


36 

57 


39 
61 


93 

145 

2 


39 




88 
2 


60 




1 










Total 


147 




93 




240 











1 Since we are considering music of a period in whichi what we now designate scales and keys was not 
formulated, the terms "major tonality " and "minor tonality " are used in preference to the common terms 
"major key" and "minor key." Tonnlity is defined as "the quality and peculiarity of a tonal system" 
(Standard Dictionary, 1905 ed.), and key as "a scheme or system of notes or tones definitely related to 
each other" (The Oxford Dictionary, vol. 5, 1901). 

3 This group comprises songs a majority of which are believed to be 50 to 150 years old. (Sec p. 22.) 
3 This group comprises songs a majority of which are believed to be less than 50 years old. (See p. 23.) 

Table 2.— FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 


. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Beginning on the— 


1 

19 
6 

15 
5 

29 
1 
2 

4.5 
2 

10 
1 
9 
2 








1 
28 

7 
23 

9 
56 

1 

3 
69 

3 
18 

3 
17 

2 




Twelfth 


13 
4 

10 
4 

20 


27 


10 
1 

8 

4 

30 


12 


Eleventh 


3 


Tenth 


10 


Ninth 


4 


Octave . . . 


23 






Sixth 1 


1 

31 

1 


21 

2 

8 


1 
25 

1 
s 

1 

8 


1 


Fifths 


29 


Fourth 3 


1 


Third 4 


8 


Second '■ 


1 


Keynote 


6 

1 


7 




1 










Total 


147 




93 




240 













' Songs beginning on the submediant and having a compass of less than 13 tones. 

2 Songs beginning on the dominant and having a compass of less than 12 tones. 

3 Songs beginning on the subdominant and having a compass of less than 11 tones. 
* Songs beginning on the mediant and having a compass of less than 10 tones. 

6 Songs beginning on the supertonic and having a compass of less t han 9 tones. 



12 



densmorb] TETON" SIOUX MUSIC 

MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 3.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



13 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. ' Per 


•ent. 


Niunber. 


Per pent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Ending on the^ 

Fifth 


-If) 
21 
79 
2 




n 

.")4 

1 


29 
U 
.')0 


:U 
15 
54 


74 

3.^. 

129 

2 


:u 


Third 


1.') 


Keynote 


.'■|4 




1 












Total .. 


1-17 






93 




240 

















Table 4.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 



^ 


Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Songs in which final tone is— 


UC 


9.! 


7il 


82 


212 


ss 


Highest tone in song 




Immediafely preceded by— 

Major third below 






1 
2 

1 

3 

1 

4 


1 

2 
5 

1 

1 
4 


1 
2 

4 
4 

2 




Minor third below 






1 


"Whole tone below 


2 
2 

1 

3 

1 
2 


2 
2 




' Semitone below 


1 


Songs containing a fourth below the final 
tone 


2 


Songs containing a major third below the 
final tone 


2 




Songs containing a minor third below the 
final tone 


2 




2 


1 








Total 


147 




93 




3-10 











Table 5.— NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs". 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Compass of— 

Seventeen tones 


1 
4 

11 
30 

t; 

24 




2 
1 
6 

11 
3 

15 


2 

1 
(\ 

12 
3 

16 


3 

5 

17 

41 

9 

39 


1 


Fourteen tones 


3 

8 
21 

4 
16 


2 


Thirteen tones 


7 


Twelve tones 


17 




4 




16 







14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 5.— NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG— continued 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively Total, 
modern songs. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Compass of— continued 


15 
49 
3 
4 


10 

2 
3 


13 

34 

1 

4 

1 
2 


14 

37 
1 
4 
1 
2 


28 
S3 
4 
8 
1 
2 


12 


Eight tones 


35 


Seven tones 


2 


Six tones 


3 












1 










Total . 


147 




93 




240 1 













Table 6.— TONE MATERIAL 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


First five- toned scale 


1 
16 
30 

1 








1 

31 

43 

1 

1 

4 

H 

2 

1 

30 

1 

14 

20 

16 

1 

1 

5 

1 

9 
12 
2 




Second five-toned scale 


11 
21 


15 
13 


16 
14 


13 


Fourth five-toned .scale 


1« 


Major triad 


Major triad and seventh 




1 
4 
3 


•1 
4 ' 
3 




Major triad and sixth 






' 2 


Major triad and second 


5 
2 

1 
17 


3 
1 


3 


Minor triad 


1 


Minor triad and seventh 








Minor triad and fourth 


■ 12 


13 
1 

10 


14 
1 
8 
8 

11 


12 


Minor triad and second 




Octave complete 


7 
13 

6 

1 

1 

2 

1 

9 

1 


5 
9 
4 


6 


Octave complete except seventh 


8 


Octave complete except seventh and sixth. 

Octave complete except seventh, sixth, 

and fourth 


7 


Octave complete except .seventh, fifth, and 
second 










Octave complete except seventh and 
fourth 1 


1 


3 


3 


2 


Octave complete except seventh and tliird . 




Octave complete except seventh and sec- 
ond 


5 

7 


2 
3 

1 


2 
3 
1 


i 


Octave complete except si.xth 


5 


Octave complete except sixth and fourth. 


1 



1 These songs are minor in tonality, the mediant being a minor third above the tonic and the submediant 
a minor sixth above the tonic. In the fourth five-toned scale the seventh and fourth tones of the octave 
are likewise omitted, but the third and si.xth intervals are major and the songs are major in tonality 
(see analysis oi song No. 83, Bulletin 53). 



DENS more] 



TETON" SIOUX MUSIC 



15 



MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 6.— TONE MATERIAL— continued 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Octave complete except sixth and second. 
Octave complete except sixth, fifth, and 


3 

1 
1 
1 

2 


2 


1 


1 


4 

1 

I 
1 

10 
3 

1 
11 

1 
1 
2 


2 


Octave complete except sixth and tliird . . 
Octave complete except fifth and second . . 


















5 

1 


3 

1 
1 
3 

1 


3 
1 

1 
3 
1 


4 


Octave complete except fourth and second . 


1 


Octave complete except second 


S 


l\ 


5 


Minor third and fourth 




First, fourth, and fiftli tones 


1 
2 






Other combinations of tones 


1 






1 




1 




Total 


147 




93 




240 











Table 7.— ACCIDENTALS 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Songs containing — 

No accidentals 


123 
4 


N4 
3 


73 
6 
3 
1 
2 
1 


78 
i; 

3 

I 
I 


19(1 
10 
3 
1 
fi 
3 
1 
3 

1 
5 
3 
3 

1 
2 


H2 




4 


Sixth raised a semitone 


1 


Sixth and third raised a semitone 










4 
2 

1 
1 

1 

4 
2 
2 
1 


3 
1 


2 


Second raised a semitone 


1 


Fourth and seventh raised a semitone. 




Seventh lowered a semitone 






2 


2 


1 


Seventh and fourth lowered a semi- 
tone 






Sixth lowered a semitone 


3 

1 
1 


1 
1 
1 
1 

1 


1 

1 
1 
1 

1 


„ 


Fourth lowered a semitone 


1 


Third lowered a semitone 


1 


Second lowered a semitone 


1 


Third and second lowered, and fourth 








2 


1 


1 


Total 










147 




93 




240 











16 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

MELODIC ANALYSIS — COlltillUed 

Table 8.— STRUCTURE 



[bull. 61 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 




99 
28 
18 
2 


67 
19 
12 
1 


59 
19 
1.5 


63 
21 
16 


158 

47 

33 

2 


66 


Melodic with harnionic framework ^ 


20 
14 




1 










Total ... 


147 




93 




240 













' Songs are thus classifie:i it contiguous accented tones do not bear a simple chord-relation to each other. 
2 Songs are thus classified If only a portion of the contiguous accented tones bear a simple chord-relation 
to each other. 
' Songs are thus classified if contiguous accented tones bear a simple chord-relation to each other. 

Table 9.— FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Downward 


106 
41 


72 
28 


59 
34 


63 
37 


165 
75 


69 


Upward 


31 






Total 


147 




93 




240 













Table 10.— TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 





Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Total. 


Per cent. 


Downward 

Upward 


2,821 
1,624 


63 
37 


1,830 
1,050 


64 
36 


4,651 
2,674 


63 
37 


Total 


4,445 




2,880 




7,325 













Table 11.— INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 





Nuraber. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Total. 


Per cent. 


Interval of a— 

Major sixth 


1 

5 

IS 

300 

238 

831 

2 

1,254 

172 








1 

6 

26 

525 

343 

1,396 

5 

2,085 

264 




Minor sixth 




1 
8 
225 
105 
565 
3 
8;n 

92 






Fifth 






1 


Fourth 


10 

7 

29 


12 

5 
30 


11 


Major third 


7 


Minor third 


30 


Augmented second 






45 


45 
5 


45 


Minor second 


6 






Total 


2,821 




1,8,30 




4,651 













densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



17 



MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 12.— INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 



Group I. 



Number. Percent. 



Group II. 



Number. Percent 



Total. 



Number. I'er cent. 



Interval of a — 

Eleventh 

Tenth 

Ninth 

Octave 

Seventh 

Major sixth. . 
Minor sixth . 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major^hird.. 
Minor third . , 
Major second 
Minor second 

Total 



238 
174 
433 
495 
104 



55 
184 

97 
277 
323 

63 



1,624 \. 



1,050 



1 



6 

63 

13 
16 
30 
151 
422 
271 
710 
818 
167 



2,674 



Table 13.— AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL 



Number of 
songs. 



Group I.. 
Group II. 



147 
93 



Number of 
intervals. 



4,445 
2,880 



Number of 
semitones. 



12,864 
8,558 



niunber of 
semitones 

in an 
interval. 



2.89 
2.97 



Table 14.— KEY 



Key I— 

A major 

A minor 

B flat major 

B flat minor 

B major 

B minor 

C major 

C minor 

D flat major 

C sharp minor 

D major 

D minor 

E flat major 

E flat minor 

E major 

I The term " key " is here used in its broad sense, as applicable to nonharmouic j 



Group I. 



Number. 



10 



Per cent. 



Group II. 



Number. 



Per cent. 



Total. 



Number. 



Per cent. 



7 
, inclusive of modes. 



18 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

MELODIC ANALYSIS — contiriued 

Table 14. — KEY— continued 



[bl LL. 6t 



Key — continued 

E minor 

F major 

F minor 

G flat major... 
F sharp major. 
F sharp minor 

G major 

G minor 

A flat major... 
G sharp minor 
Irregular 

Total 



Group I. 
Old songs. 



Number. Per cent 



Group II. 
Comparativel}' 
modern songs". 



Number. Per cent 



Total. 



Niunber. Per cent 



Table 15.— PART OF MEASURE ON' WHICH SONG BEGINS ' 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Beginning on unaccented part of measure. 
Beginning on accented part of measure 


72 

75 


49 

51 


24 
69 


26 
74 


96 
144 


40 
60 


Total 


147 




93 




240 













Table 16.— RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


'I'olid. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


First measure in— 

2-4 time 


83 
60 
3 

1 


56 
41 
2 

1 


59 

34 


63 

37 


142 
94 
3 

1 


59 


3-4 time 


39 


4-8 time 


1 


5-8 time 






1 










Total 


147 




93 




240 













DENSMORKj TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 17.— CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS) 



19 





Group \. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modem songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 

9 

84 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Songs containing no change of time 

Songs containing a change of time 


9 
138 


6 
94 


10 
90 


18 
222 


8 
92 






Total 


147 




93 




240 













Table 18.— RHYTHM OF DRUM 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 




1 

26 

16 

2 

4 

11 


2 

43 

27 

3 

7 

18 






1 

. 42 

44 

2 
11 

22 
118 


1 


Eighth notes unaccented 2 


16 

28 


26 
45 


34 


Quarter notes unaccented ^ 


36 




2 


Eighth notes accented in groups of two ^. . 

Each beat preceded by an unaccented 
beat corresponding to third count of a 
triplet • 


7 

11 
31 


11 

18 


9 
18 




87 




Total . 








147 




93 




240 













1 See No. 64. 

2 See No. 19. 

3 See No. 6. 

' Excluded in computing percentage. 



< See No. 12. 
' See No. 8. 
• See No. 5. 



Table 19.— RHYTHMIC UNIT 1 OF SONG 



Group I . 
Old songs. 



Number. Percent 



Group II. 
Comparatively 
modem songs. 



Number. Per cent 



Total. 



Number. Percent 



Songs containing — 

No rhythmic unit 

One rhythmic unit 

Two rhythmic units. . 
Three rhythmic units. 
Four rhythmic units. . 
Five rhythmic units . . 



71 
139 

25 
3 
1 
1 



Total . 



147 



93 



240 



' For the purpose of this analysis a rhythmic unit is defined as a group of tones of various lengths, 
usually comprising more than one count of a measure, occurring more than twice in a song, and having an 
evident influence on the rhythm of the entire song. 



20 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table. 20.— METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)i 



[BULL. 61 





Ciroup I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparalively 
modern songs. 


Tohll. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Metronome— 

48 


1. 

3 

3 

1 

3 

5 

6 

5 

9 

10 
10 
12 
12 

6 
13 
10 

8 

4 








1 
3 
3 
3 
5 
9 




52 


2 
2 






1 


54 






1 


C6 


2 
2 
4 
6 
11 
1 
5 

in 

9 
3 
6 
6 
5 
3 
3 
5 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 


2 
2 
4 
6 

12 
1 
5 

11 

10 
1 
6 
6 
5 
3 

. 3 
5 
2 

1 
1 
1 

1 


1 


58 


2 
3 
3 
3 
6 

7 
9 
9 
3 
9 
7 
6 
2 


2 


60 


4 


63 


12 i 5 


66 


16 1 6 


69 


10 '. 4 


72 


1.5 
20 
21 
15 

12 
19 
15 
11 

5 
5 
5 
1 
4 
4 
2 

3 
3 
.5 
1 


6 


76 


8 


80 


8 


84 


6 


88 


5 


92.. 


8 


96 


6 


100 


2 


104 


3 




2 


112.. 


3 
4 


2 

2 


2 




2 


120 






3 
3 

3 

3 
2 
1 


2 
2 


1 


132 


1 






144 


2 

1 


2 
1 


2 




1 


168 


1 


176 


3 


3 


2 


192 














Total 


147 




93 




240 













' This refers only to the tempo in which a song begins. For a consideration of changes of tempo in these 
songs see analysis of song No. 5. 

Table 21.— METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 





(iroup I. 
Old songs. 


• '■roup II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


J 

Metronome- 

56 






2 
4 
3 

5 


3 

6 
5 

S 


4 
4 
5 

1 


9 


60 






3 


63 


1 


2 


3 


66 


4 


69 


1 


2 













densmuke] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

MELODIC ANALYSIS — COlltillUed 

Table 21.— MP:TRIC UNiy OF DRUM (TP:m:I'())— contimie'l 



21 





Group I . 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


'I'otal. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Metronome— coutimied 


■t 

1 

() 

3 


.5 

s 
10 

11 

5 


4 

4 

") 
3 
4 
3 
t 

5 

1 

■ 2 


(i 
11 

(i 
8 
5 

t; 

5 
() 

8 

3 


5 

7 
11 

5 
10 

9 
11 

.") 

5 

T) 

1 
4 
4 
3 

3 
5 


4 


76 


(j 


SO 


9 


S4 


4 


88 


8 


92 


8 


yt; 


9 


100 


4 


10-1 . 


6 


108 . 


4 


112 


1 
3 

1 
4 
4 

2 
3 


2 
5 
3 
2 
7 
7 
3 
3 
5 
3 


2 


ll(i 


4 


120 


2 


120 








132 






3 


138 , 






3 


144 


1 


2 


2 


152 


2 


160 






2 








4 


176 


3 
31 


5 






87 




lis 












Total 


147 




93 




240 













Table 22.— COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM (TEMPO) 





Group I. 
Old songs. 


Group II. 
Comparatively 
modern songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Drum and voice having the same metric 


29 
19 
12 

87 


48 
32 
20 


47 

5 

10 

31 


76 
8 
16 


76 
24 
22 

118 


62 




20 




18 










Total 


147 




93 




240 













4840°— Bull. 61- 



• Excluded in computing percentage. 

-18 4 



Comparison Between Old and Comparatively Modern Sioux 

Songs ^ 

The songs comprised in the first group, almost without exception, 
were recorded hy men 65 to SO years of age. These men said they 
learned the songs or received them in dreams wlien they were young. 
A number of the songs comprised in the second group were also 
recorded by old men, but were said to be comparatively modern 
songs. The remaining songs were recorded by young men who now 
"sing at the drum" when the Sioux assemble. These songs rep- 
resent a distinct phase of Sioux music, which should not be omitted 
from a general consideration of the subject. 

Music may perhaps be said to be the last element of native cidture 
remaining in favor among the Sioux. It is interesting to note that 
songs are being composed by them at the present time. Many of 
these are love songs, others are "praise songs" or songs of a general 
character. It is unnecessary to state that all are social songs, the 
use of songs for ceremony, war, societies, and the hunt having 
passed away. Many of the younger Indians among both Chippewa 
and Sioux find much pleasure in recording their songs on phonographs 
which they tliemselves possess. The writer was informed that among 
the Standing Rock Sioux "an Indian who owns a phonograph usu- 
ally has at least a hundred records of Indian songs. He and his 
friends make them and enjoy them much more than the commercial 
records. Some even make these records for sale among their people." 
The songs are usually recorded by several singers, while others at the 
same time give sharp yells or short exclamatory sentences. Wliile 
such records are not adapted for the study of individual songs, they 
are an evidence of the Indian's continued pleasure in his music and 
of his readiness to adapt the means of civilization to an end which is 
pm-ely native. Thus Red Fox caused a song to be composed m 
honor of Two White Buffalo, and, in order that the song might be 
accurately preserved, he requested that two phonographic records 
be made by the Indians who composed the song, these duplicate 
records to be kept in widely separated localities, so that, if accident 
befell one of them, the song .would stiU be preserved in its original 
form. At a later date this song was recorded by the writer and 
appears as No. 222 of this volume. 

Group I. — This group contains 147 songs believed to be from 50 
to 150 years old, and comprises the following songs: (1) Ceremonial 

1 See p. 11. 
22 



DHNgMORKl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 23 

songs used in the Hur)ka and Spirit-keeping ceremonies and in th(^ Sun 
dance ;^ (2) Songs concerning personal dreams; ^ (3) Songs concerning 
the sacred stones;^ (4) Songs used in the treatment of the sick;* (5) 
Songs of the Dream societies named for animals/'' consisting of men 
who had dreamed of the same animal. These societies were the 
Buffalo, Elk, and Horse societies. (6) A group of war songs which 
were b(4ieved to be more than 50 years old, inclu(hng those of the 
Miwa'tani and Kaqgi'yuha societies.'^ 

Group II. This group contains 93 songs, a majority of which are 
believed to be less than 50 years old, and comprises the following 
divisions: (1) Songs of those military societies which are compara- 
tively recent among the Teton Sioux. These are the Fox, Strong 
Heart, and Badger societies, and the White Horse Kidei-s. The fox, 
coyote, and wolf songs are so closely related that it is impossible to 
draw definite lines between them, but as a compromise the songs 
said to be Fox society or Coyote society songs are placed in this 
group, while the wolf songs (this being a common term for all war 
songs) ar(^ placed in the older group. In this division are included 
the incidental war songs and dancing songs used in the Sun dance, 
and those songs in honor of an individual which were sung to melodies 
of the military societies. Tliis division comprises 32 songs.^ (2) 
Songs of the buffalo hunt, together with council and Chief songs, one 
of the latter being sung at the Sun dance.* (3) All songs not other- 
wise classified. The first of these are three unclassified songs in the 
Sun dance — Song of Final Visit to the Vapor Lodge, Noon song, and 
Song concerning the Sun and Moon (Nos. 18, 24, 25). In this division 
are also the songs of various dances and games, those songs in honor 
of an individual which were sung to dance melodies, and the miscel- 
laneous songs recorded at Sisseton, S. Dak.^ 

A comparison of the analyses of these two gi'oups is shown in tables 
on the preceding pages. The percentage of major and minor songs 
is the same in the two groups, except that the older group contains 
two songs the keynote of which is so uncertain that they are classi- 
fied as "irregular." The percentage of songs beginning on th(> 
twelfth and fifth is 44 in the older songs and 35 in the modern 
songs, but the proportion beginning on the octave is 10 per cent 

' Nos. 1, 2, 3, 1, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 36; total 15. 

» Nos. 37-58, inclusive; total 22. 

3 Nos. 59-78, inclusive; total 20. 

* Nos. 79-94, inclusive; total 16. 

'^ Nos. 95-113, inclusive; total 19. 

6 Nos. 122-179, inclusive, except No. 178, which is a song of the Fox society, and is included in the second 
group. 

' Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 3.'>, 114, 11,5, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 
178, 223, 224, 225, 231 ; total, 32. 

8 Nos. 5, 180-194, inclusive; total, 16. 

« Nos. 18, 24, 25, 196-240, inclusive, except Nos. 223, 224, 225, 231. 



24 BUREAU OS^ AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill, ei 

greater in tlic inoderii songs. Curiously, tho percentage ending on 
the kepiote and fifth is identical in the two groups. The modern 
songs show a smaller proportion of songs in which the final tone 
is the lowest in the song, the whole tone and the minor third 
below the final tone being used in several instances. The propor- 
tion of songs on the five-toned scales is 32 per cent in the older 
and 30 per cent in the more modern songs, while next in number 
are songs containing only the minor triad and fourth, which show a 
difference of but 2 per cent in tlie two groups. The first important 
point of difference is that the older songs show a much larger pro- 
portion having a range of 12 or more tones, the percentage having 
10 tones being the same, the modern group has the larger percentage 
of songs which are harmonic in structure. This suggests less freedom 
in musical expression as the Indian feels himself coming under the 
restrictions of civilization and is of interest in that connection. 

A larger proportion of accidentals is found in the newer songs, the 
tones most frequently affected being the sixth and seventh. In 
structure th(^ modern group shows a larger proportion of harmonic 
songs, this feature being in accord with the stronger feeling for the 
octave as an initial tone and with the reduction of the compass of the 
songs. The modern group shows also a much smaller proportion of 
songs with the first progression downward, and we recall the steadily 
descending trend of melody as an acknowledged characteristic of 
primitive song. Yet in total number of progressions the proportion 
of ascending and descending intervals differs by only 1 per cent in the 
two groups. In the older songs the average number of intervals is 30, 
and in the more modern 31.3, a difference too slight to be of impor- 
tance. The average interval in the modern songs is slightly the 
larger, but the difference is less than a tenth of a semitone. The 
smallest average interval (2.5 semitones) is that of the ''buffalo 
hunt, council, and Chief song" group, while the largest (3.5 semi- 
tones) is that of the ceremonial songs. The key or pitch of the 
songs constitutes perhaps the least important of the tables; in this 
respect we note that the groups show no marked differences, the 
pitch of the song being somewhat a matter of adaptation to the 
compass of the singer's voice. 

Table 15 shows a contrast which might be connected with the 
change from the older to the modern life of the Indians, the old 
songs having 51 per cent beginning on the accented part of the 
measure and the new songs having 74 per cent beginning on the 
accent. This suggests directness and the same psychological factor, 
which may account for the increase of songs harmonic in form. The 
newer group shows an increase in the proportion of songs which 
begin in 2-4 time and a slight decrease in the percentage of songs 
having a change of measure-lengths. Table 18 shows the newer songs 



DBNSMORK] TETON RTOTTX MTTSTC 25 

to contain a decrease in those having the drumbeat in unaccented 
eighth-note vahies, in many instances approaching a tremolo, and 
a large increase in the proportion having the drumbeat in quarter- 
note values, this being a sharp, definite stroke and, of course, less 
rapid than the preceding. The proportion containing one rhythmic 
unit is the same in the two groups, but the newer songs show a large 
increase in the proportion having two or more rhythmic units, 
evidencing a development of the rhythmic sense. A comparison of 
the metric unit (tempo) of the voice shows no material differences, 
l)ut in the following table is noted a decided decrease in the metric 
unit of the drum. Table 22 shows the percentage of old songs in 
which voice and drum have the same metric unit to be 48, and that 
of the new songs as 76, a difference of 58 per cent. This is the more 
interesting, as in this table the deduction of the songs recorded 
without drum causes the percentage to be reckoned on a total of 60 
in the first and 62 in the second group. 

Summarizing briefly the results of a comparison of the old and the 
more modem Sioux songs, we find in the percentages a reduction in 
the compass of the songs with an increase of harmonic form and of 
accidentals; a more direct attack (shown by the increase of songs 
beginning on the accented part of the measure) an increase of songs 
beginning in 2-4 time; and also in songs without a change in time. 
We find a change m the drumbeat from a rapid and somewhat 
tremolo beat to a quarter-note value, with a reduction in the tempo 
of the drum and an increase in the proportion of songs in which the 
tempo of voice and drum is the same. We note further a develop- 
ment of the rhythmic sense in song construction, shown by the increase 
in the number of songs having two or more rhythmic units. These 
contrasts between the two groups of songs may suggest a comiection 
between the Indians' maimer of life and the form of their musical 
expression, or they may be regarded as an effect of contact with the 
more conventional music of the white race. These and similar obser- 
vations await further comparative study of Indian songs. 



Tabulated Analysis of 600 Indian Songs (Chippewa and Sioux) 



MELODIC analysis 

Table 1a.— TONALITY i 





Chippewa songs. 2 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa.3 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Major tonality 

Minor tonality 

Beginning major, end- 


195 
142 

2 

1 


57 
42 

1 


11 

9 


55 
45 


93 
145 


39 

60 


299 
296 

2 

1 

2 


50 
49 


Beginning minor, end- 




















2 


1 














Total 


340 




20 




240 




600 















• Since we are considering music of a period in which what we now designate scales and keys was not 
formulated, the terms " major tonality " and "minor tonality " are used in preference to the common terms 
"major key" and "minor key." (See p. 12.) 

2 See Bulletin 53, pp. 18-33. 

3 The songs comprised in this group are those of the Drum-presentation ceremony, analyzed on pp. 
181-183 of Bulletin 53. 

Table 2a.— FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux 


songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Beginning on the— 










1 




1 

4 

135 

11 

49 
25 

123 
8 
13 

144 
10 
30 
12 
33 
2 




Thirteenth 


4 
105 

3 
24 
16 
61 

6 
10 
72 

10 
9 
13 


1 

31 
1 
7 
5 

18 
2 
3 

21 
2 
3 
3 
4 










Twelfth 


2 
1 
2 


10 
5 
10 


28 

7 
23 

9 
56 

1 

3 
69 

3 
18 

3 
17 

2 


12 
3 

10 
4 

23 


23 


Eleventh 

Tenth 


2 
8 


Ninth 


4 


Octave 


6 

1 


30 
5 


21 


Seventh 


1 


Sixth 


1 

29 

1 

S 
1 
7 
1 


2 


Fifth 


3 


15 


24 


Fourth 


1 


Third 


2 


10 


5 


Second 


2 


Keynote 


3 


15 


5 


Irregular 








i 




Total 


340 




20 




240 




600 















26 



dexsmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



27 



MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 3a.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Ending on the— 
Fifth... 


75 
36 
229 


22 

a 

67 


6 
1 
13 


30 

5 

65 


74 

35 

129 

2 


31 
15 
54 

1 


155 

72 

371 

2 


26 


Third 


12 


Keynote 


61 


Irregular 


















Total 


3-40 




20 i 


240 




600 

















Table 4a.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Songs in which final 
















tone is— 


















Lowest tone in 


















song 


307 


90 


18 


90 


212 


S8 


537 


90 


Highest tone in 


















song 


1 

1 
9 












1 

1 
9 




Immediately pre- 
ceded by- 
Fifth below.. 














Fourth below 


3 










1 


Major third 












below 


2 








1 




3 




Minor third 













below 


7 


2 






2 


1 


9 


1 


Whole tone 








below 


5 


2 






" 


3 


12 


2 


Semitone be- 








low 










3 


1 


3 




Whole tone 












below with 


















fourth be- 


















low in a pre- 


















vious meas- 


















ure 


1 












1 




Whole tone 














below with 


















sixth below 


















in a previ- 


















ous meas- 




















1 












1 




Songs containing a 
fourth below the 














final tone 


3 


1 






4 


2 


7 


1 



28 BUREAU OV AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

MELODIC ANALYSIS COllti lUied 

Table 4a.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG— continued 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Songs containing a 
major third below 
the final tone 










4 

5 
2 


2 

2 

1 


4 

10 
2 


1 


Songs containing a 
minor third below 
the final tone 

Irregular 


3 


1 


2 


10 


2 
















Total 


340 




20 




240 




600 















Table 5a.— NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 



• 


Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux 


songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Compass of^ 


















Seventeen tones. . 










3 
5 
17 
41 


1 
2 

7 
17 


3 

14 

46 

147 




Fourteen tones... 


9 

29 
103 


3 

8 
30 






2 


Thirteen tones... 






8 


Twelve tones 


3 


15 


25 


Eleven tones 


31 


9 


.5 


25 


9 


4 


45 


8 


Ten tones 


38 


11 


4 


20 


39 


16 


81 


14 


Nine tones 


IS 


6 


5 


25 


28 


12 


51 


9 


Eight tones ■. . 


71 


21 


2 


10 


S3 


35 


156 


25 


Seven tones 


16 
10 


5 
3 






4 

S 


2 
3 


20 
19 


3 


Six tones 


1 


5 


3 


Five tones 


13 
2 


4 






1 
2 


1 


14 
4 


2 


Four tones 


















Total 


' 340 




20 




240 




600 













Table 6a.— TONE MATERIAL 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


First five-toned scale. 


1 

40 

88 

2 

4 








1 


2 

74 

137 

2 
5 




Second five-toned 
scale 


12 
26 


3 
6 


15 
30 


31 13 
43 18 


12 


Fourth five-toned 
scale 


23 


Fifth five-toned 
scale 




Major triad 


1 






1 


1 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 6a.— TONE MATERIAL— continued 



29 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux 


sonfes. 


Total. 




Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Major triad and sev- 




















1 

■12 






1 

i 




2 
4<) 




Major triad and sixth . 
Major triad and 


12 




., 


^ 


















2 












2 




Major triad and sec- 
















3 

1 


1 






8 
2 


3 
1 


11 

3 


2 








Minor triad and sev- 












:5 

6 


1 

2 






1 




■1 
(i 


1 


Minor triad and sixth. 








1 


Minor triad and 












fourth 


IS 


6 


1 


5 


30 


12 


49 


8 


Minor triad and sec- 


















ond 


1 

19 








1 
14 




2 
35 




Octave complete 


6 


2 


10 


6 


6 


Octave complete ex- 


















cept seventh 


32 


9 


2 


10 


20 


S 


rA 


9 


Octave complete ex- 


















cept seventh and 


















sixth 


6 


2 






If. 


" 


22 


4 


Octave complete ex- 








cept seventh, sLxth, 


















and fourth 










1 




1 




Octave complete ex- 














cept seventh, fifth, 


















and second 










1 




1 




Octave complete ex- 














cept seventh and 


















fourthi 


4 


1 






.'i 


2 


9 


1 


Octave complete ex- 








cept seventh and 


















third 


1 








• 1 




2 




Octave complete ex- 












cept seventh and 


















second 


11 


3 


1 


5 


9 


4 


21 


i 


Octave complete ex- 


















cept sixth 


I.'') 


4 


2 


10 


12 


- 


29 




Octave complete ex- 


















cept sLxth and fifth. 






1 


5 






1 




Octave complete ex- 












cept sLxth and 


















fourth 


1 








2 


1 


3 




Octave complete ex- 










cept sixth and sec- 


















ond 


1 






4 


2 


5 


1 



• These songs are minor in tonality, the mediant being a minor third above the tonic and the sub- 
mediant a minor sixth above the tonic. (See p. 14, footnote.) 



30 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bill. 61 



MELODIC ANALYSIS — ^Continued 

Table 6a.— TONE MATERIAL— continued 





Chippewa songs. 


Siou-x songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Octave complete ex- 
cept sixth, fifth, 






1 


.■) 


1 

1 

1 
10 




2 

1 

1 
15 

1 

4 
1 

1 

21 

4 

1 

1 
1 
6 
^9. 




Octave complete ex- 
cept sixth and 
third 










Octave complete ex- 
cept fifth and sec- 














Octave complete ex- 
cept fourth 

Octave complete ex- 
cept fourth and 
third 


5 
1 

1 

1 


2 






4 


2 








Octave complete ex- 
cept fourth and sec- 








3 


1 


1 


Octave complete ex- 
cept third 

Octave complete ex- 
cept third and sec- 
ond 
















1 

11 

1 






Octave complete ex- 
cept second 


10 

1 


3 

1 






5 


4 


Minor third and 
fourth 






1 


First, second, and 
fifth tones 










First, fourth, and fifth 
tones 








1 






First, second, fourth, 
and fifth tones 


1 

6 
9 












First, second, fifth, 
and sixth tones .... 


2 
3 










1 


Other combinations 
of tones 


1 


5 


2 


1 


2 




-_ 




Total 


340 




20 




240 




600 















Tabi 


E 7a.— AC 


CIDENTALS 






Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Songs containing— 
No accidentals... 
Seventh raised a 
semitone 


288 
4 


85 
1 


18 
1 


90 


196 
10 


82 
4 


502 
15 


85 
2 



dknsmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



31 



MELODIC ANALYSIS COllthlUed 

Tabi e 7a.— accidentals— continued 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux 


.songs. 


1 

Total. 




Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent 


Number. 


Percent. 


Songs, containing — 


















continued 


















Sixth raised a 


















semitone 


9 


3 


1 


5 


3 


1 


13 


2 


Sixtli and tliird 


















raised a semi- 


















tone 










1 




1 




Fourtli raised a 














semitone 


2 


1 






6 


2 


8 


1 


Third raised a 








semitone 


1 












1 




Second raised a 
















3 


1 






3 


1 


6 


1 


Fourth and sev- 








enth raised a 


















semitone 


1 








1 




2 




Fourth raised a 












semitone and 


















second lowered 


















a semitone 


1 












1 




Second raised a 














semitone and 


















sixth lowered a 


















semitone 


1 
















Seventh lowered 














a semitone 


1 








3 


1 






Seventh and 










fourth lowered 


















a semitone 










1 








Sixth lowered a 














semitone... . 


16 


5 






5 


2 


21 


4 


Fifth lowered a 








semitone . 


1 
















Fourth lowered a 












semitone 


2 








3 


1 


5 




Third lowered a 










semitone 


3 


1 






3 


1 


6 


I 


Second lowered a 










6 


2 






2 


1 


8 


1 


Third and second 








lowered, and 


















fourth raised a 


















semitone 











1 




1 




Second, third. 












and sixth low- 




















1 












1 
2 




Irregular 










2 


1 














Total 


340 




20 




240 




600 















32 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 8a.— STRUCTURE 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Nmnber. 


Percent. 




222 

35 

83 


65 

10 
24 


17 
3 


85 
15 


1.58 

47 

33 

2 


66 

20 
14 
1 


397 

85 

116 

2 


66 


Melodic with harmo- 
nic framework 2 

Harmonic ■'. . . 


14 
19 


Irregular 




















Total 


340 




20 




240 




600 













1 Songs are thus classified if contiguous accented tones do not bear a simple chord-relation to each other. 

2 Songs are thus classified if only a portion of the contiguous accented tones bear a chord-relation to each 
other. 

3 Songs are thus classified if contiguous accented tones Ijear a simple chord-relation to each other. 

Table 9a.— FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Downward 


238 
102 


70 
30 


12 

8 


60 
40 


165 
75 


69 
31 


415 
185 


69 


Upward 


31 






Total 


340 




20 




240 




600 















Table 10a.— TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Niunber. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent.' 


Downward... 


5,422 
2,864 


65 
35 


346 
198 


64 
36 


4,651 
2,674 


63 
37 


10,419 
5,736 


64 


Upward 


36 






Total 


8,286 




544 




7,325 




16, 155 















Table 11 a.— INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Interval of ar— 

Twelfth 


1 
1 
2 
2 












1 
1 
2 
2 




Ninth 














Octave 














Seventh 















uknsmorh] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



33 



MELODIC ANALYSIS — coiitinued 

TablK llA.— intervals in downward progression— continued 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Nimiber. 


Percent. 


Interval of a— contd. 
Major sixth 


IJ 








1 

6 

26 

525 

343 

1,.396 

5 

2,085 

264 


1 
11 

7 
30 


13 

6 

SS 

968 

975 

3,334 

6 

4,755 

268 












Fifth 


r-,9 

421 

628 

1,824 


1 

s 
11 

:;4 


3 

22 

4 

114 

1 

198 

4 




1 




6 

1 

33 


9 


Major third 

Minor third 

Augmented sec- 


9 
32 


Major second 

Minor second 


2,472 


42 


57 


45 
6 


46 










Total 


5,422 




346 




4,651 




10,419 













Table 12a.— INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux 


songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Nimiber. 


Per cent. 


Interval of a— 
Fourteenth ... 


1 

17 
3 
4 
2 
43 
9 
47 


j 








1 

17 

4 

11 

10 

108 

22 

64 

33 

358 

841 

625 

1,561 

1,912 

169 




Twelfth 












Eleventh... 






1 

6 

6 

63 

13 

16 

30 

151 

422 

271 

710 

818 

167 






Tenth 




1 
2 
2 








Ninth.. . . 




1 
1 




o 


Octave 


1 


2 


2 






Major sixth 

Minor sixth 


2 


1 

11 
31 
9 
51 
So 






1 


1 
6 
16 

4 
26 
43 

1 


1 
6 
16 
10 
27 
31 
6 


1 


Fifth 


196 
388 
345 
800 
1,009 


7 
14 
12 
29 
35 


6 


Fourth 


15 


Major third 

Minor third 

Major second 


11 
27 
33 
3 









Total 


2,864 




198 




2,674 




5,736 













34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 13a.— AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL 



Chippewa songs 

Sioux songs of Drum-presentation ceremony, recorded 

by Chippewa 

Old Sioux songs 

Comparatively modem Sioux songs 

Total ..---- 



Number of 
songs. 



20 

147 
93 



Number of 
intervals. 



8,286 



,544 
4,445 



16, 155 



Number of 
semitones. 



25, 791 

1,592 
12,864 

8,558 



48, 805 



Average 

number of 

semiton&i 

in an 

interval. 



2.93 

2.89 
2.97 



3.02 



Table 14a.— KEY 



Key of 1— 

A major 

A minor 

B flat major 

B flat minor 

B major 

B minor 

C major 

C major 

D flat major 

C sharp minor . . . 

D major 

D minor 

E flat major 

E flat minor 

E major 

E minor 

F major 

F minor 

G flat major 

F sharp major . . . 

F sliarp minor . . . 

G major 

G minor 

A fiat major 

G sharp minor . . . 
Beginning major, end 

ing minor 

Begimiing minor, 

ending major 

Irregular 



Total. 



Chippewa song.s. 



Number. 



340 



Percent. 



Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 



Number. 



20 



Per cent. 



1 


5 


1 


5 


2 


10 


1 


5 


1 


5 



Sioux songs. 



Number. 



2 
240 



8 
8 


3 
3 


7 


3 


s 


3 


s 


3 


14 


fi 


3 
1 


1 


10 


4 


10 


4 


17 


7 


4 


2 


6 


2 



Number. 



Per cent. 



> The term " key " is here used in its broad sense, as applicable to nonharmonic music, inclusive of modes, 



uensmorbJ 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



35 



RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS 

Table 15a.— PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Numljer. 


Per cent. 


Beginning on iinac- 
accented part of 


109 

189 
42 


37 
' 63 


12 

S 


60 
40 


96 
144 


40 
60 


217 

■i41 
42 


39 


Beginning on ac- 
cented part of 
measure.. . . . 


61 


Transcribed in out- 
line 1 
















Total 


340 


20 




240 




600 

















Table 16a.— RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


First measure in — 

2-4 time 

2-2 time 


149 
2 
4 

120 


50 


9 


45 


142 


59 


3(H) 

4 
220 
3 
'J 
4 
13 
1 

42 


54 


3-S time 


2 

40 










1 


3-4 time 


6 


30 


94 
3 


39 

1 


39 


4-8 time 


1 


4-4 time 


9 
2 
9 
1 

2 

42 


3 






2 


5-Stime 


1 

4 


5 

20 


1 


1 


1 


5-4 time 


3 


2 


6-4 time 








7-4 time 














Transcribed in out- 
line ' 




























Total 


340 




20 




240 




600 















1 Excluded in computiug percentage. 



36 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS ConlillUecl 

Table 17a.— CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS) 



[BULL. 61 





Cliippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Songs containing I'.o 
change of time 

Songs containing a 
change of time 

Transcribed in out- 


t)9 
2L'9 
■42 


23 


1 

l!l 


5 
95 


18 
222 


8 
92 


88 
470 
42 


16 

S4 
















Total 


340 




20 




240 


' 600 

















Table ISa.— RHYTHM OF DRUM = 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


SioiLX songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Sixteenth notes unac- 










1 
42 

• 

44 
2 
11 

22 


1 

34 

30 

2 

9 

18 


1 

143 

56 

5 

21 

124 

2 

14 
234 




Eighth notes unac- 
cented 


89 

12 

1 

10 

96 

2 

14 
116 


40 
5 


12 


60 


40 


Quarter notes unac- 


15 


Half notes imac- 


2 


10 


1 


Eighth notes accented 
in groups of two . . . 

Each beat preceded 
by an unaccented 
beat corresponding 
to third count of 
triplet 


4 
43 

1 

6 


6 


6 


30 


34 


E ach beat followed by 
an unaccented beat 
corresponding to 
second coimt of trip- 
let 


1 


Each beat preceded 
by an unaccented 
beat corresponding 
to fourth count of 
group of four six- 










3 








118 








i 








Total 


340 


9(1 




240 




600 








I 









' Excluded in computing percentage. 

2 Examples of these rhythms are cited on p. 19, in foolnote. 

3 See BuUetin 53, p. 240. 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 19a.— RHYTHMIC UNIT i OF SONG 



37 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Percent. 

• 


Songs containing— 
Xo rhythmic unit. . 
One rhythmic unit. 
Two rhythmic units 
T h r ee rhythmic 
units 


107 

1S6 

4 

1 


36 

62 
1 


7 
10 
3 


35 
50 
15 


71 

139 
25 

3 

1 
1 


29 

57 
10 

1 


185 

335 

32 

4 

1 

1 

42 


33 

60 
6 

1 


Four rhythmic 










Five rhythmic 














Songs transcribed in 
outline 2 


42 

























Total 


340 


20 




240 




600 











1 For the piu-pose of this analysis a rhythmic un't i^ defined as a group of tones of various lengths, 
usually comprising more than one count of a measure, occvuring more than twice in a song, and having 
an evident influence on the rhythm of the entire song. 
2 Excluded in computing percentage. 

Table 20a.— METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO) 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux 


songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Nmnber. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Metronome — 

44 


1 












1 

1 

1 

5 

5 

4 

5 

18 

16 

21 

18 

31 

32 

35 

32 

32 

38 

37 

29 

28 

24 

23 




48 


i 




1 






50 


1 

2 
2 
1 












52 






3 

3 

3 

5 

9 

12 

16 

10 

15 

20 

21 

15 

12 

19 

15 

11 

7 

5 

5 


1 
1 
1 

4 
5 
6 
4 
6 
8 
8 
6 
5 
8 
6 
2 
3 
2 
2 




54 








56 








58 








60 


9 

4 

5 

8 

16 

11 

11 

14 

15 

16 

22 

18 

20 

18 

18 


3 
1 
2 
3 
5 
4 
4 
5 
5 
6 
7 
6 
7 
6 
6 






3 


63 






3 


66 






4 


69 






3 


72 






6 


76 


1 
3 
3 
5 
3 


5 
15 
15 
25 
15 


6 


80 


6 


84 . . .. 


6 


88 


6 


92.. 


7 


96 


7 


100 






5 


104 


1 
1 


5 
5 


5 


108 


4 


112 


4 



4840°— Bull. 61—1 



38 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS — COlltinued 
Table 20a.— METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)— continued 



[bill. 61 





Cliippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Nmnber. 


Per cent. 


Nimiber. 


Percent. 


Metronome— contd. 
116 


10 
14 

.■( 
2 

5 
9 
13 
3 
3 
5 
6 
2 
2 

37 


3 
5 

1 






5 
1 
4 
4 
2 
5 


2 


15 
16 
11 

4 

12 
5 

12 
16 
8 
5 
6 
6 
2 


3 


120 


1 


5 


3 


126 


1 

1 


2 


132 








138 








144 


2 

3 
■1 
1 
1 
2 
2 






2 


2 


152 






1 


160 






3 

3 


1 

1 
2 


3 


168 






3 


176 


1 
1 


5 




5 


1 


184 




192 


1 






200 










1 


208 












Rubato' 














Transcribed in out- 
line' 
























Total 


340 




20 




240 




600 













' Excluded in computing percentage. 
Table 21a.— METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 





Chippew 


•a songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux 


songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Metronome— 

56 










2 
4 
4 
5 
1 
5 
7 

11 
5 

10 
9 

11 
5 

5 
2 
5 
2 
1 


2 
3 
3 

4 


4 

4 

5 

1 

6 

10 

22 

10 

22 

28 

31 

20 

35 

30 

27 

27 

24 

14 




60 










1 


63 








1 


66 








1 


69 










72 


1 

2 

9 

4 

8 

15 

15 

15 

26 

25 

25 

21 

22 

13 






4 
6 
9 
4 
8 
8 
9 
4 
6 
4 

4 
2 


1 


76 '. 




1 
2 
1 
4 
4 
5 


5 
10 

5 

20 
20 
25 


3 


80 


4 
2 
2 

7 
7 
7 
11 
11 
11 
9 
10 
6 





84 


88 


6 

8 
8 
5 


92 


96 


100 


104 


2 10 


9 


108 


112 


, 




116 


1 


5 


„ 


120 


6 


126 






4 



dexsmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



39 



RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS — Continued 

Table 21a.— METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO)— continued 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Metronome — eontd . 
132 


13 
4 
2 

1 


6 

2 






1 
1 

3 

3 
5 


3 
3 

2 
2 
4 


17 
8 
5 
4 
4 
5 
1 
234 


5 


138 






2 


144 






1 


152 








1 


160 








1 


168 








1 


176 


1 
116 


















118 
















Total 


340 


•'0 


240 




600 















Table 22A.— COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM (TEMPO) 





Chippewa songs. 


Sioux songs re- 
corded by Chip- 
pewa. 


Sioux songs. 


Total. 




Number. 


Percent. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


Nimiber. 


Percent. 


Nmnber. 


Percent. 


Drum and voice hav- 
ing the same metric 


80 

103 

41 
116 


r,6 




35 


76 

24 

22 
118 


62 
20 

IS 


163 
138 


44 


Drum faster than 


46 11 


38 


Drum slower than 


18 2 1 10 


65 18 






1 


234 












Total 


340 




20 




240 




600 













1 Excluded in computing percentage. 



ANALYSIS OF SIOl^ AND CHIPPEWA SONGS 

The purpose of this chapter is to present in descriptive and diagram- 
matic form ' the more important data contained in the tabuhited 
analyses immediately preceding. 

Tahle lA. — In this table the songs are grouped according to tonahty, 
which is defined as "the quality or peculiarity of a tonal system.'' 
(See p. 12, footnote.) The first step in analyzing a song is the deter- 
mination of the keynote or tonic by observing the tones which occur 
in the song and their general progressions. The next step in the 
analysis is the determination of the tonality. In ascertaining this, if 
the song contains several tones, we observe especially the pitch of the 
third and sixth above the keynote, as these tones are a semitone lower 
in minor than in major tonality. The sixth is absent from 138 of the 
songs under analysis, while the third is absent from only 17 songs; the 
third is therefore the principal factor in judging the tonality of a 




. Irregular 



Major 



Minor 



Fig. J. Tonality. 



song. If the third is four semitones (a major third) above the key- 
note, the song is said to be major in tonality, and if three semitones 
(a minor third) above the keynote, minor in tonality. Classifying 
the songs according to this basis, we find 50 per cent major in tonality 
and 49 per cent minor, 1 per cent being irregular in form. (Fig. 1.) 

We usually associate a minor key with the idea of sadness, but this 
association of ideas does not appear to be present to the same degree 
in the mind of the Indians. It seems more probable that a preference 
for the major tonality shown in many groups of songs may be due to 
the fact that the major third is one of the more prominent overtones 
of a fundamental tone (see p. 41). Helmholtz states that the "minor 
triad is very decidedly less harmonious than the major triad, in con- 
sequence of the combinational tones, which must consequently be . . 
taken into consideration" ; ^ also that ''minor chords do not represent 

1 The wricer gratefully acknowledges her indebtedness to Dr. Ales Hrdli6ka, curator of physical anthro- 
pology, United States National Museum, far suggestions concerning the graphic methods used in the 
accompanying diagrams. 

2 Helmholtz, The Sensations of Tone (translated by A. J. Ellis), pt. 2, p. 214, London, I880. 

40 



DENSMOKE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 41 

the compound tone of their root as well as the major chords; their 
third, indeed, does not form any part of this compound tone."* In 
this connection it is observed that the tonality of a song does not 
determine its general character as much in Indian music as in that 
of the white race. The melodic feeling in many Chippewa and Sioux 
songs seems to be for the interval between successive tones, while 
the melodies of the white race are based upon "keys," which are 
groups of tones having a systematic and definite relation to a key- 
note. Subsequent analyses will show that the prevailing interval 
of progression in a song may be minor, though the interval between 
the kejmote and its third is major, thus giving a predominance of 
minor intervals in a song of major tonality.^ 

Table 2 A. — Before considering this phase of analysis let us recall 
certain fundamental principles of the musical system developed by 
the white race. In that system the tonic chord, or triad on the key- 
note, may be said to be the framework of the group of tones called 
a key. This chord is based on the laws of acoustics and comprises, 
if the chord be major, the first four overtones of the keynote or fun- 
damental tone. It is understood, of course, that the tone produced 
by a stretched string or other body capable of strong sympathetic 
vibration is a compound, not a simple sound. In addition to the 
tone produced by the vibrations of the entire body there are higher 
tones which are less distinct, but which can be perceived. These 
are called overtones, or upper partial tones. 

Helmholtz says: 

We must . . . not hold it to be an illusion of the ear, or to be mere imagination, 
when in the musical tone of a single note emanating from a musical instrument, we 
distinguish many partial tones. . . If we admitted this, we should have also to 
look upon the colours of the spectrum which are separated from white light, as a 
mere illusion of the eye. The real outward existence of partial tones in nature can 
be established at any moment by a sympathetically vibrating membrane which 
casts up the sand strewn upon it.^ 

The series of these upper partial tones is precisely the same for all compound mu- 
sical tones which correspond to a uniformly periodical motion of the air. It is as 
follows: 

The first upper partial tone . . . is the upper Octave of the prime tone, and makes 
double the number of vibrations in the same time. 

The second upper partial tone ... is the Fifth of this Octave . . . making three 
times as many vibrations in the same time as the prime. 

The third partial ... is the second higher Octave . . . making four times as 
many \dbrations as the prime in the same time. 

The fourth upper partial tone is the major Third of this second higher Octave . . . 
with five times as many vibrations as the prime in the same time. 

. . . And thus they go on, becoming continually fainter, to tones making 7, 8, 9, 
&c., times as many vibrations in the same time, as the prime tone.* 

1 Holmholtz, The Sensations of Tone (translated by A. J. Ellis), pt. 3, p. 300, London, 18S5. 

2 See analyses of songs Nos. 173, 177, 187. 

3 Helmholtz, op. cit., pt. 1, p. 48. 
< Ibid., p. 22. 



42 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



In musical notation, with C, second space bass clef, as a funda- 
mental, this part of the series is as follows (fig. 2). 

It is noted that the first overtone is an octave above the funda- 
mental and the second is 12 tones (fifth in the first higher octave) 
above the fundamental, while the fourth overtone (tliird in the second 
higher octave) supplies the major third, completing the tones of the 
triad or common chord of C, the fundamental tone. 



m 



s 



i^ 



122 



Fundamental 1st '2 1 3d 4th overtones 

C c g c' e' 

Fig. 2. Fundamental and fust four overtones. 

We will now turn to the Indian songs under analysis. Figure 3 
indicates the intervals on wliich the songs begin, omittmg groups of 
less than 1 per cent, shown in Table 2A. Twenty-one per cent begin 
on the octave (first or third overtone), and 23 per cent, having a com- 
pass of 12 tones above the keynote, on the twelfth (second overtone). 
Thus, if the keynote were C, as in figure 2, the octave is c, and the 
tweKth g. But before proceeding further let us note the range of the 
human voice, also the fact that the ear seems to accept tones an 



10 



Percentages 
15 



Degrees of scale — 

Twelfth 

Eleventh 

Tenth 

Nmth 

Octave 

Seventh 

Sixth 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Third 

Second 

Keynote 







m 


m 




■ 


^ 


■ 


" 


■ 


■ 












i 


p 


" 


■ 


















■ 


* 


* 












: 


■ 


■ 




































■ 










































■ 




























™ 


™ 






1 



Fig. 3. First note of song— its relation to keynote. 

octave apart as being the same tone.^ Not all voices have a range 
of 12 tones, and a large majority of the songs under analysis have 
a compass smaller than that number of tones. With the songs 
beginning on the twelfth should be included, therefore, those on the 
fifth, which (supposing the keynote to be C) would be G, an octave 
lower than the tone designated as g. Twenty-four per cent begin 
on the fifth above the keynote, making a total of 47 per cent begin- 
ning on this interval of the scale. Few voices have a range of two 
octaves, but two of these songs (Nos. 195, 202) begin on the second 

' "It is very easy to make a mistake of an octave."— Helmholtz, op. eit., p. 62. 



DENSMOSE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



43 



octave above the keynote (third overtone). We find that, next to the 
percentages abeady cited, the largest proportion is that of songs 
beginning on the third and tenth above the keynote. With C as 
a keynote these tones are E and e, readily seen to be the fourth 
overtone, sung in the two lower octaves, which are within the com- 
pass of the voice. Thirteen per cent of the songs begin on these 
tones and 5 per cent begin on the keynote, these melodies lying partly 
above and partly below the lieynote. Thus 86 per cent of the songs 
under analysis begin on the keynote and its first four overtones. 
These, as already indicated, comprise the tones of a common chord. 
Table 3A. — The results of this analysis serve to emphasize the pre- 
ceding paragraph. It is here shown that all except two of the songs 



10 



20 



Percentages 
20 40 



tiO 



Fifth 

Third .... 
Keynote.. 

Fig. 4. Last note of song — its lelatioii to keynote. 

under analysis end on the keynote, its tliird or fifth. Twenty-six 
per cent end on the fifth (corresponding to the second overtone), 12 
per cent on the third (corresponding to the fourth overtone), and 61 
per cent on the keynote. (See fig. 4.) Two songs are so irregular 
in form that no tone is designated as a keynote. 

Table JiA.. — Tliis table shows that the structure of 90 per cent of the 
songs is above the final tone. The preceding table indicated the final 
tone to be the keynote in 61 per cent of the songs. These tables 



10 



20 



30 



Percentages 

40 50 CO 



90 



Songs in which final tone is lowest tone 



Fig. 5. Last note of song — its relation to compass of song. 



Songs in 
which 

final tone 
is not 
lowest 
tone 



supplement Table 2A in showing the melodic structure of these songs. 
This structure appears to rest on a fundamental tone, usually the 
keynote. The trend, is do^vnward and this frequently is not heard 
until the closing measures. A typical outline is as follows, the inter- 
vals being repeated several times and by tones introduced; g-e-c-A- 
G-E-C. 

In 10 per cent of the songs the final tone is not the lowest tone. 
In these instances the final tone is usually the keynote, preceded by 
an ascent of a small interval, as though at the close of the above 
outline there were a descending interval, with a return to C as. the final 
tone. (See fig. 5.) 



44 



BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Table 5 A. — The compass of the songs is shown in this table. 
The present analysis differs from that of Table 2A in that it 
concerns the entire range of the song, while Table 2A indicated 
the interval between the keynote and the first note. There is 
accordingly a difference in percentages. For instance, 25 per cent 
of the songs have a compass of 12 tones, but only 2,3 per cent 
begin on the twelfth above the keynote. In this, as in Table 2A, 
the largest percentages are on eight and twelve. It is noted in 
Table 5A, though not shown on the diagram, that three songs have a 



Percentages 
15 



20 



25 



Number of tones— 

Fourteen 

Thirteen — 

Twelve 

Eleven 

Ten 

Nine 

Eight 

Seven 

Six 

Five 



Fig. 6. Number of tones comprising compass of song. 

compass of 17 tones, or two octaves and two tones. The singers of 
these songs were men with falsetto voices. (See fig. 6.) 

Table 6 A. — The percentages shown in this table are not the same 
as those shown in figure 7, ihough both are concerned witli the tone 
material of the songs. The table indicates the character of the tone 
material by referring it to a keynote, while the diagram indicates the 
amount of tlie tone material, or the number of scale degrees in the 
song. Attention is directed to four groups in the table: Tlie second 
five-toned scale (minor pentatonic), comprising 12 per cent; the 



No. of scale-degrees 



20 



Percentages 
30 



• • •• 



Fig. 7. Number of degrees of scale used in song. 

fourth five-toned scale (major pentatonic), comprising 23 per cent; 
the group containing only the tones of the major or minor triad, 
comprising slightly more than 1 per cent; and tlie group comprising 
aU the tones of the diatonic octave, 6 per cent. In compihng the 
data shown in figure 7 a degree of the scale occurring in two octaves 
is, of course, counted only once. It is thus seen that 49 per cent of 
these songs contain only 5 scale-degrees, 23 per cent contain 4 scale- 
degrees, and 20 per cent, 6 scale-degrees, while 6 and 2 per cent con- 
tain, respectively, 7 and 3 degrees of the scale. 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



45 



Tahle 7 A. — The purpose of this analysis is to ascertain whether these 
songs adhere to the intervals of the diatonic scale or whether, while 
having a keynote and a feeling for the tonic chord of the key, they 
still use tones which are a semitone higher or lower than the tones of 
that key. The analysis shows that 85 per cent of the songs contain 
only the tones of the diatonic scale. In the remaining 15 per cent 
the tones most frequently raised or lowered are the seventh, sixth, 
fourth, and second. (See fig. 8.) In only 10 songs is the pitch of 
the third altered, and the fifth is changed in only one song. This 
keeping of the diatonic pitch on the tones of the tonic chord is a 

Percentages 
10 20 ?0 40 30 60 70 80 90 100 



Songs containing accidentals 

Fig. 8. Accidentals. 



Songs without 
accidentals 



peculiarity which emphasizes the points mentioned in connection 
with Table 2A. 

Tahle 5^.— Thus far we have considered the tones in a song chiefly 
with reference to the keynote of the song. The purpose of the present 
table is to determine the structure of the songs by observing the 
interval relation of accented tones. Thus if contiguous accented 
tones bear a simple chord-relation to each other the song is classified 
as harmonic in structure; if such chord-relation does not exist it 
is classified as melodic in structure, while an intermediate type is 
classified as melodic ^^^th harmonic framework. An example of 



10 



Percentages 
50 60 



Melodic 



Melodic 
with har- 
monic 
framewqrk 



Uarmonic 



Fig. 9. Structure. 



the latter is a song containing tlie tones C-E-G-A-C, with the 
accent placed consecutively on G, A, and G. The framework of 
the melody is harmonic and comprises the chord C-E-G, but the 
consecutive accents on G, A, G do not imply a simple chord of the 
key of C. The song, therefore, is not purely melodic nor strictly 
harmonic according to the basis adopted for classification. Nine- 
teen per cent of the songs are hannonic in structure, every accented 
tone having a simple chord-relation to a contiguous accented tone, 
these chord-relations being within the key implied by the keynote. 
A much larger proportion are melodic in structure. (See fig. 9.) 



46 



BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL, ex 



Tables 9A, 10 A. — Continuing observation of the tones with reference 
to contiguous tones, we note in Table 9A that 69 per cent of the songs 
begin with a downward progression. Table lOA shows the entire 
number of progressions in the song, 64 per cent of which are down- 
ward and 36 per cent upward. This is in accordance with Table 2A, 
which shows that many of the songs begin on high intervals, and 
with Table 4A, which shows that the last tone is the lowest tone in 




Downward Upward 

Fig. 10. Downward and upward progressions. 

a majority of the songs. This is a further indication tliat the general 
trend of these melodies is downward. (See fig. 10.) 

TaUesllA, 12A. — An interesting point shown in Tables llAand 12A 
is that the descending intervals are smaller than the ascending intervals. 
Thus it is seen that only 19 per cent of the downward progressions in 
contrast with 36 per cent of the upward progressions, are larger than 
a minor third. This is due in part to a peculiarity of these songs in 
beginning on a high tone and descending, then returning to the original 



Interval of a — 
Fourteenth. . . 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third... 
Minor tliird. .. 
Major second . 
Minor second. 



Percentages 
20 25 



Fig. 11. Size of downward and upward progressions. 

pitch or to one almost as high, and again desceiiding by small intervals. 
Figure 11 shows all the intervals which occur in these songs and are 
represented in Tables 1 1 A and 12A. Only 5 per cent of the intervals 
are larger than a fourth: The minor third constitutes 30 per cent of 
the number, the major second (interval of a whole tone), 41 per cent, 
and the minor second (interval of a semitone) , 3 per cent. This small 
proportion of semitone intervals does not tend to encourage the 
theory that Indians habitually use intervals smaller than a semitone. 



DENSMOHE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



47 



It is admitted that they frequently produce vocal sounds which differ 
one from another by a number of vibrations less than that comprised 
in a semitone, but the writer finds no evidence, on phonographic 
records of about a thousand songs, that such sounds are part of a 
system, consciously used by the Indians. Animals express emotion 
by means of sounds which glide from one pitch to another. Such 
expression is primal, but into song there enters an intellectual element 
which tends to produce definiteness of tonal intervals. 

Table ISA. — This table shows the largest, smallest, and average 
interval, expressed in semitones. Figure 12 presents the same data 
in graphic form, the horizontal lines representing semitones. It should 
especially be noted that this dia- 

- , . (• 1 • Largest interval a fourteenth 

gram shows the sizes oi the mter- (23 -emitones) 
vals and does not indicate the 
number of times they occur. The 
largest interval in these songs is a 
fourteenth, comprising 23 semi- 
tones, and the smallest is a minor 
third, comprising one semitone. 
The number of occurrences of 
these and other intervals is shown 
in Tables llA and 12A, in con- 
nection with which it has already 
been noted that the larger inter- 
vals are of less frequent occur- 
rence than the smaller. In mak- 
ing the computaticfis for Table 
I3A the number of occurrences 
of each interval was multiplied 
by the number of semitones which it contains. Having obtained the 
total number of intervals and of semitones, the average number of 
semitones in an interval was secured. The average of the entire 
series is found to be 3.021 semitones, sHghtly more than a minor third. 
Table I4A. — In this table it should be observed that 30 per cent of 
the songs have as their keynote G, G sharp (or A flat), and A. This 
is a larger proportion than on any other three consecutive semitones, 
and suggests the natural range of voice among these Indians. In 
this connection it should be stated that the speed of the phonograph 
is the same when the songs are played for transcription as when they 
are recorded, and that the pitch of the tones is decided b}^ comparing 
the tones of the phonograph with those of a piano tuned to standard 
pitch (a' 435 vd). 



Average interval approxi- 
mately a minor third (3.021 
semitones) 

Smallest interval a mhior sec- 
ond (1 semitone) 



Fig. 12. Largest, smallest, and average mtervals 
(horizontal lines represent semitones). 



48 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



Beg inning 
on u n a c - 
cented part 

(39 per cent) 




Fig. 13. Part of measure on which song begins. 



Tahle 15 A. — We now enter on the consideration of the rhythm of 
these songs and of the drum with which many of them were accom- 
panied. Tabic 15A concerns only the rhythm of the voice, and its 
pm*pose is to determine directness of ''attack" in beginning a song. 
The analysis shows that 61 per cent of the songs begin on the accented 
part of the measure. Table 2 A shows that a majority of the songs 

begin on the tones 
of the tonic chord. 
Taken together, these 
tables suggest a clear- 
ness of musical con- 
cept on the part of the 
Indian. (See fig. 13.) 
TciUc i 6'^. —Like 
the preceding table, 
this concerns the 
rhythm of the voice. 
In the phonograph 
records of these songs 
the accented tones usually are unmistakable and clear.. As already 
stated, a measure in the transcription represents the period of time 
between two accented tones. The division of this time period into 
two parts is the simplest possible division. In 54 per cent of the 
songs the first measure is in double time (2-4 or 2-2) and in 40 per cent 
in triple time (3-4 or 
3-8), 6 per cent of 
the songs beginning 
in combinations of 
these rh3^thms. (See 
fig. 14.) 

Talle 17 A.— A 
change of time (meas- 
ure-lengths) is found 
in 84 percent of these 
songs (see fig. 15). 
Such a change in the 
music of civilized peo- 
ples usually affects an entire section of a melody or composition. 
Changes in time in the songs under analysis, on the other hand, 
commonly affect single measures or only a few measures. These 
alternations of measure lengths usually find what may be termed 
their rhytlmaic explanation, in the rhytlimic unit of the song or in 
the rhytlma of the song as a whole. (See fig. 15.) 



O t h r w i s e 
classified. . . 
(6 per cent) 



First measure 
in triple 
time 
(40 per cent) 




First measure 
in double 
time 
(54 per cent) 



Fig. 14. Rhythm of first measure. 



DENS more] 



TETON" SIOUX MUSIC 



49 



Songs having 
a change of 
time (84 per 
cent) 




Fig. 15. Change of time (measure-leligths). 



Table 18A. — This analysis concerns only the rhythm of the drum. 
There were recorded without the accompaniment of the drum 234 
songs; these were excluded in computing the percentages. In 56 
per cent of the songs recorded ^^^th drum it is found that the beats 
of the drum are not divided into groups by accented strokes, but 
are an unaccented pulsation. The metric unit of the drumbeats 
is indicated as an 
eighth, quarter, or half 
note, according to the 
note value which con- 
stitutes the metric unit 
of the song. In 6 per 
cent of the songs the 
drumbeats are ac- 
cented in groups of 
two, and in more than 
34 per cent the drum 
is in a triple division, 
two parts of which are 
marked by drumbeats and one by a rest. With a few exceptions the 
unaccented drumbeat immediately precedes the accented beat. 
In 3 per cent of the songs the drum is in quadruple division, the 
accented stroke being preceded by a short unaccented stroke. (See 
fig. 16.) 

Table 19 A. — On examining these songs it was found that manj^ 

contain a group of 
tones which form a 
distinct phrase, this 
phrase being repeated 
either consecutively or 
at intervals through- 
out the song. In order 
to use this peculiarity 
as a basis of classifica- 
tion it became neces- 
sary to formulate a defi- 
nition. This phrase 
{or motif) was accord- 
ingly called a ''rhythmic vmit," and defined as " a group of tones 
of various lengths, usually comprising more than one count of a 
measure, occurring at least twice- in a song and having an evident 
influence on the rhythm of the entire song." Having recognized 
the rhythmic unit as an important part of the structure of these 
songs, it was noted that many songs contained two or more of these 




Rhythm of drum. 



50 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



units, each clear, and given with exactness in every rendition of the 
song. It was further noted that, when two or more such units occur, 
there is a resemblance among them. In many instances the note- 
values of the first unit are reversed in the second, while in others 
the second unit is what might be termed a "complementary" or 
"answering" phrase. Tliirty-three per cent of the songs do not 
show a rhythmic unit, but in many of these the song itseK is a rhyth- 
mic whole. Instead of being composed of rhythmic units it is itself 
a long phrase, with a rhythmic completeness which is satisfactory to 
the ear. Sixty per cent of the songs contain one rhythmic unit, 
and 7 per cent contain two, three, four, or five such units. The 
rhythmic structure of these songs gives evidence of a primitive musi- 
cal culture. (See fig. 17.) 

Tables 20 A, 21 A. — In these tables are shown the metric units of voice 
and drum. The metric unit is determined by comparing the phono- 

songs con- graph rccord with the 

taining two 

or more 

rhythmic 

units (7 per 

cent) 
Songs con- 
taining one 

rhythmic ^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^^^^^^B Songs con- 
unit (60 per ^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^^^W taining 
cent) ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^i^^^^W ^^ rhyth- 

mic units 

(33 per cent) 




Fig. 17. Rhythmic unit. 



speed of a Maelzel 
metronome (which 
has been tested for 
accuracy) . The num- 
bers at the left of the 
analysis tables indi- 
cate the number of 
' ' ticks " of the metro- 
nome per minute. In 
the rhythmic analysis 
this corresponds to 
the comparison of the 
phonograph record with the piano in the melodic analysis. On 
comparing Tables 20A and 21 A it is seen that the speed of the drum is 
sUghtly faster than that of the voice. Thus in the voice table, 37 
per cent have a speed of 100 or more, while in the drum table, 57 per 
cent have a speed of 100 or more. In each instance the note value 
indicated in connection with the metronome speed is the same for 
voice and drum. 

Table ^^^.— The data in Tables 20 A and 21 A suggest a discrepancy 
between the tempo of voice and drum which is further shown in this 
table. Only 44 per cent of the songs have the same metric 
unit of voice and drum. This does not signify that in every 
instance there is one drumbeat to each quarter note of the melody, 
if the metric unit be indicated as a quarter note. The metric 
unit of the melody may be a quarter note, the speed being 90 
(J =90), and the drum may be in rapid beats, two of which are 
equivalent in time to 90. Thus the metric unit would be the same, 
the drum being indicated as in eighth notes. In 56 per cent of these 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



51 



songs, however, the metric units of voice and drum are different. In 
a very few instances these are in the ratio of 2 to 3, but the difference 
is usually too slight to suggest any proportion. Furthermore, the 
pulses of voice and drum do not coincide at frequent intervals, as 
they probably would if there were a relation between them in the 
mind of the performer. The inference in such instances is rather 
that the voice and the drum are the expressions of separate impulses, 
these expressions being simultaneous, but having no relation to each 
other. (See fig. 18.) 

Summary of fatjcs 40-51. — Thus it appears that the songs under 
analysis resem])le the music of civilization in the use of the keynote, 
third, fifth, and oc- 
tave and in a unit of 
rhythm and differ 
from it in the irreg- 
ularity of time and 
in the discrepancy 
between the tempo 
of voice and accom- 
panying drum. It 
appears also that 
these songs are char- 
acterized by a de- 
scending trend ; that 
the melod}" tones are chiefly diatonic; and that the most prominent 
interval is the minor third. 



Drum unit 
shorter than 
that of voice 
(38 per cent) 



Drum unit 
longer than 
that of voice 
(18 per cent) 




Unit of voice 
and drum 
the same 
(44 per cent) 



Fig. 18. Comparison of metric unit of voice and drum. 



Graphic Representations or "Plots" 

A form of graphic representation, or ''plotting," of melodies has 
been devised by the writer and is here introduced for the purpose of 
making the trend of Sioux melodies more apparent to the eye than 
in musical transcription. The general method employed is similar 
to that used in showing graphically the course of a moving object. 
The loci of the object at given periods of time are determined and 
recorded, the several positions being connected by straight lines. In 
any use of this method the interest centers in the several points at 
which the object is located, it being understood that the lines con- 
necting these points are used merely as an aid to observation. In the 
present adaptation of this method the pitch of the accented tones in a 
melody is indicated by dots placed at the intersections of coordinate 
lines, the horizontal coordinates representing scale degrees and the ver- 
tical coordinates representing measure-lengths. These dots arc con- 
nected by straight lines, though the course of the melody between 
the accented tones would, in many instances, vary widely from 
these lines if it were accurately plotted. The use of accented tones 



52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY [boll. 6i 

exclusively in analyzing these songs has already been employed, 
the structure of the melodies being determined by the pitch of con- 
tiguous accented tones (see Table 8, footnote). One consideration 
which seems to justify this usage is the fact that, when differences 
appear in the several renditions of an Indian song, these differences 
almost without exception are in unimportant progressions between 
unaccented tones. Since the sole purpose of these plots is to show 
the trend of the melodies, it seems permissible to omit from the 
representation, not only the unaccented tones occurring in the 
melody, but also a distinction between whole tones and semitones 
in progressions, and a distinction between double and triple time in 
measure-lengths. It is obviously desirable that the graphic repre- 
sentation be as simple as possible, the more detailed observation of 
the melodies being contained in mathematical and descriptive 
analyses. 

A plot of each Sioux melody having been made, these plots were 
compared, and as a result it was found that there are five types 
which may be considered the primary outlines, a majority of the 
others being combinations or modifications of these. The simplest of 
these types are designated as A and B (see fig. 19), the fomier being 
a descending trend with no ascending intervals, and the latter show- 
ing what might be termed a horizontal progression, followed by a 
descent to the final tone. These types appear throughout the series 
and seem to have no relation to the content of the song. On com- 
paring the plots representing types C, D, and E with the titles of 
respective songs, it was found that the plots of songs having similar 
titles or uses resemble each other. This suggests a relation between 
the content and the form of the song, a somewhat tentative conclu- 
sion, which, in another form, was presented in the study of Chippewa 
songs (see Bulletin 53, pages 50-58). 

The song selected as an example of Type A is No. 195, a song of 
the grass dance. Comparison with the musical transcription will 
show the progressions, the song having a compass of two octaves. 
It will be noted that in this song there are no ascending intervals in 
the series of accented tones. In addition to this song, the following 
songs contain a similar outline: Nos. 31, 56, 120, 151, 152, 210, 215. 
Reference to the list of songs will show that these are divided among 
almost all classes of songs, a fact which indicates that the type is 
persistent. This is confirmed by general observation of the structure 
of Indian songs. Plots of other songs of this type are shown on 
pages 204, 245, 283, 419. Many other songs resemble this type in 
outline, but contain one or more ascending intervals in the accented 
tones. 

The example selected to represent Type B is Xo. 68, a sohg of the 
sacred stones. It will be noted that the melodv progresses at first 



DENS. more] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



53 



horizontally, afterwards descending to the lowest tone. Other songs 
resembling this in outline are Nos. 50, 51, 52, 64, 67, 68, 74, 75, 76, 96, 
109, 11.3, 117, 118, 136, 139. Plots of some of these songs are shown 
on pages 245, 419. All these are found among songs a majority of 
which are believed to be more than 50 years old ; they are distributed 
among the various classes of these songs, but no song of the outline 
of No. 68 appears among the comparatively modern songs. 

The characteristic of Type C is a repetition of the lowest tone, 
usually the keynote, the melody descending to the keynote, returning 



:^; 



'.■s.z: 



I 



;s; 



i 




Class A (No. 195) 



Class B (No. 68) 




Class C (No. 80) 




Class D (No. Ill) 




Class E (No. 238) 



Fig. 19. Plots, Group 1. 



to a higher tone and again descending to the lowest tone, with a 
repetition of that tone. The example of this type is No. 80, a song 
used in the treatment of the sick. It will be recalled that the element 
of affirmation was very strong in the treatment of the sick, the 
medicine-man endeavoring to instill in his patient a confidence in 
the former's ability to effect a cure. Reference to the analyses of 
songs used in treating the sick will show a large proportion of these 
songs ending on the keynote. Many songs emphasizing the lowest 
tone or keynote appear in this series, the type being subject to even 
more variation than Types A and B. The following list was com- 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 6 



54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

piled as the result of an examination of the plots of the songs. Com- 
parison with the list of song titles will show that in a majority of 
instances the song contains the idea of strength, victory, or self- 
confidence. The list is as follows: 5, 7, 11, 12, 13, 15, 40, 42, 45, 
70, 72, 81, 82, 83, 84, 92, 93, 119, 123, 124, 125, 130, 131, 134, 142, 
145, 147, 148, 150, 153, 154, 156, 160, 161, 164, 165, 168, 170, 171, 
175, 176, 177, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 191, 196, 214, 222, 223, 
224, 229, 230. Plots of several of these are shown on pages 283, 419. 

Type D was first noted in the songs of Dream societies, named for 
animals which appeared in dreams, many of these songs being said to 
have been received from the animals. This type is characterized by 
a short ascent and descent frequently repeated in the melody. On 
grouping a number of songs having this characteristic and comparing 
the song numbers with their respective titles, it was found that prac- 
tically all are songs concerning men or animals in motion. No. Ill 
is an example of this class. The plots of Nos. 55 and 58, songs of 
Dream societies, are shown on page 204. Plots of Nos. 99, 100, 111, 
127, 145, 146, 161, and 174, which are songs concerning men or 
animals and usually suggesting motion, are shown on page 419. Other 
instances of similar outline are Nos. 66 and 179, which are not 
plotted. 

Type E is noted in songs expressive of grief, or of dissatisfaction. 
(See p. 519.) There are other songs in which the first progression 
is an ascending progression. It will be noted that this plot shows 
only the relation of accented tones, or tones which (in musical 
terminology) appear at the beginning of measures. 

Comparison Between Analyses of Chippewa and Sioux Songs 

We will next consider a comparison between the characteristics 
'of Chippewa and Sioux songs, as shown by the percentages in the 
Tables of Analysis on pages 23-39. The Sioux songs of the Drum- 
presentation ceremony, sung by Chippewa, are not included in this 
comparison. 

In Table 1 we note that 42 per cent of the Chippewa songs are 
minor in tonality, while 60 per cent of the Sioux songs are minor. 
The proportion beginning on the twelfth or fifth is 52 per cent in the 
Chippewa and 41 per cent in the Sioux, but the proportion begin- 
ning on the octave, tenth, and third is larger in the Sioux. The 
Cliippewa show a larger percentage ending on the kejmote, but 
about the same percentage in which the final tone is the lowest 
in the song. The Chippewa have a much larger proportion of 
songs with a range of 12 tones, but the Sioux have the larger 
proportion with a range of 10 tones and of an octave. In songs 
on the five-toned scales the Chippewa have a larger proportion, 



DENS MORE J TETON SIOUX MUSIC 55 

but in songs with the octave complete or nearly complete, the 
percentage is almost identical. A slightly larger percentage of the 
Chippewa songs contain no accidentals, and the number of purely 
melodic songs differe by only 1 per cent in the two groups. The 
difference in songs beginning with a downward progression is also 
only 1 per cent, and the proportion of ascending and descending 
progressions differs by 2 per cent. Differences of 1 to 6 per cent 
mark the frequency of occurrence of various intervals of progression. 
The average interval in the Sioux songs is slightly smaller than in the 
Chippewa. 

In key the Chippewa songs show a preference for F, F sharp, 
and G. A slightly larger proportion of the Chippewa songs begin 
on the accented part of the measure, and a smaller percentage 
begin in 2-4 time. The percentage of Sioux songs having a change 
of measure-lengths is considerably larger than that of the Chippewa. 
In the rhythm of the drum there is a difference, the Chippewa having 
a much larger percentage with the accented drumbeat preceded by a 
short, unaccented beat. The proportion of songs containing rhythmic 
units is 64 per cent in the Chippewa and 68 per cent in the Sioux. The 
metric unit of the voice shows greater variety among the Chippewa 
but the drum shows the greater variety among the Sioux. The 
metric unit of voice and drum shows much greater divergence among 
the Chippewa, only 36 per cent having the same metric unit, while 
among the Sioux the corresponding proportion is 62. 

Referring to the table of rhythmic units (19A), we note that the 
percentage of Sioux songs which contain a rhythmic unit is larger than 
that of the Chippewa. 

Of the Sioux songs 169 contain one or more rhythmic units, these 
units, or phrases, being transcribed on pages 528 et seq. in groups simi- 
lar to those which appear in the text of the work. Examining these 
units, we find no duplications except the following phrase, ^.£1., 
which occurs in 11 songs (Nos. 35, 36, 58, 115, 164, 194, 195, 225, 226, 
229, 230) . We note also that an accented sixteenth note followed by a 
dotted eighth note, wliich characterizes this phrase, is the first count- 
division in the rhythmic units of 26 songs (Nos. 7, 26, 33, 41, 113, 116, 
119, 131, 134, 155, 156, 160, 166, 167, 170, 171, 186, 188, 199, 202,220,221, 
222, 231, 235, 238) . Thus it is seen that this count-division character- 
izes the rhytlimic units of more than 16 percent of the Sioux songs under 
analysis. Turning to the rhythmic units of the Chippewa songs (BuU. 
53, pp. 309-333), it is found that this count-division is present at the 
opening of slightly less than 3 per cent of the entire number (Nos. 
110, Bull. 45, and Nos. 64, 90, 92, 116, 131, 153, 163, 174, Bull. 53). 
In the summary of analyses in Bulletin 53 (p. 11) it is stated that — 

There is ... a division of a count £X^ which occurs in Chippewa songs recorded on a 
reservation showing Sioux influence, and which is found also in Sioux songs. This 



56 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bci.l. 61 

division of the count occurs in 15 per cent of the songs recorded at Waba^cmg. . . . 
The same phrase is found in 10 per cent of the Sioux songs of the Drum-presentation 
Ceremony . . . and also in about 10 per cent of the Sun-dance songs of the Teton 
Sioux recorded by the ^vriter at Standing Rock, North Dakota. 

From these data it appears that an accented sixteenth note, fol- 
lowed either by an eighth or a dotted eighth note, may be regarded as 
a rhythmic characteristic of the Sioux songs under analysis. 

No rhythmic peculiarity of equal importance was noted among 
the songs of the Chippewa. It therefore appears that the rhythmic 
sense is more strongly developed among the Sioux than among the 
Chippewa. 

Briefly summarizing the comparison between the Chippewa and 
Sioux songs as sung by the people of each tribe, it may be said that 
the tabulated analyses show differences between the music of the two 
tribes, but not such as can safely be traced to definite causes. The 
resemblances may be due to the fact that the two tribes have been 
in contact for many generations and the music of the one undoubt- 
edly has been influenced to some extent by that of the other. It 
is possible that the resemblances and differences between the two 
may be seen to have more significance as the study of Indian music is 
extended to include a comparison between the songs of other and more 
widely separated tribes. 

Test of Pitch Discrimination Among Chippewa and Sioux 

In order to obtain data on the pitch discrimination of Indians 
certain tests were made by the writer during the summer of 1915. ^ 
These were made among the Mandan, Hidatsa, Chippewa, and Sioux 
Indians, but only the results obtained among the latter two tribes will 
be presented. In each of these tribes 10 persons were submitted 
to the test, including men and women who are known as being 
good singers, and also a few "old timers" who are not musicians. 
The limited number of persons tested, as well as the very unfavorable 
conditions under which the tests were made, renders the results far 
from conclusive, but they have a bearing on the subject of Indian 
music, and also suggest interesting points for further investigation. 

The tests were made by means of a set of tuning forks comprising 
a fork giving the tone a' (435 vibrations, international pitch), this 
being the fundamental tone of the series, and 10 other forks pro- 
ducing tones respectively ^, 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 12, 17, 23, and 30 vibrations 
above the fundamental. 

iThe writer gratefully acknowledges her Indebtedness to Prof. C. E. Seashore, dean of the Gnaduate 
College, University of Iowa, for his courtesy in lending the tuning forks with which the tests were made, 
also for valuable suggestions regarding the formulation of the results. The method used in the tests was 
essentially that described by Prof. Seashore in his monograph, "The Measurement of Pitch Discrimina- 
tion; A Preliminary Report," in Psychological Monographs, vol, 13, No. 1, Review Publishing Co., Lan- 
caster, Pa,, and Baltimore, Md,, 1910. 



densmoee] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 57 

As a preliminary to the recorded test tlie person was asked to 
listen to various intervals, interspersed with unisons, two forks 
being sounded in rapid succession and the person stating whether 
they sounded alike or different. Many could recognize the unison 
whenever it occurred (the same fork being sounded twice), while 
others could hear no difference between tones which were three 
or even five vibrations apart. After the subject had thus become 
somewhat accustomed to the sound of the forks, the regular test 
was given and repeated 20 times, each reply being noted, together 
with the interval used in the test. As in the preliminary tests, two 
forks were sounded in rapid succession, and in this the subject 
was asked which tone was the higher, the first or the second. The 
fundamental fork was not always used in this test, the forks being 
sounded in irregular order, making the test the more difficult. The' 
intervals used in the test and the correctness of the replies formed 
a basis for judging the pitch discrimination of the individual. Thus 
a man who failed on a majority of tests comprising intervals of 
fewer than three vibrations and answered correctly on a majority 
of tests comprising intervals of three or more vibrations may be 
considered as having three vibrations as the limit of his pitch dis- 
crimination. The direct result of these tests can be shown quantita- 
tively, but in addition to this result there are observations of equal 
importance which depend to a large extent on personal knowledge 
of the individuals being tested. For instance, men whom the writer 
knows from an acquaintance of several years to be men of great 
firmness and independence of character showed special power of 
concentration and recognized small intervals (1, 2, or 3 vibrations) 
in the early part of the test, while men of less strong individuality 
did not make their best record until the test was almost completed. 
A particularly clear example of this occuiTed among the Chippewa. 

A man and two of his sons were tested, all being prominent singers 
on the White Earth Reservation. The father and one of the sons 
(known respectively as Big Bear and George Big Bear) recorded 
songs for the writer during her musical study among the Chippewa. 
The older man retains much of the native character, while his sons are 
somewhat divided in their sympathies, having much in common with 
the older Indians but having progressed so far in the white man's way 
that when these tests were made they were employed as carpenters 
by the Government. A record of the tests of these three men indi- 
cates the pitch discrimination of the older man as about three vibra- 
tions, and that of his two sons as about five vibrations. 

The pitch discrimination of the older Chippewa and Sioux Indians 
was, generally speaking, about 3 vibrations. As the interval between 
a' and b' is 54 vibrations, the mterval of 5 vibrations is approxi- 



58 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



mately one-eleventh of a tone, and the interval of 3 vibrations is 
approximately one-eighteenth of a tone. 

The following tables give the record of the tests made on 10 persons 
in each tribe: 

CHIPPEWA 



Number of vil)rations in interval. 


Number of 

times this 
interval 

was used 
in test. 


Correct 
answers. 


Per cent. 


Incorrect 
answers. 


Per cent. 


1 to 4 


62 
96 
42 


32 
67 
34 


51 
70 
81 


30 
29 

8 


49 


5 to 10 


30 


11 to 30 


19 






Total 


200 


133 


60.5 


67 


33.5 







SIOUX 



1 to 4 


57 
79 
G4 


34 
67 
52 


60 
85 
81 


23 
12 
12 


40 


5 to 10 


15 


11 to 30 


19 






Total 


200 


153 


76.5 


47 


23.5 







It may be seen that there is no significant difference in the average 
ability of these two groups as shown in the small number of records 
here given. After comparing these records with those of American 
whites under various conditions, Professor Seashore is of the opinion 
that the abihties here shown are about as good as one would find 
among the average American whites under similar circumstances. 

Music as a Cultivated Art Among Chippewa and Sioux * 

From the structural data given in the foregoing tables and from 
the descriptions of the singers and their manner of singing contained 
in the following pages, it seems permissible to make some observa- 
tions concerning music as a cultivated art among the Chippewa and 
the Sioux. In tliis, as in the melodic and rhythmic analyses, we may 
bear in mind certain fundamental principles of music as an art among 
white races. The musical standards of civiUzed peoples have been 
gradually developed and are concerned with composition and manner 
of rendition. The music of Chippewa and Sioux will be considered 
with reference to both these standards. 

In the phonographic recording of aliout 1 ,000 Indir.n songs and in 
contact with a large number of Indian singers the writer has found 

> This chapter was read by a delegation of Sioux who were in Washington on tribal business. The dele- 
gation was composed of five men, one each from the Standing Rock, Pine Ridge, Rosebud, Crow Creek, 
and Lower Brule Agencies. They pronounced the standards of Indian musical criticism to be correctly 
set forth, adding only that in order to be a good musician among the Indians a man must be able to learn 
a melody quickly, and that a good musiciai. could sing a melody correctly after hearing it two or three times. 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 59 

unmistakable evidence of musical criticism. Certain men are gen- 
erally acknowledged to be "good singers" and certain songs are said 
to be "good songs." This implies that the songs and the singers 
satisfy some standard of evaluation. The Indian may not be able to 
formulate this standard, but its existence is evidence of an esthetic 
impulse. 

We may note at this time a few observations on this subject 
opening it for fm-ther investigation. First, in the matter of composi- 
tion it is observed that the oldest songs, which are considered the best 
songs, were "composed in dreams." This means that they came in a 
supposedly supernatural manner to the mind of a man who was hoping 
for such experiences and who had established the mental and physical 
conditions under which they were believed to occur. In this we have 
the native concept of what we call "inspiration." The Indian isolated 
himself by going away from the camp, while the white musician or poet 
locks his door, but both reahze the necessity of freedom from dis- 
traction. A majority of the songs said to have been thus received 
by the Indians have a rhythmic and melodic unity which is not 
always present in songs said to have been "made up." Thus the 
writer once heard a song which was said to have been recently com- 
posed, and on inquiry learned that several men had "composed it 
together." This was evidenced by a lack of unity in the melody, 
which contained too many peculiarities. The form of the melody 
suggested the possibihty that each man had incorporated in it a 
favorite interval, or some other musical fancy of his own. The 
result was a composite rather than a unit. 

The comparative analyses in Bulletin 53 (pp. 51-58) suggest a 
relation between mental concept and the form of its musical expres- 
sion. The significant prominence of the ascending and descending 
interval of a fourth in songs concerning motion was noted in Bul- 
letin 53 (pp. 99-101) and is found also in songs of the present series. 
A comparison of the structure of the old songs with that of songs 
said to be somewhat modern shows that the more recent songs con- 
tain a smaller compass, larger number of progressions and a more 
regular rhythm. The latter tendency was shown by the following 
incident: In recording a Chippewa song from an old Indian the wTiter 
found the rhythm peculiar, with frequent changes of measure 
lengths ; later the same song was recorded by a young man, said to 
be an excellent singer. On comparing the phonograpliic records it 
was found that the younger singer had slightly changed the rhythm 
so as to avoid the irregularity in the measure lengths. The song had 
lost its native character and also its musical interest. 

The various occasions of music which exist among civihzed races 
are found also among the Indians. It is a custom that songs con- 
nected with ceremonial acts shall be simg only by those who have 



60 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

received them in dreams, or who have inherited or purchased the 
right to sing them. Such songs form one class of Indian music. 
To another class belong songs of games and dances, songs of war 
and of the hunt, as well as songs which celebrate the deeds of a 
chief or successful warrior. The words of all these songs, while often 
showing high degree of poetic feeling, appear to be less subjective 
in character than the words of similar English songs. It is difficult 
to state what Indian songs correspond to the folk songs of the white 
race, but in such a group should probably be included the songs 
connected with folk tales. These are many in number and usually 
are represented as being sung by animals. An example of this is 
the story and song of the crawfish (Bulletin 53, p. 305). Songs of 
this class are found to vary more than any others in their rendition 
by different people; perhaps because they were more generally known 
and sung than others, with less criticism as to correctness of rendition. 

Among musicians of civdized races the standards of excellence in 
a singer include (1) intonation, (2) quality of tone, (3) range of voice, 
(4) memory, and (5) interpretation (intellectual and emotional). 

(1) Intonation. — Observing Indian singers according to these 
standards, the writer has noticed that ''good singers" keep the pitch 
of their tones approximately that of the tones of the diatonic scale, 
and that in songs recorded by such men and women the pitch of 
"accidentals" is practically the same in every rendition of the song. 
This is not the case in songs phonographically recorded by men whose 
musical standing among their own people is not so high. An instance 
of this is as follows : On the transcription of a song recorded by an old 
man it was found that the melody showed no feeling for a keynote. 
Inquiry among the Indians disclosed the fact that the man was not 
considered by them to be a good singer. The same song was accord- 
ingly obtained from a man of acknowledged musical proficiency, and 
on comparing the renditions it was found that by slight alterations 
in pitch the song had become diatonic in character, the intervals 
closely resembling those of the scale and ending on a keynote. Ex- 
perience in listening to the melodies of Chippewa and Sioux makes it 
possible to distinguish between a melody which has unusual native 
peculiarities and one which is distorted by a poor singer. 

The accuracy of an Indian in repeating a song should also be con- 
sidered. For this purpose several consecutive repetitions of each 
song were recorded. As an evidence of accuracy in repeating cere- 
monial songs the following incident may be cited: In 1912 the writer 
recorded four songs of the Creek Women's society of the Mandan, ' 
from IVIrs. Holding Eagle, one of its members. In 1915 Mrs. Holding 
Eagle recorded the songs a second time, and on comparison it was 
found that the pitch and metronome speed of all the songs was the 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC . 61 

same in the second as in the first records. In two of tlie songs there 
was no difference in the shghtest respect; in one what appeared as a 
ghssando progression in the first recording was sung in definite inter- 
vals in the second; and in the fourth song there was a shght differ- 
ence in the opening measures but none in the part containing the 
words. Several consecutive renditions of the songs were recorded 
on both occasions. Another and similar instance occurred among 
the Chippewa. Odjib'we (See Bulletin 53) recorded certain songs in 
August, 1909, and March, 1910, the two recordings showing the same 
pitch of the song as a whole, and also a slight deviation from diatonic 
pitch on the same tones, this deviation being perceptible but not 
enough to be indicated by an accidental. 

See also analysis of song No. 209 of this volume. 

(2) Quality of tone. — The manner of tone production by the Indian 
is different from that of the white man. The former cultivates and 
greatly admires a pronounced vibrato; a falsetto tone is also con- 
sidered a mark of musical proficiency. An instance of this is men- 
tioned in Bulletin 53 (p. 252): A singer at Red Lake, ^linn., "sang 
in falsetto voice with a pecuhar throaty vibrato. He said that he 
discovered his ability to do this when he was a boy and had cultivated 
it ever since." This vibrato is not invariably found in a good singer, 
but, as m the white race, it is frequently present. A peculiar nasal 
tone is always used in the Love songs, so that one accustomed to the 
music of these tribes can recognize these songs by the tone quality, 
as well as by a melodic freedom greater than that in other songs. 
Another quality of tone is that used in the songs of hopeless illness, 
or in the "wailing songs" after a death. To these may be added the 
crooning tone of the lullabies. Other tone qualities are undoubtedly 
and perhaps intentionally used, these being, however, the most easily 
recognized. 

(3) Compass of voice. — An expanded compass is admired among the 
Chippewa and Sioux as weU as among musicians of the white race. 
Songs Nos. 55, 195, 202, have each a compass of 17 tones; two of these 
were recorded by Kills-at-Night, who has a wide reputation as a 
singer. Other songs have a compass of 13 or 14 tones each. 

(4) Memory. — The memory test ("repertoire") obtains among 
these Indians as well as among civihzed musicians. The writer has 
never attempted to exhaust the number of songs wliich could be 
recorded by a good singer. The largest number of songs recorded 
by one individual are those of Odjib'we m Bulletin 53. As he was 
recording songs known to no other person he was asked to record 
more than 80. These were songs which were practically all of the 
same class; he doubtless remembered many others of different kinds. 
The recording of 50 or 60 songs by one individual is not unusual in 
the present work, selections bemg made from this number after tran- 



62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ci 

scription, and many records being used for comparison with records 
of the same song by other singers. 

(5) Interpretation {intellectual and emotional). — Among these In- 
dians, as among white musicians, there must be a convincing quality 
in a singer's rendition of a song. It has frequently been said to the 
writer, "So-and-so laiows the old songs, but he is not a good singer; 
he can give you the melody, but it will not be well sung." Into this 
"convincmg quality" there enters another element — the personality 
of the singer. It is required that a good singer among Indians, as 
well as among white men, shall carry with him full confidence in 
himself, and do his work with authority. 

From the foregoing data it appears that in general character the 
musical standards of the Chippewa and Sioux Indians bear a resem- 
blance to those of the white race. 



CEREMONIES 
The White Buffalo Calf Pipe (Ptehin'cala Canoi^^'pa) 

It is fitting that a narrative of the gift of the White Buffalo Calf pipe 
to the Sioux should introduce the present account of the ceremonies 
and customs of the tribe. Throughout this memoir reference will 
be made to ceremonial acts performed in accordance with the instruc- 
tions of the White Buffalo Maiden, a supernatural being through 
whose agency the ceremonial pipe was given tq the Sioux. ^ 

The narrative in its present form was given by I^na'la-wica' (Lone 
Man; see pi. 23), and is recorded in the words of the interpreter, Mr. 
Robert P. Higheagle. Preceding this recital by Lone Man, the sub- 
ject had been studied with otlier informants for more than two years. 
A smnmary of this study was read to Lone Man and discussed with 
him, after which he was requested to give the narrative in connected 
form, incorporating therewith material which he wished to add.^ 

The ancient and sacred tradition of the Sioux was given by Lone 
Man as follows: 

In the olden times it was a general custom for the Sioux tribe (especially the Teton 
band of Sioux) to assemble in a body once at least during the year. This gathering 
took place usually about that time of midsummer when everything looked beautiful 
and everybody rejoiced to live to see nature at its best — that was the season when 
the Sun-dance ceremony took place and vows were made and fulfilled. Sometimes 
the tribal gathering took place in the fall when wild game was in the best condition, 
when wild fruits of all kinds were ripe, and when the leaves on the trees and plants 
were the brightest. 

One reason why the people gathered as they did was that the tribe as a whole might 
celebrate the victories, successes on the warpath, and other good fortunes which had 
occurred during the year while the bands were scattered and each band was acting 
somewhat independently. Another reason was that certain rules or laws were made 
by the head chiefs and other leaders of the tribe, by which each band of the tribe was 
governed. For instance, if a certain band got into trouble with some other tribe, as 
the Crows, the Sioux tribe as a whole should be notified. Or if an enemy or enemies 
came on their hunting grounds the tribe should be notified at once. In this way the 
Teton band of Sioux was protected as to its territory and its hunting grounds. 

After these gatherings there was a scattering of the various bands. On one such 
occasion the Sans Arc band started toward the west. They were moving from place 
to place, expecting to find buffalo and other game which they would lay up for their 
winter supply, but they failed to find anything. A council was called and two 
young men were selected to go in quest of buffalo and other game. They started on 
foot. When they were out of sight they each went in a different direction, but met 
again at a place which they had agreed upon. While they were planning and planning 

1 In connection with this chapter see Fletcher, Alice C, The White Buflalo Festival of the Uncpapas, 
Peabody Museum Reports, ui, Nos. 3 and 4, pp. 260-75, Cambridge, 1S84. 

» Other material obtained from Lone Man is found in the chapter on the Sun dance (p. 92), the heyo'ka 
(pp. 159-170), and the sacred stones (pp. 214-217). 

63 



64 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

what to do, there appeared from the west a solitary object advancing toward them. 
It did not look like a buffalo; it looked more like a human being than anything else. 
They could not make out what it was, but it was coming rapidly. Both considered 
themselves brave, so they concluded that they would face whatever it might be. 
They stood still and gazed at it very eagerly. At last they saw that it was a beautiful 
young maiden. She wore a beautiful fringed buckskin dress, leggings, and moccasins. 
HeE.hair was hanging loose except at the left side, where was tied a tuft of shedded 
buffalo hair. [See pp. 126, 458.] In her right hand she carried a fan made of flat sage. 
B.m face was painted with red vertical stripes. Not knowing what to do or say, they 
hesitated, saying nothing to her. 

She spoke first, thus: "I am sent by the Buffalo tribe to visit the people you repre- 
sent. You have been chosen to perform a difficult task. It is right that you should 
try to carry out the wishes of your people, and you must try to accomplish your purpose. 
Go home and tell the chief and headmen to put up a special lodge in the middle of the 
camp circle, with the door of the lodge and the entrance into the camp toward the 
direction where the sun rolls off the earth. Let them spread sage at the place of honor, 
and back of the fireplace let a small square place ^ be prepared. Back of this and the 
sage let a certain frame, or rack, be made. Right in front of the rack a buffalo 
skull should be placed. I have something of importance to present to the tribe, 
which will have a great deal to do with their future welfare. I shall be in the camp 
about sunrise." 

While she was thus speaking to the young men one of them had impure thoughts. 
A cloud came down and enveloped this young man. When the cloud left the earth 
the young man was left there — only a skeleton. The Maiden commanded the other 
young man to turn his back toward her and face in the direction of the camp, then to 
start for home. He was ordered not to look back. 

When the young man came in sight of the camp he ran in a zigzag course, this being 
a signal required of such parties on returning home from a searching or scouting expe- 
dition. The people in the camp were on the alert for the signal, and preparations were 
begun at once to escort the party home. Just outside the council lodge, in front of 
the door", an old man qualified to perform the ceremony was waiting anxiously for the 
party. He knelt in the direction of the coming of the party to receive the report of 
the expedition. [See p. 441.] A row of old men were kneeling behind him. The 
young man arrived at the lodge. Great curiosity was shown by the people on account 
of the missing member of the party. The report was made, and the people received 
it with enthusiasm. 

The special lodge was made, and the other requirements were carried out. The 
crier announced in .the whole camp what was to take place on the following morning. 
Great preparations were made for the occasion. Early the next morning, at daybreak, 
men, women, and children assembled around the special lodge. Young men who were 
known to bear unblemished characters were chosen to escort the Maiden into the camp. 
[See pp. 72, 103, 111.] Promptly at sunrise she was in sight. Everybody was anxious. 
All eyes were fixed on the Maiden. Slowly she walked into the camp. She was 
dressed as when she first appeared to the two young men except that instead of the 
sage fan she carried a pipe — the stem was carried with her right hand and the bowl 
with the left. 

The chief, who was qualified and authorized to receive the guest in behalf of the 
Sioux tribe, sat outside, right in front of the door of the lodge, facing the direction of 
the coming of the Maiden. Wlien she was at the door the chief stepped aside and 
made room for her to enter. She entered the lodge, went to the left of the door, and 
was seated at the place of honor. 

' The square space of mellowed earth, the spread sage, the l>ulIalo skull, and pipe rack are frequently 
mentioned in this work. Among other instances the following are cited: pp. 71, 122, 229, 232, 235, 328. 
The earth space in the spirit-keeping lodge was round instead of square (p. 82). 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC G5 

The chief made a speech welcoming the Maiden, as follows: 

"My dear relatives: This day Wakag^tagka has again looked down and smiled 
upon us by sending us this young Maiden, whom we shall recognize and consider as a 
sister./ She has come to our rescue just as we are in great need. Wakag'tagka 
wishes us to live. This day we lift up our eyes to the sun, the giver of light, that 
opens our eyes and gives us this beautiful day to see our visiting sister. Sister, we 
are glad that you have come to us, and trust that whatever message you have brought 
we may be able to abide by it. We are poor, but we have a great respect to visitors, 
especially relatives. It is our custom to serve our guests with some special food. We 
are at present needy and all we have to offer you is water, that falls from the clouds. 
Take it, drink it, and remember that we are very poor. " 

Then braided sweet grass was dipped into a buffalo horn containing rain water and 
was offered to the Maiden. The chief said, "Sister, we are now ready to hear the good 
message you have brought. " The pipe, which was in the hands of the Maiden, was 
lowered and placed on the rack. Then the Maiden sipped the water from the sweet 
grass. 

Then, taking up the pipe again, she arose and said: 

"My relatives, brothers and sisters: Wakag 'tag ka has looked down, and smiles 
upon us this day because we have met as belonging to one family. The best thing in 
a family is good feeling toward every member of the family. I am proud to become a 
member of your family— a sister to you all. The sun is your grandfather, and he is 
the same to me. Your tribe has the distinction of being always very faithful to prom- 
ises, and of possessing great respect and reverence toward sacred things. It is known 
also that nothing but good feeling prevails in the tribe, and that whenever any mem- 
ber has been found guilty of committing any wrong, that member has been cast out 
and not allowed to mingle with the other members of the tribe. For all these good 
qualities in the tribe you have been chosen as worthy and deserving of all good gifts. 
I represent the Buffalo tribe, who have sent you this pipe. You are to receive this 
pipe in the name of all the common people [Indians]. Take it, and use it according 
to my directions. The bowl of the pipe is red stone — a stone not very common and 
found only at a certain place. This pipe shall be used as a peacemaker. ^ The time 
will come when you shall cease hostilities against other nations. Whenever peace ia 
agreed upon between two tribes or parties this pipe shall be a binding instrument. By 
this pipe the medicine-men shall be called to administer help to the sick. " 

Turning to the women, she said : 

"My dear sisters, the women: You have a hard life to live in this world, yet without 
you this life would not be what it is. Wakag'taijka intends that you shall bear 
much sorrow — comfort others in time of sorrow. By your hands the family moves. 
You have been given the knowledge of making clothing and of feeding the family. 
Wakag'tagka is with you in your sorrows and joins you in your griefs. He has given 
you the great gift of kindness toward every living creature on earth. You he has 
chosen to have a feeling for the dead who are gone. He knows that you remember 
the dead longer than do the men. He knows that you love your children dearly. " 

Then turning to the children : 

"My little brothers and sisters: Your parents were once little children like you. 
])ut in the course of time they became men and women. All living creatures were 
once small, but if no one took care of them they would never grow up. Your parents 
love you and have made many sacrifices for your sake in order that Wakaij'tagka 
may listen to them, and that nothing but good may come to you as you grow up. I 
have l^rought this pipe for them, and you shall reap some benefit from it. Learn to 

1 Cf. Bulletin 53, pp. 143, 144, in which a woman is said to have been the supernatural means of bringing 
permanent peace bet^^'een the Chippewa and Sioux. 



66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. gi 

respect and reverence this pipe, and above all, lead pure lives. Wakag'tagka is your 
great grandfather." 

Turning to the men: 

"Now my dear 1 rothers: In giving you this pipe you are expected to use it for nothing 
but good purposes. The tribe as a whole shall depend upon it for their necessary 
needs. You realize that all your necessities of life come from the earth helow, the 
sky aljove, and the four winds. Whenever you do anything wrong against these elo; 
ments they will always take some revenge upon you. You should reverence them. 
Offer sacrifices through this pipe. WTien you are in need of buffalo meat, smoke this 
pipe and ask for what you need and it shall be granted you. On you it depends to 
be a strong help to the women in the raising of children. Share the women's sorrow. 
Wakag'tagka smiles on the man who has a kind feeling for a woman, because the 
woman is weak. Take this pipe, and offer it to Wakag^tagka daily. Be good and 
kind to the little children." 

Turning to the chief: 

"My older brother: You have been chosen by these people to receive this pipe in 
the name of the whole Sioux tribe. Wakag'tagka is pleased and glad this day l^ecause 
you have done what it is required and expected that every good leader should do. 
By this pipe the tribe shall live. It is your duty to see that this pipe is respected 
and reverenced. I am proud to be called a sister. May Wakag'taqka look down on 
us and take pity on us and provide us with what we need. Now we shall smoke the 
pipe." 

Then she took the buffalo chip which lay on the ground, lighted the pipe, and 
pointing to the sky with the stem of the pipe, she said, " I offer this to Wakag'tagka 
for all the good that comes from above." (Pointing to the earth:) "I offer this to 
the earth, whence come all good gifts." (Pointing to the cardinal points:) "I offer 
this to the four winds, whence come all good things." Then she took a puff of the 
pipe, passed it to the chief, and said, "Now my dear brothers and sisters. I have 
done the work for which I was sent here and now I will go, but I do not wish any 
escort. I only ask that the way be cleared before me. ' ' 

Then, rising, she started, leaving the pipe with the chief, who ordered that the 
people ))e quiet until their sister was out of sight. She came out of the tent on the 
left side, walking very slowly; as soon as she was outside the entrance she turned into 
a white buffalo calf.' 

It is said that the chief who received the pipe from the White 
Buffalo Maiden was Buffalo Stands Upward (Tatag 'ka-woslal'- 
nazii)). The pipe has been handed down from one generation to 
another, and is said to be now in the possession of Elk Head 
(Helia'ka-pa), who lives at Thunder Butte, on the Cheyenne River 
Reservation. He is said to be of "about the third generation" 
which has kept the pipe, and is 98 years of age.^ Each preceding 
keeper of the pipe lived to be more than a hundred years old. 

The Indians named the pipe the White Buffalo Calf pipe. Dupli- 
cates of it were made, and soon every male member of the tribe 
carried a similar pipe. The stem was made to resemble the wind- 
pipe of a calf. Whenever this pipe is used in a smoking circle, or 
even when two men are smoking together, the rule is that the pipe 

^ It Is interesting to observe that the Identity of a dream object often is unrecognized until it turns to 
depart. See Bulletin 53, p. 207; also p. 185 of this volume. 
" Elk Head died in January, 1916, after the above paragraph was written. 



densmobb] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



67 



be passed to the left, because that was the direction taken by the 
Wliite Buffalo Maiden when she went away. The one who lights 
this pipe is required to make an offering. 

It is said that the following song was sung by the White Buffalo 
Maiden as she entered the camp. This song is sung in the Spirit- 
keeping ceremony when the man who is keeping the spirit of liis child 
can afford to have a white buffalo robe used in the ceremony. (See 
pp. 82, 446.) The words "scarlet relic" refer to the scarlet-wrapped 
packet in the lodge of those who are "keeping a spirit." 

No. 1. Song of the White Buffalo Maideu (Catalogue No. 5G9) i 

Sung by Charging Thunder 

Voice J =58 
Drum not recorded 




Ni - ya taq-iq-yai] ma-wa-ni ye 



ya tai]-n]-yai] ma-wa-ni 









^9yrij^ 


' sS UH _< 1 .1 1 T— 1 ^ i g — « •— 


— • 


[> -4- -^1 


-^-r — 1-^' ^^ L,.!=:-L -d-:ij_[-^^ 


— F — ^ 



ye 



c o - ya - te le i - ma - wa - ni na ho ho 



\f ^m^ 1 ^mmi A k^ V- ; -A. ' "^ 1 — ^ 


1 L — ^_«^p-j«__., — L -=L_ij — ^_^ — ^'^ -— ' ' _a — ' 



ho - tai^ - ii]-yaij ma - wa-ni 



ye ye 



ye a ye a 




ho - tai] - iij-yai3 ma-wa-ui ye ye ye ye a ye a ye 

' The catalogue numbers used throui;hout this memoir correspond respectively with tho numbers des- 
ignating the phonograph record of the songs, wnich are preserved in the Bureau oi American Ethnology. 



68 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

WORDS 

niya' tagig'yag with visible breath ' 

mawa''ni ye I am walking 

oya'te ^ le tliis nation (the Buffalo nation) 

ima^wani I walk toward 

na and 

ho'tagigyag my voice is heard 

mawa^ni ye I am walking 

n iya^ tagig 'yag with visible breath 

mawa''ni ye I am walking 

walu'ta le this scarlet relic 

ima'wani ye (for it) I am walking 

Analijsis.^ — -This song is minor in tonality and melodic in structure. 
Thirty-four progressions are found in the melody, 22 (65 per cent) of 
which are minor thirds. This is an unusually large proportion of any 
one interval in a song. Ten of the remaining intervals (29 per cent) 
are major seconds, the others being an ascending fifth and a descend- 
ing fourth. The tempo of the song is slow, and the short tones at 
the end of the first and similar measures were given in correct time. 
As in all the songs, vocables are here italicized. In this song they 
were sung with marked emphasis. 

The final measure of this song is transcribed as a complete measure, 
though the song begins on an unaccented tone. This precedent wdll 
be followed throughout the present work, instances in which the 
repetition of a song begins without a break in the time being indi- 
cated by the usual mark for repeat. 

The Alo'wat^'pi Ceremony 

This ceremony has been used b}' the Pa^\^lee, Omaha, Osage, 
Ponca, Iowa, Oto, and Dakota tribes. The ceremony among the 
Omaha and Pa%\Tiee has been studied by Miss Alice C. Fletcher, 
whose research includes the ceremonial songs of these tribes.'' As the 
ceremony has been in disuse among the Dakota for many years it was 
impossible to study it exhaustively, but sufficient information was 
available for a general comparison with the customs of the above- 
mentioned tribes. From this comparison it is evident 'that the 

1 In cold weather the breath of a herd of buffalo, rising in the frosty air, could be plainly seen. 

2 The word oya'te is of frequent occurrence in these songs. Wlien reference is made to the Indians the 
word is translated "tribe'', but it is often used in connection with animals (see p. 162, footnote). 

3 The descriptive analyses of these songs should not be regarded as exhaustive. It is their purpose 
merely to point out peculiarities of melody or rhythm which may aid the reader in a further investigation 
of the subject. Moreover, the phraseology of these analyses should "be understood as general in character, 
Thus, the term "accurate intonation" should not be considered to mean that in every instance the Indian 
sang the exact interval, but that, so far as concerns the present work, the interval was practically 
correct. These descriptive analyses are based on tabulated anal}'ses of individual songs, which are not 
herewith presented, but are incorporated in the tables of analysis found at the close of the groups of 
songs, and also In the tables on pp. 12-21. 

<Cf. Fletcher, Alice C, The"Wawa'>",or Pipe Dance of the Omahas.in Peabody Mus.Rep.,iu,'Sos.Z,i, 
pp. 308-333, Cambridge, Mass., 1884; also The Hako; a Pawnee Ceremony, by the same author, in Twenty- 
second Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, 1904. 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



69 



ceremony in transmission to another tribe and locality has undergone 
modifications and changes in detail. 

Among the Teton Sioux the ceremony is known as Alo'waijpi, 
meaning "to sing for someone/' and also as the Hur)ka, this being 
the name applied to the child who fills an important role in the 
ceremon}'. 

Among the Sioux this ceremony was closely associated with the 
Wliite Buffalo Maiden and her mysterious visit to the tribe. The 
following account concerns the usage of the Teton Sioux. The sub- 
ject was studied by the writer during two visits to the reservation, 
and Mr. Higheagle continued the work for several months, consulting 
the older Indians as he had opportunity. The material embodies the 
original narrative by Weasel Bear and also many points contributed 
by Chased-by-Bears. Eagle Shield, White-paw Bear, Jaw, and others 




''i;ll^ii^'i'-ii^ii^M!.4i'ciil 



Fig. 20. Drawing from picture-calendar — the year of the first Alo'waijpi ceremony. 

who were qualified to express opinions on the subject. The account 
in its final form was translated to, and pronoimced correct by, Weasel 
Bear and others equally well informed. 

In a picture-calendar of the Teton Sioux there occurs a native draw- 
ing of this ceremony (fig. 20), the year represented by the drawing 
being called "Awi'ca alo'waijpi wani'yetu," meaning literally "truth- 
fully singmg whiter;" miderstood as "ceremonial singing winter." 
This is the first year recorded on this calendar, and the writer's 
informant said it represented the first year in which the Alo'waqpi 
ceremony was held by the Standing Rock Sioux. The date corres- 
ponds to the year 1801. The calendar, which is owned by Black 
Thunder, of Eagle River, closes with a representation of the Black 
Hills council which took place in 1912. The dates of other historical 
events are correctly indicated. 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 7 



70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

In describing the purport of the ceremony Looking Elk (HeKa'ka- 
wa'kita), a Teton Sioux, said: 

The great result of this ceremony is that the man who performed it was regarded as 
a father by the child for whom he performed it. He made a solemn vow taking that 
child under his protection until one or the other died. He became like a brother to 
the man whose children he sang over and painted with the huqka stripes. In all 
the great ceremonies of the Sioux there is not one that binds two men together so 
strongly as this. 

The ke}Tiote, or central idea, of this ceremony (as held hy the 
Teton Sioux) is the affection of a father for his cliild, and his desire 
that only good should come to it. The following statement is given 
in the words of Mr. Pliglieagle: 

It is strictly believed and understood by the Sioux that a child is the greatest gift 
from Wakaij'taijka, in response to many devout prayers, sacrifices, and promises. 
Therefore the child is considered "sent by Wakag'tagka," through some element — 
namely, the element of human being. That the child may grow up in health with all 
the virtues expected, and especially that no serious misfortune may befall the child, the 
father makes promises or vows to Wakaij'taijka as manifested by the different elements 
of the earth and sky. During the period of youthful bles.=edness the father spared no 
pains to let the people know of his; great love for his child or children. This was 
measured by his fellow men according to the sacrifices or gifts given, or the number of 
ceremonies performed . In order to have a standard by which this love could be shown, 
the first thing taken into consideration and adopted was the "^Tiite Buffalo Maiden, 
Sent to the Sioux tribe by the Buffalo tribe. The impression left upon the people by 
the Maiden and her extraordinary good qualities were things that were much admired 
by every parent as a model for his children. This j\Iaiden was pure white, without a 
blemish — that was the principal desire of the father for the character of his child. 
The Maiden addressed men, women, and children. 

It had been told by the Maiden that good things would come to the peoj^le 
by means of the pipe, so it seemed necessary that there be a ceremony, having 
connection with the Maiden and with the pipe. For this reason the essential article 
in the Alo'wagpi ceremony is the "Hugka Canog'pa," a decorated wand, which 
represents the pipe given to the Indians by the Maiden, the original pipe not being 
available when needed for this ceremony. ['] This wand, or pipestem, was carried 
and employed by the itay'cay, "leader" P] during the ceremony, and when that was 
finished it was given to the child for whom the ceremony had been performed. In 
many families such a pipestem was handed down for many generations. The manner 
of decorating the pipestem has also been handed down, and neither the shape nor the 
decoration can be changed. A new pipestem might be made by some one who had 
undergone the ceremony, but an old one was generally used. The wand, or pipe- 
stem, was usually about 20 inches long. On it were fastened tufts of the feathers of 
the kagke^da, pileated woodpecker, and above each tuft of feathers was the head of 

H In stating that the wand represented the pipe, the tradition related by the informant seems to have 
confused the s5'mbolic meaning of the two. See article Calumet, by J. N. B. Hewitt, in Handbook of 
American Indians, pt. 1.] 

[■ The exact significance of this word may 1-e understood from the connection in which it is used (ci. pp. 
162, 180, footnotes), or otherwords maybe added tomalce the meaning more definite. Thus certain officers 
in the spirit lodge, and the leader of dancers in the Sun dance were called merely itay'tar) (see pp. 81, 98). 
other officers in the spirit lodge were designated, respectively, wcspay'}:a ilipc'ya itar/'car), 'leader in 
charge of food'; wn'wa^i itajj'cjr), literally 'la'^or leader', and itay'tarj iya'tar) ki'yapi, 'leader who lights 
the pipe' while the rt^aster of the entire spirit-keeping ceremony was known as a'taya itay'day (see pp. 
80, 81). An intensified form of the word, in'itay'iay, 'supreme leader', appears on p. 216. 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 71 

a woodpecker (Phleoeotomus pileatus). ['] The tail feathers of an eagle, in the form 
of a fan, and alsostrands of horsehair, were hung from the wand. [See pi. 3.] ^ 

In explaining the use of the woodpecker in decorating the Huqka 
Canoij'pa it was said that this is "a simple, humble bird, which stays 
near its nest and is seldom seen." ^ This bird seems to have been 
considered especially appropriate, because children who underwent 
this ceremony were more closely guarded and protected than others. 
They usually belonged to well-to-do families, in which the girls were 
seldom seen in public until they were grown up. The ceremony 
could be held for several children at a time, and often took place in 
fulfillment of a vow.* 

The wish of the parents that this ceremony be performed for their 
child or children was fh'st declared. An invitation was then sent to 
the man whom the father desired to perform the ceremony, and who 
thereafter would be bound to the father by a tie even stronger than 
that of natural brotherhood, because he had assumed a responsibility 
not placed on him by nature. An invitation was usually conveyed 
by means of a pipe, but for this ceremony a different form of invita- 
tion was used. The father of the child made a case from the dried 
bladder of a buffalo, into which he put many little packages of 
tobacco, one or two pipefuls being wrapped in membrane, similar to 
the packets fastened to sticks as off erings at the Sun dance (p. 102). 
The case, after being tied or sealed, was wrapped in a cloth. This 
was taken to the man selected to perform the ceremony. If he 
accepted the invitation, he opened the case; otherwise he returned 
it unopened. 

On acceptance of the invitation great preparations were begun. 
Two large lodges were erected in the middle of the camp circle and 
united so as to make one lodge of double the usual size, opening 
toward the west. This and the other details of the ceremony were 
m accordance with the instructions given by the White Buffalo 
Maiden on her first appearance to the Indians. The lodge was Uke 
the one which they built to receive her. There was no fire within, 
but opposite the door and slightly back of the middle of the lodge a 
square of exposed and "mellowed" earth was prepared. (See p. 64, 
footnote.) In the two corners of this square farthest from the door 

[' The de?orat ions oT the calumet more fretiuently consisted of the feathers or heads of the duck, owl, 
eagle, or other birds. See J. N. n. Hewitt , art. Calumd in Handbook of American Indians, pt. 1.] 

2 The pileated woodpecker is commonly called woodcock, and, through misunderstanding, the bird 
heads shown in pi. 3 are those of the common woodcock. 

* Cf. the following instances in which the characteristics of a bird or an animal were desired by the Indians 
who, in some cases, wore a part of the bird or animal on their persons; the deer (in a decoration), because 
tills animal can endure thirst a long time (p. 125); the hawk as "the surest bird of prey" (p. 139); the 
elk, in gallantry (p. ITfi); the fl-og, in watchfulness (p. 100); the owl, in "night-wisdom and gentle 
ways" (p. 181); the bear, which "though fierce, has given many medicinal herlis for the good of man" 
(p. 195): the kit-fox, which is "active and wily" (p. 314); the crow, which is especially direct as well 
as swift in flight (p. 319), and the wo'.f, in hardihood (p. 388). 

* Cf. the piercing: of a child's ears at the Sun dance in fulfdlraent of a similar vow (p. 137). 



72 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAISr ETHNOLOGY [boll. 6i 

were placed two buffalo chips, which were used in lighting the cere- 
monial pipes. Sweet grass also was made ready for lighting the pipes. 
Fresh sage was spread on the ground m the rear of the square, and on 
this was laid a buffalo skull painted with red lines and having the open- 
ings filled with sage. (See pp. 64, 185.) The nose of the skuU was near, 
but did not touch the side of the square. Strips of red flannel were 
tied on the horns. Back of the buffalo skull stood a pipe rack formed 
of two upright sticks, each having a crotch at the top, between which 
was laid a cross-bar; the whole was painted blue. This pipe rack 
was similar to that used in the Sun dance, but the position of the 
pipe (or wand) was reversed, the bowl of the Sun-dance pipe resting 
against the forehead of the buffalo skull, as sho\\^l in plate 20, while 
the Hui)ka pipe was placed with the stem toward the skull. If more 
than one child was to be "sung over," there was a pipe for each, beneath 
which was laid the white eagle-plume to be tied on the head of the 
child during the ceremony. The rattle to be used by the itag'cai) 
leaned against one of the posts of the pipe rack. Against the pipe 
rack was placed also an ear of corn on a stick, decorated in blue as 
shown in plate 3. It was essential that this be particularly regular 
in form, with an even number of kernels arranged in straight Unes.^ 
Thus the ceremonial articles comprised the ear of corn, the deco- 
rated pipe (or wand), the pipe rack and the tuft of white down, and 
also a bunch of shed buffalo hair which was used in the ceremony. 
These were provided by the man who performed the ceremony, who 
kept them wrapped in a red cloth. The preparation of the lodge was 
completed by the erection aromid it of a barricade of hides, so placed 
as to keep spectators at a proper distance. 

The Teton Sioux were not originally an agricultural people, and 
the use of corn in this ceremony formed the subject of considerable 
inquiry. In response to this inquiry the writer was told the follow- 
ing legend of the coming of the corn, which, in its final form, is given 
in the words of the interpreter, Mr. Higheagle: 

There was an old couple living on the bank of a river. They had been married a 
long time, but did not have any children, though they had often asked Wakag'taijka 
to send them a child. This special request was always made when they were in the 
sweat-bath booth. On one of these occasions, while they were praying, they heard 
some one outside saying that their prayer had been heard and would be granted on 
the following morning. They were very much pleased and felt overanxious. 

On the next morning the old man went out, and there, right in front of the door, 
peeped out of the ground a greenish opening of some seed — out of the ground. The 
old man was very much excited, and, not knowing what to do, they both went into 
the sweat-bath booth and asked what they should do. As before, they heard a voice 

1 Articles for ceremonial use were required to be as perfect as possible! Cf. choice of the buffalo skull, 
and the tree for the sacred pole, in the Sim dance (pp. 102, 111), also the ax used in cutting the tree (p. 112). 
The sacred stones were regidar in outline and untouched by a tool (p. 205). Purity of life was required of 
leaders in all ceremonies. See also the statement on p. 173, footnote, that what is genuine should be pre- 
ferred to what is artificial. 



denbmorh] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



73 



saying : ' ' Fear not. This plant which you behold is going to grow into the most beauti- 
ful child you ever saw. Watch for its development. Take good care of it. Give it 
plenty of air, sunshine, and water. Let no other plant or shrub grow near it." So 
they, realizing this was the child they had been desiring, went out and did as they 
were told. The plant grew up, had green clothing, and beautiful whitish hair. It 
grew to be tall. Finally beautiful corn, nicely enveloped in green covering, grew out. 
As soon as the coverings had turned to another color the corn was taken out. So from 
this they concluded that Wakag'tagka had sent them something to keep and to raise. 

In the old times this ceremony extended through several days, and 
many ceremonial songs were sung. In its later observance by the 
Teton Sioux it is said that the entire ceremony was concluded in one 
day. Only two of the songs were recorded by the ^vriter. 

It was said that at the opening of the ceremony the itaij'caq came 
from the double lodge and started to get the children for whom the 
ceremony was to be performed. They pretended that they did not 
know where the children lived and went through the camp singing 
the foUowins: sons:: 



No. 2. Song of Pretended Search 

Sung by \\'easel Bear 



(Catalogue No. 649) 



Voice J= 112 
Drim not recorded 





-•- -•- -•- 


r\ 


-9- 


«_*_#-»— 


^— 


-^ 






^ 


"^S^i!^ 


-J — 1 — 1 — ^— 


\ 


-1 


-' • ■' ^ — 1 


t~i 


1 — 


V—^-jr- 




-(^ — 


I' 14-, 


. -.^ -, 








1 — 1 






1 1 





T^^ 



:ia 



!^S£ 



*-/*^ 



r^ I r ^ 



?=p: 



s 



n 



E - ca tu-kte ti - pi so 



WORDS (free translation) 

eda' I wonder 

tukte' where 

ti'pi so they live 

Analysis. — It is interesting to observe here the rhythmic unit in 
connection with the use of the song. As already stated, this is a song 
of search, the singer going around the camp pretending to seek a 
certaui tent. He hastened to a tent, paused, and then passed on, 
repeatmg this procedure until he came to the tent which was his 
destination. Thus in the rhythmic unit we find a hurried triplet of 
eighth notes, followed in the next measure by a tone prolonged to 
the length of four quarter notes. The song is simple in form and has 
a compass of eight tones, descending from the octave to the tonic. 
The tones are those of the second five-toned scale, and the tonic 
chord is prominent in the melody. One-third of the intervals are 



74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN' ETHNOLOGY [boll, ei 

minor thirds. Five renditions were recorded witli no break in the 
time; these are uniform in every respect. 

When the man (or men) arrived at the door of the children's home 
they did not enter at once, but began to tell of their deeds in the past 
as an evidence of their right to perform the Alo'wagpi ceremony. 
Without this narration they would not be allowed to enter and get 
the children, as none but those who had in the past, and who still 
had, the necessary qualifications could perform this sacred rite over 
children. 

If the children were small they were carried to the double lodge in 
blankets on the backs of the itaij'caq. On their way to the lodge the 
men stopped four times (see pp. 78, 83, 113, 116, 167, 328) giving 
the ''wolf howl", which was used to signalize approach. When they 
reached the double lodge the itaij'caq sat in the place of honor, back 
of the pipe rack. There might be one man for each child who was 
to be " sung over," and each of these men had his own pipe, or wand, 
which was placed against the pipe rack. 

Describing the enacting of the ceremony for his two daughters, 
Weasel Bear said : 

Everyone could see the old man as he painted the faces of the girls. He painted a 
blue line fi'om the hair-parting down to the end of the nose, then across the upper part 
of the forehead and down to the cheek, ending at a point opposite the end of the nose. 
Red stripes could be added after the blue paint had been 2>ut on the face. The red 
stripes were narrow, extending downward from the line across the forehead and being 
the same length as the vertical blue lines. Additional red stripes could be added at 
any time by a person qualified to do it, -a horse being given for the right to wear two 
or three more stripes. 

On many important occasions this decoration of the face was used 
by those who had the right to use it. A white eagle plume was 
fastened in the hair of a girl whose f a6e was to be painted. In plate 8 
is shown a spirit post decorated with the plume which was worn by 
the daughter of Weasel Bear in the Alo'waqpi ceremony, described 
by him; the tip of the quill was covered with duck feathers similar to 
those used on a Sun-dance pipe. W^ith the eagle plume was fastened 
a strand of horse hair colored red, the whole being suspended by a 
narrow strip of hide, so that it hinig lightly. 

Continuing his narrative, Weasel Bear said: 

After the faces of the girls were painted the itag'dag stood with his rattle in his right 
hand and the decorated wand in his left, and waved the wand over them as he 
sang the following song. E.ich girl held in her hand a decorated ear of corn as the song 
was sung. [This scene is shown in a native drawing on cloth made by Jaw (pi. 4).] 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 4 




PART OF HUt^KA CEREMONY (NATIVE DRAWING) 



densmoke] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

No. 3. Ceremonial Song 

Sung bv "W'easkl Bear 



75 

(Catalogue No. G48; 



VoiCK J— 52 
Drum not recorded 




Le huij - ka ye e le liuij - ka a ya ya le huij- 






!i 



ka ya ya ya le liuij - ka ya ya ya 



wai] - ka - tu kii) le huq - ka ya ya ya le liiuj - ka 

WORDS 

(First rendition) 

le hug'ka this honored one 

e(5a^ behold 

wagkag^tu kiij you who are above 

(Second rendition) 

le hurj^a this honored one 

e&i/ behold 

maka'' kiij you who are in the earth 

( Third rendition) 

le hug^sa this honored one 

eda'' behold 

wiyo^hpeyata you who dwells where the sun falls (west) 

(Fourth rendition) 

le hug''ka this honored one 

eda'' '. behold 

wazi^yata you who dwell in the home of the giant (north) 

{Fifth rendition) 

le hug'ka this honored one 

e6i^ behold 

myo^hiyagpata you who dwell where the sun continually 

returns (east) 

(Sixth rendition) 

le hug^ka this honored one 

eda^ behold 

ito^kagata. you who dwell in the direction we face with 

outstretched arms (south) 



76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei 

Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the minor triad 
and fourth. Similar tone material is found in so many of these songs 
that it deserves special observation. Reference to Table 6 shows 
that it constitutes the tone material of 12 per cent of the songs, this 
being the largest proportion except that of the second five-toned scale 
(13 percent) and the fourth five-toned scale (18 percent). There are 
two ways in which this tone material may be regarded — as a minor 
triad with the fourth as a passing tone and as a combination of tones 
leading toward the second five-tone scale. If the first be the correct 
standpoint, we may expect a large proportion of songs containing 
either the minor triad alone or with some other tone used as a 
passing tone, but such is not found. We note only 1 per cent 
containing the minor triad alone, and less than 1 per cent with an- 
other tone as a passing tone. Regarding the matter from the second 
standpoint, we note that the percentage of songs on the second five- 
toned scale is less than that of those on the fourth five-toned scale. 
It is observed, however, that the proportion of songs containing the 
major triad and sixth is 12 per cent. This bears the same relation to 
the complete fourth five-toned scale that the minor triad and fourth 
bears to the complete second five-toned scale. In this connection, 
see Bulletin 53, pages 4-5. Tests and comparisons similar to the 
foregoing are presented merely as suggestions for the practical use 
of the present method of analyzing Indian music. 

Like the preceding song, this has a compass of 12 tones, beginning 
on the octave and ending on the tonic. It is, however, harmonic in 
structure, while the precedmg is melodic. The proportion of minor 
thirds is larger than in the precedmg song, constituting about 39 per 
cent of the intervals. As in the preceding song, the vocables were 
slightly emphasized, and the words of the many renditions were dis- 
tinctly sung. Neither this nor the preceding song contains a change 
of time. Only 23 per cent of the 340 Chippewa songs are without 
change of time, and this contmuity appears in only 1(3 per cent of 
this series. 

After the ceremony (which, as alreadystated, was not studied in detail 
by the writer) the decorated pipe (or wand) and the corn became the 
property of the child for whom the ceremony had been performed. 
In departing with the children the Itaq'caij, pausing four times, gave 
the long "wolf call" which had signalized then* approach to the cere- 
monial lodge. Liberal rewards were given those who performed this 
ceremony, Weasel Bear stating that he bestowed three horses and a 
pipe on the old man who painted and ''sang over" his daughters. 

The celebration of this ceremony placed a child in a highly 
respected position m the tribe. Such a child was regarded as possess- 
ing that which would "make it nothing but good in every way," and 
was "recognized by all as ranking above an ordmary child." 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 5 




DECORATED ROBE 



DENSMORB] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 77 

A young girl for whom the Alo'waqpi ceremony had been performed 
might wear a calfskm robe similar to that shown in plate 5. The 
decoration on this robe indicates that the wearer had taken part in 
the Huijka ceremony, and also that her relatives had been successful 
in war. Red, blue, and yellow are the colors used in the decorations. 
It was said that "red represents blood, blue is a 'blue cloud,' indicat- 
ing success, and yellow is the color of the sky at morning,"^ The 
stripes on the head of the calfskin are red and represent the Hugka 
stripes painted on the face of the child for whom the ceremony was 
performed. The two lines bordering the entire decoration are blue, 
and the space between them is yellow. Near the left margm are red 
hues, said to represent a spider's web. The crescents along the right 
margin represent the phases of the moon, blue being used to repre- 
sent a quarter moon and red a full moon. These are the phases in 
which the child's relative engaged m the war expeditions noted in the 
decoration of the robe. Next to this border are parallel lines, the 
dots on which represent the number of camps made during a certain 
expedition. The panel in the center of the robe represents the 
"warrior's path." A war party with eight camps is here shown, 
each round dot representing a camp. Such a robe could be made 
only by a woman whose relative had been successful in war. The 
robe illustrated was made by the wife of Dog Eagle. (See p. 349.) 

The Ceremony of Spirit-keeping^ (Waki'cagapi) 

In the old days a Sioux, filled with grief at the death of a near 
relative, might prolong his period of mourning by "keeping the 
spirit" for several months or a year, and then "letting it go" by 
means of a certain ceremony. This was a custom which exacted a 
great deal and which, having been begun, must be carried out con- 
sistently, either by the man who undertook it, or in the event of his 
death by his nearest relative. A man considered this before he 
announced his intention of "keeping the spirit" of a relative. He 
considered the fact that for many months he could not hunt, nor go 
to war, nor share in the social activities of the tribe, and he also 
counted the cost of gifts wliich he must distribute at the feast for 
releasing the spirit. If he felt that he could meet these requu'ements 
he made known his decision, and those who wished to join him w^ere at 
liberty to do so, each providing a "spirit bundle" (wana'gi wapa'Htd) 

• other symbolisms mentioned in this work are as follows: The white buffalo robe used in Huqka cere- 
mony (p. 80); colors— red. blue, yellow, white, and black (p. 124); ascending smoke of sweet grass (p. 127, 
footnote); a hoop (pp. 139,295); water, fire, and steam (p. 167); outline and structure of the sacred stones, 
byChased-by-Bears (p.20o); by Brave Buffalo (p. 208); a hand (p. 330). The symbolism of the "earth 
space" is given on page 122. footnote. 

2 See in this connection Fletcher, Alice C, The Shadow or Ghost Lodge: A Ceremony of the Ogallala 
Sioux, Peabody Mus. Reps., in, Nos. 3, 4, pp. 296-307; also Dorsey, James Owen, A Study of Siouan 
Cults, in Eleitnth Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 4S7-S9, 1894. 



78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

to represent the spirit of a relative, and also his share of food and 
gifts for the final feast. 

The Ceremony of Spirit-keeping, like the Alo'waijpi, had its inspira- 
tion in the Coming of the White Buffalo Maiden, and everything was 
done in accordance with her instructions. The manner of studying 
this subject was similar to that used in connection with the two pre- 
ceding chapters. The spirit of a child was "kept" more frequently 
than that of a grown person, and the writer's first work on this cere- 
mony consisted in taking down a narrative by Weasel Bear (inter- 
preted by Mrs. McLauglilin) , in which he told of keeping the spirit 
of a little daughter. A year later this narrative was discussed by 
Bear Face^ and other old men (Mr. Higheagle interpreting), and 
many points were added. In its final form the first part is based on 
a narrative by Bear Face, while in the latter part the information 
given by Weasel Bear has been incorporated, together with details 
supplied by other reUable informants. 

Concerning this ceremony Bear Face (Mato'-ite') said: 

It is one of the great undertakings of the tribe, not simply in the honor which sur- 
rounds it, but because of the work and obligation it involves, so that a man who can 
carry this through successfully is recognized by the tribe as a man who is qualified 
to fulfill large responsibilities. 

Bear Face said that his first spirit keeping was for a son who died 
at the age of 15. The body of the boy was placed on a scaffold, and 
liis best horse was killed beneath it. Before this was done the father 
decided to keep the boy's spirit and so aimounced to the tribe. 
He requested a man whose record was ^^'ithout blemish to cut a lock 
of the boy's hair to be put in the spirit bundle. The man came at 
his request, and before going near the body of the boy he purified his 
hands and also his knife vnth the smoke of sweet grass. When 
about to cut the hair he made three motions as if to do so and then 
cut it with the fourth motion. (See references on p. 74.) The lock 
cut was over one eye. When the hair had been cut it was wrapped 
in red cloth. (The remainder of the narrative is a compilation from 
several informants.) If desired, some article which had been worn 
next the body of the child could be used instead of a lock of hair. 
Thus Weasel Bear said that when keeping the spirit of his little girl, 
he used the ornaments which she had worn on her hair as the central 
article in the spirit bundle. 

Alter wrapping this selected article in red cloth the proposed 
spirit-keeper took the little packet in his arms as if it were the body 
of a child and rode around the camp circle, lamenting the child's 
death. This was his announcement to the tribe that he had taken 
upon himself the responsibilities of a spirit-keeper (wana'gi yulia'pi) 
and wished to be considered as such. Afterwards a decorated case was 

1 Bear Face died in December, 1914. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 6 




OUTER WRAPPING FOR SPIRIT BUNDLE AND BRAIDED SWEET GRASS 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 7 




IMPLEMENTS USED IN HANDLING COALS IN SPIRIT LODGE 



densmoue] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 79 

brought, and in this was placed the packet containing the hair, also 
sweet grass and the shed hair of the buffalo. This case was wrapped 
in red cloth. The spirit-keeper or his friends then selected the 
straightest pole they could find, pine being preferred for the purpose. 
This pole was erected outside his door, and the spirit bundle was 
tied on it. The bundle wa;S supposed to stay there four days and 
nights ))efore being taken down. Durmg these four days a special 
wrapping {wi'caskc) of soft-tanned hide was made for it, and feasts 
were given to those who had kept spirits. At the end of four days 
the bundle was taken down by men who had kept spu-its and was 
placed in its wrapping, which was elaborately decorated but had no 
sewing about it. With it were placed articles intended as gifts to 
those who took part in the ceremony. Small articles were placed in 
a decorated case and large articles, as pieces of red cloth, were folded 
smoothly. 

Plate 6 shows a "spirit wrap" and a braid of sweet grass which 
was placed in the spirit bundle. Mrs. James McLauglilin said she 
"purchased it 30 years ago from Black Moon's mother, who said it 
was then about 80 years old and had been used in keeping the spirits 
of her grandfather, her mother, and other relatives." The porcu- 
pine quills on it were dyed with native dyes, and the wrap is so fragile 
that it had been used in recent years as an inner instead of an outer 
wrapping. A braid of sweet grass was usually placed in a spirit 
bundle, and an old one had been preserved with this wrapping. 
According to Mrs. McLaughlin, beads were seldom used on an}^ of the 
wrappings of a spirit bundle, as beads were unknown among the 
Sioux when the White Buffalo Maiden came to them. 

After the spirit bundle was complete they prepared three stakes, 
painted red and decorated with quill work, also decorated thongs 
with which to fasten the bundle in place. Two of the stakes were 
tied together near the top, and the bundle was tied across them, the 
third stake bemg used as a support for the other two, which faced 
the door of the spirit-keeper's tipi. The tripod was about 6 steps 
from this tipi, which was known as wana'gi ti'pi, or "spirit lodge." 

When the tripod had been put in place they made a decorated 
case (jJarj) of soft-tanned hide. In it were put gifts for the itaij'caq 
who would have charge of the final ceremony. These gifts, which 
were gradually collected, comprised needles, awls, knives, tobacco, 
and sometimes as many as 50 pipes. In the tipi, between the fire 
and the place of honor, a certain area of the earth floor was "mel- 
lowed." This was round, not square as in the Huijka and the Sun 
dance. In the center of this space was placed a buffalo chip, and 
beside it two implements (pi. 7) made of wood, about 3 feet in length, 
one broad at the end and the other pointed. When sweet grass was 
to be burned it was the custom to use the pointed stick in pushing a 



80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ci 

coal on the other implement, with which it was lifted and laid on the 
buffalo chip. The spirit-keeper and his wife wore no ornaments dur- 
ing this period, and their faces were painted all the time. Their 
manner was always quiet and reverent, as though the body of the 
relative whom they mourned was in the lodge. It was expected that 
those who kept a spirit would hold charitable thoughts toward every- 
one in the tribe, and all unkind or harsh words were forbidden in the 
spirit lodge. 

The tripod and spirit bundle were brought into the lodge at night 
and also in bad weather. The bundle was laid in the place of honor 
and treated with great respect, no one passing between it and the 
fire. Weasel Bear said: "At evening I burned sweet grass and 
my wife passed her hands over the smoke, rubbing the fragrance on 
her face, hair, hands, and neck. Then she took the tripod in her 
arms and carried it into the tipi, turning toward the left as she 
entered. In the morning she again made herself fragrant and took 
the tripod and its burden outside the lodge." 

The thing most desired was that a man might have the robe of a 
white buffalo to spread in the place of honor. On this the tripod and 
spirit bundle would rest when they were in the lodge. Such a robe 
signified that the spirit being kept was pure, and that all the articles 
connected with it had been purified. No one was allowed to touch 
the robe with bare hands nor pass between it and the fire. The only 
person permitted to touch it was a medicine-man who was kno■v\^l to 
be qualified for the act. Bear Face said that he had such a robe when 
he kept the spirit of his son, and that the only person allowed to touch 
or move it ^Vas a man, whom he engaged, who was noted for this 
ceremony. If he needed help he was obliged to call on some one as 
fully qualified as himself and to give him half of the compensation for 
such services. The only exception is in favor of children who have 
been through the Huqka ceremony. These children may lift the 
white bufl'alo robe and carry it out of the lodge when the ceremony is 
finished. 

Weasel Bear said further that during the period of keeping a spirit 
the contents of his lodge were supposed to belong to the tribe. Thus if 
a man came to his lodge saying, "I have come for some of my tobacco 
and red willow," he gave him what he required. Weasel Bear con- 
tinued his narrative as follows : 

I selected a virtuous old man as one of the officers of the spirit lodge. He was called 
waspay'ka Hipe'ya itay^cay, meaning "leader in charge of food." He came to the 
tipi for a short time every day, and if he wished to sleep there at night he was at 
Uberty to do so. Every morning I put beef in a dish; he took a small piece of the 
meat, offered a prayer, and put it in a small dish provided for that purpose. This 
duty was never omitted. When the dish was full he emptied it into the fire, saying, 
"Grandchild, this is our food, but we give it to you to eat before us." Tliis was con- 
tinued from early winter, when my child died, until the next autumn, when we 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 




PARTIALLY DECORATED 



DECORATED WITH CLOTHJNG 



SPIRIT POST 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 81 

released her spirit. During that time we collected many gifts for the final feast. Our 
relatives helped us in this, the women making many articles with their own hands. 
As I was withheld from the ordinary duties of life I had a man called wo^ wasi itarj^cay 
(literally "laborer leader"), who carried messages for me, kept tis supplied with wood 
and water, swept the lodge, and kept clean the space around the spirit bundle. He 
also cut red willow [cavsa^sa] and dried it, so that I would have plenty to give away 
at the final feast. 

The man who kept a spirit was frequently invited to feasts of the 
various societies and was expected to attend them. It was under- 
stood that if valuable presents were being given away he would be 
first to receive one. In return for these favors he invited th« societies 
to attend the feasts, which were held outside the lodge, when the time 
came for releasing the spirit. The time for keeping a spirit varied 
from several months to a year or even longer. At the expiration 
of this time the final ceremony and feast were held. This was called 
walai' caga, meaning the act of completing the undertaking. All the 
band gathered for the event and the various societies had their special 
tents. The societies took a prominent part in such features of the 
spirit releasing as took place outside the lodge, but their members did 
not enter the lodge unless they were men who themselves had kept 
spirits. 

If several spirits were to be released, the man who first announced 
his intention of keeping a spirit was considered the leader of the 
spirit-keepers. Early in the morning, on the day of the spirit 
releasing, he sent a filled pipe to an old man who was to be master of 
the whole ceremony and who was designated a'taya itay'cay. 

Weasel Bear said: "On that day I was to lay aside all signs of 
mourning, so I painted myself gaily and put on all my finest attire. 
I was only 28 years old, but I had won a war-honor feather and I 
wore it that da}^. My wife arrayed herself like a young girl." (See 
reference to the bright adornments in the Ceremony of Restoring 
the Mourners, in Bulletin 53, p. 153.) 

One man was selected for each spirit; he was known merely as 
itag'cai),^ and was a man who had kept the spirit of a relative. It 
was his duty to prepare the ''spirit post" (wana'gi gele'pi) and to 
perform other parts of the ceremony pertaining to the individual 
spirit in whose service he had been employed. The spirit post was 
made in the spirit lodge. According to Weasel Bear cottonwood 
was generally used for this purpose (cf. pp. Ill, 118), and the man 
who made it always sat with his face toward the east and wiiittled 
upward, moving the knife away from him. Before doing tliis he 
purified his hands and knife %\dth the smoke of sweet grass. A post 
for a child's spirit was smaller than for that of an adult. The post 
shown in plate 8 is 35 inches long; this was made by Weasel Bear to 

> See p. 70, footnote. 



82 BUREAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

represent the one used when the spirit of liis little girl was released. 
The features of the face are worked with beads on buckskin, and the 
Mnes of the paint are those which would be used for a girl who had been 
through the Alo'wai)pi ceremony. The feather is that worn by 
Weasel Bear's daughter when she was ''sung over" in that ceremony. 
Both the lines and feather belonged to a daughter somewhat older than 
the one whose spirit he kept. When the features had been deline- 
ated on the posts each itagVar) opened the case (pay) containing 
the articles of clothing to be placed on the posts. These, which had 
been previously exhibited outside the lodge, were garments worn by 
the person whose spirit was to be released. After the ceremony 
these garments were given to the man who painted the post. 

After the dressing of the posts the woman in charge of the cooking 
brought food, a plate of which she put in front of each spirit post, 
after purifying the food in the smoke of sweet grass. Taking a 
round piece of pounded meat, each itaij'^ai] held it to the painted 
mputh on a spirit post. At this time any orphan in need of help 
might appear and ask in the name of the spirit to be released, that 
it be fed and cared for. Such a request was never refused. Any 
others in need of help might make an appeal at this time, four oppor- 
tunities being given during the "feeding of the spirits." 

When this was finished within the spirit lodge there was a distri- 
bution of gifts to the people in the camp. These gifts had been 
accumulated by the family of the spirit-keeper and already had 
been exhibited to the people. Weasel Bear said that his wife put 
up frames for tliis purpose, laying poles across forked stakes and 
hanging belts, moccasins, leggings, and other articles on the poles. 
At this time the spirit-keeper sent gifts to the societies, who pre- 
served order in the camp. A gift to a society was said to be some- 
thing about equal in value to the gifts which the spirit-keeper had 
received from that society, and to be something which could be 
divided among the members. Thus Weasel Bear said that he gave 
a war bonnet to the Tokala society, and that the feathers were dis- 
tributed among the men. There was much feasting in the camp and 
this was an occasion on which prominent families announced pub- 
licly the names which the}' had given their children, or had the ears 
of their children pierced in the s.ame manner as at the Sun dance. 
(See p. 137.) 

The ceremony within the lodge was not studied in detail. OnJ}' 
former spirit-keepers were allowed to enter, and the man selected 
as a'taya itay'cay was /'prepared with proper songs and prayers and 
was also qualified to give lamentations for the dead." 

If a white buffalo robe were used, song No. 1 was sung. Mention 
has been made of a filled pipe placed beside the round space of mel- 
lowed earth in the spirit lodge. A man was appointed to light this 



DENSMoaE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 83 

pipe, and was known as itay'cay iija'tay M'yapi, or "leader who 
lights the pipe." This man put lighted sweet grass on the huffalo 
chip wliich lay on the mellowed earth. He did not do this with 
directness, but, lowering the grass a short distance, he paused for a 
moment ; then lowering it farther, he paused again, making four down- 
ward motions, after which he moved it four times in a circle, ''with 
the sun," and placed it on the buffalo chip. The a'taya itar)'<5ai] held 
the pipe in the ascending smoke and repeated the words wliich the 
White Buffalo Maiden said to the Sioux when she appeared to them. 
This ceremonial speech was not recorded, as none of the writer's 
informants on this subject were able to repeat it.) The a'taya 
itaij'(5ai3 then turned the pipe and held it as if he would smoke it. 
Having done this tliree times, he put it to his lips, ready for lighting. 
More grass was put on the buffalo chip, and the man who was to light 
the pipe rubbed the fragrant smoke on his hands and face, after which 
he lit the pipe and the a'taya itaij'(''ai] smoked it freely. Weasel Bear 
said: 

After he had smoked for awhile I sat down close to him and he pointed the stem 
of the pipe toward me, saying, "Young man, you are going to smoke tMs pipe. It 
was brought to us by a woman, and drawing it will lead you to be as straight and truth- 
ful as the stem of the pipe." I smoked it without touching the bowl, and the old 
man in taking it from me passed his hand downward over my face. The pipe was 
then passed around the lodge, going toward the left. When it was smoked out itaij^6ag 
iya'tag ki'yapi took it and three times pretended to empty the ashes on the buffalo 
cliip, emptying them with the fourth motion. 

During the day of the ceremony the spirit bundles lay beside their 
respective spirit posts. The actual release of the spirits came when 
these bundles were opened. This was done by the a'taya itarj'dar). 

Weasel Bear said: 

He did not take all the wrapping from a spirit bundle at once. He removed a por- 
tion and then made a brief discourse, doing this in such a manner that there were four 
acts of unwrapping, the last one occurring about an hour l)cfore sunset. Then he un- 
folded the last wrapping and let the spirit of my child depart. 

The lock of hair, or other object which formed the nucleus of the 
spirit bundle, was kept by the family, and the itaij'daij kept such 
articles from the bundle as he desired, the remainder being distributed 
among the people in the lodge. The spirit-keeper and his wife then 
gave away practically all they possessed except the clothing they 
wore. 

If the principal spirit-keeper made use of a white buffalo robe in the 
spirit lodge there was much interest at the close of the ceremony in see- 
ing who would have the honor of carrying it out of the lodge. A man 
having the necessary qualifications might do this, and children who had 
been through the Alo'waijpi ceremony might take hold of it and help 
him carry it. The qualifications included uprightness of life and the 
former possession of a white buffalo robe. Outside the lodge a crude 



84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

effigy of a buffalo had been erected of small trees. After being carried 
from the lodge the white buffalo robe was laid over this framework, and 
on it were placed valuable garments, as an elk-tooth dress or an eagle 
war bonnet. The white buffalo robe, together with the articles 
placed upon it, were given to the society which had given most assist- 
ance to the spirit-keeper. In every society there is one man who is 
qualified to take charge of such a robe if the society decides to keep it 
intact, and such a man may make drawings on it. The society is at 
liberty, however, to cut it in pieces and divide it among the mem- 
bers, or to sell it if so desired. 
Weasel Bear said : 

When it was time for the people to depart, the itag^dag went first, carrying his share 
of the bundle in which for so long I had detained the spirit of my little daughter. My 
wife stood at the door of the tipi and said to the people, ' ' if you have no leather you may 
cut up this tipi." The women came like a rush of wind and cut up the tipi very 
quickly. I\Iy wife even let them have a little tipi in which we kept our cooking uten- 
sils and other things not connected with the spirit-keeping. They even took away the 
tipi poles. Nothing was left except the grass on which we stood and the little spirit 
post. My wife and I had parted with everything. We Avalked side by side, and I 
thought with some regret of all I had given away. We went and sat down under a tree 
in a deep study. 

That evening one of our relatives came and put up a tipi, led us to it and said. 
"This is your home." Others brought kettles, blankets, provit^ions, and clothing 
for us. Our relatives did all this for us, in order that we might begin our hves again. 

After a time the camp moved to another place and we left the spirit post standing 
there. No matter where we were, if a woman came and said, "I cleared the ground 
around your daughter's post," my wife would give her food. Sometimes, if there is a 
spirit post in the camp, a person who is hungry will go and clear the ground around the 
post. The relatives of the dead person will see this and cook food and carry the 
kettles to the place, that the hungry may eat and be satisfied. But if a spirit-keeper 
so desires, he may, after a certain time, take up the spirit post and bury it." 

After finishing his narrative. Weasel Bear added: "All this came 
to us through the white buffalo and is one of the reasons why every- 
thing connected with the buffalo is so highly regarded by us." 

The Sun Dance 

In the myths of the Indians, as in the mythology of ancient 
peoples, the sun was a prominent figure. Doctor Swanton ^ states 
that ''the Natchez beheved the universe to be filled with spirits in 
human forms, and that there were differences in power among these, 
the most powerful of aU being a sky deity resident in or connected 
with the Sun." Many other tribes held a similar belief, and the 
worship of such a deity was widespread among the Indians of North 
America. This worship assumed various forms, presenting con- 
trasts in many important characteristics. The Sun dance was a 

1 Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley and Adjacent Coast of the Gulf of Mexico, BuU. 43, Dur. 
Amer. Ethn., p. 174, 1911. 



DBNSMonH] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 85 

ceremony whose observance was limited to certain Plains tribes.' In 
the Sun dance the Indian considered that he offered to Wakaq'taijka^ 

1 See bibliography, pp. 86, 87, footnote, of this work, also article Sun i)onc€, by G. A. Dorsey, in Hand- 
book of American Indians, pt. 2, p. 649. 

2 Throughout this work the term Wakaq'tarika will be used in preference to tlie term Great Spirit, 
which is commonly accepted as its English equivalent. The word Wakai)'tar)ka is composed of ua'kai) 
(mysterious) and tap'ka (great). There is nothing in the term to suggest "spirit," the Sioux having other 
words to express that idea. The statement has been made that the term Wakai)'tar)ka, as well as the idea 
which it is used to express, is a result of the teachings of missionaries, the native religion being a worship of 
Ta'kuwakai), a numen or a mysterious thing (hence a spirit or divinity). Rev. J.Owen Dorsey, who went 
among the Siouan tribes first as a missionaryand afterwards as a philologist, wrote: "The missionaries, not 
the laymen, are the ones who make the positive statements about the absence of a belief in one Great Spirit. 
(See Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ellin., p. 4,32.) During several seasons'work among the Teton Sioux the writer has 
made diligent inquiry concerning this matter, and the unvarying opinion of the old men is that the Sioux 
have always believed in Wakai)'tar)ka. The exact significance of the term in the mind of the Sioux is as 
difficult to formulate as the exact meaning of the word God in the mind of Christians. (See p. 96.) In old 
times the term \Vakaq'tar)ka was not used in ordinary conversation, because it was held too sacred to be 
spoken except with due reverence and at a proper time. In this connection it will be recalled that many 
tribes of Indians avoid mentioning a man's name, especially in his presence. That which remains unspoken 
must be considered in the study of any deep phase of Indian thought. A full and complete expression is 
not in accordance with Indian custom. The unspoken element may be a matter of mutual imderstanding 
no indication of which appears in words, or it may be something which is indicated in such a maimer as 
to be intelligible only to those for whom it is intended. Thus there is a "sacred language" used by medi- 
cine-men in which familiar words take on an occult meaning. (See p. 120, footnote.) In attempting to 
express the meaning of the word wakarj the following statement was made to the writer by several old In- 
dians, after consultation: "An ordinary man has natural ways of doing things. Occasionally there is a man 
who has a gift for doing extraordinary things, and he is called wakar;. Although this is a supernatural gift, 
he can use it only by effort and study. A man may be able to do things in a mysterious way , but none has 
ever been found who could command the sun and moon or change the seasons. The most wonderful things 
which man can do are different from the works of nature. When the seasons changed we regarded it as a 
gift from the sun, which is the strongest of all mysterious wakay powers.'' (See p. 96.) In another con- 
sideration of the subject it was said: "We use the words taku wakay for anything which we can see for 
ourselves has mysterious power. Thus a pipe is taku (something) uakarj, for with it supplications may, 
be made and good obtained. We can not see the thunder, and we say it is wakay, but we see the lightning 
and we know that the thunder and lighting are a sign of rain, which does good to the earth. Anything 
which has similar power is uakay, but above all is the sun, which has most power of all. "' Other conversa- 
tions, similar to the preceding, expressed the conviction In the minds of the Sioux that their people had 
always believed in a mysterious power whose greatest manifestation is the sim, and that Wakai)'tar)ka was 
the designation of that power. The belief in lesser "deities" will not be considered at this time. 

The following citations indicate the manner in which Wakaq'tagka is regarded by the Sioux: Should be 
reverenced (p. 88).; " I conquered by the help of Wakaij'tagka " (p. 96)'; " Wakar) 'taijka, pity me" (p. 135); 
is to be petitioned reverently (p. 184); provides food (p. 185); is maker of all (p. 208); Wakaq'taqka repre- 
sented by sacred stones (p. 214); medicinal herbs are a gift from Wakag'taqka (p. 268); is all powerful (p. 
87); is a help in sickness (p. 275); gives success (p. 341). See also prayers to Wakai)'tai)ka, p. 95, footnote. 

The following authorities on this subject may be consulted, some holding opinions differing from the 
above statement: Rev. G. H. Pond, writing in 1866, said: "Evidence is also wanting to show that the 
Dakotas embraced in their religious tenets the idea of one Supreme Existence, whose existence is expressed 
by the term 'Great Spirit.'" ( Colls. Minn. Hist. Soc, vol. 2, pt. 3, p. 33, 1867.) Rev. S. R. Riggs men- 
tions nine " Dakota gods," saying, "this enumeration of the Dakota gads is not intended to be exhaustive." 
(See Riggs, Stephen Return, Tah-koo Wah-kan', pp. 61-75, Boston [1869]; also, by the same author. The 
Theogony of The Sioux, in Amer. Antig. for April-June, ii. No. 4, pp. 265-70, 1880, in which the elements 
of earth, air, and water have each a special deity. 

Among certain Siouan tribes the term wakay'da was used. Concerning this word Dr. W J McGee says 
" The idee expressed by the term . . . can not justly be rendered into 'spirit,' much less into 'Great Spirit' 
... It appears that, in so far as they grasped the theistic concept, the Sioux Indians were polytheist; 
that then- mysteries or deities varied in rank and power; . . . and that their dispositions and motives 
resembled those found among mankind." (McGee, W J, The Siouan Indians, in Fifteenth Rep. Bur. 
Ethn., pp. 182-83.) Miss Fletcher states that among the Omaha and Ponca tribes the word wakay'da 
was used to designate a "mysterious power or permeating life," and that "this word is now used to 
designate the Deity." (Fletcher, Alice C, The Emblematic Use of the Tree in the Dakotan Group, in 
Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1S96, p. 193, Salem, 1897.) Sec also Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha 
Tribe, in Twenty-seventh Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn. pp. 597-599, Washington, 1911; Fletcher, Wakondagi, 
in Amer. Anthr., xiv., pp. 100-108, Lancaster, 1912, 

4840°— Bull. 61—18 8 



86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull.61 

what was strongest in his nature and training — namely, the abihty 
to endure physical pain. He did this in fulfillment of a vow made in 
time of anxiety, usually when on the warpath. Strange as it may seem, 
the element of pain, which ennobled the ceremony in the mind of the 
Indian, was a cause of its misunderstanding by the white man. The 
voluntary suffering impressed the beholder, while its deep signifi- 
cance was not evident. It is probable that no Indian ceremony has 
been misinterpreted so widely and so persistently as the Sun dance. 
V. T. McGilhcuddy, agent at Pine Ridge, S. Dak., wrote in his 
report for 1882: "The heathenish annual ceremony termed 'the 
Sun dance/ will, I ti-ust, . . . be soon a thing of the past."^ 
James G. Wright, agent on the Rosebud Resei'vation, in the same 
State, characterized the Sun dance as an " aboriginal and barbarous 
festival." ^ The stand point of the Sioux concerning the Sun dance 
is indicated by the following statement of Red Bird, a thoughtful 
member of the tribe. In describing the Sun dance to the writer 
he said: 

There is a great deal in what a man believes, and if a man 's religion is changed for 
the better or for the worse he will know it. The Sun dance was our first and our only 
religion. We believed that there is a mysterious power greater than all others, wliich 
is represented by natiu-e, one form of representation being the sun. Thus we made 
sacrifices to the sun, and our petitions were granted. The Indians lived longer in 
the old days than now. I would not say this change is due to tlirowing away the old 
religion; there may be other reasons, but in the old times the Sun dance was held 
annually and wai? looked forward to with eagerness. I believe we had true faith at 
that time. But there came a year when ' ' the sun died. " There was a period of dark- 
ness,^ and from that day a new religion came to the Indians. It is the white man's 
religion. We are timid about it, as we are about the other ways of the white man. 
In the old days oiu* failh was strong and our lives were cared for; now our faith is 
yeaker, and we die. 

The ceremony of the Sun dance varied among different tribes.* 

1 Ind. Aff. Rep. for 1882, p. 39. 1882. 

2 Ibid, for 1886, p. 82, 1886. 

3 [The Indians stated that this referred to an eclipse of the sun in 1868, but the reference is probably to 
the total eclipse which took place August 7, 1S69.] 

< Concerning the Sun-dance customs of various tribes the foUowtng authorities, among others, may be 
consulted: 

Among the Sioux: 

Fletcher, Alice C, The Sun dance of the Ogalalla Sioux, in Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1882, pp. 580-84, 
Salem, Mass., 1883. 

Description by Bushotter, in Dorsey, George A., A Study of Slouan Cults, in Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., 
pp. 450-64. Also description by Capt. John G. Bourke, U. S. A., ibid., pp. 464-66. 

Clarke, W. P., Indian Sign Language, p. 361, Philadelphia, Pa., 1S85. 

Catlin, George, The Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, I, pp. 232, 233, 
London, 1841. 

Lynd, James W., Religion of the Dakotas, in Colls. Hist. Soc. Minn., vol. 2, pt. 2, pp. 78, 79, St. Paul, 
Minn., 1865. 

Pond, G. H. (quoting from Rev. S. R. Riggs) , Dakota Superstitions, ibid., pt. 3, pp. 46-49, 1867. 

Beckwith, Paul, Notes on Customs of the Dakotahs, in Smithson. Rep. for 1886, pt. 1 , p. 250, 1889. 

Among the Crows: 

Lowie, Robert H., The Sun Dance of the Crow Indians, in Amer. Mus. Nit. Hist., Anthr. Papers, xvi, 
pt. 1, New York, 1915. 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 87 

The form of the ceremony herewith presented is that of the Sioux 
on tlie Standing Rock Reservation, in Dakota, a majority of whom 
belong to the Teton division. In ohl times the tribe was so hirge 
and so widely scattered that Sun dances were held at more than one 
locality, the Teton and Yanktonai usually uniting in a ceremony, 
wliich was held on the western portion of the Dakota prairie. Thus 
their traditions of the ceremony have much in common, while the 
Sun-dance customs of the Santee, Sisseton, and other divisions of the 
tribe living toward the east, present many radical differences. 

THE SI^X DANCE OF THE TETON' STOUX 

The writer's study of the Sun dance was made in 1911 among the 
Teton and Yanktonai Sioux on the Standing Rock Reservation, in 
North and South Dakota. The principal pnrt of the work was done 
in a series of conferences covering a period of several weeks, these 
being held at the Standing Rock Agency. Fifteen men took part, and 
about 40 others were interviewed. These informants, who were 
carefully selected, lived within a radius of about 80 miles. Below 
will be found a brief sketch of each of the men who took part in the 
conferences. Ten are of pure Teton blood. ' Several of these men 
have been prominent in the history of the tribe and its negotiations 
with the Government. With one exception — a noted warrior who 
took part in the battle known as the Custer massacre — they were 
friendly to the white men during the troublous days on the frontier. 
Six of the men have steadily refused to be influenced by the mission- 
aries and still retain the native religious beliefs. 

Among the Cheyenne: 

Dorsey, George A., The Cheyenne, pt. 2, in Puhs. Field Col. ^fu.•<., Anthr. ccr., ix, 'So. 2, Chicago, 1905. 

Hayden, F. V., Contributions to the Ethnography and Philology of the Indian Tribes of the Missouri 
Valley, p. 280, Philadelphia, 1S62. 

Mooney, James, The Cheyenne Indians, in Mcms. Aincr. Anlhr. Atssnc, vol. 1, pp. 369, 417, Lancas.ter, 
Pa., 1905-1907. 

Among the Arapaho: 

Dorsey, George A., The Arapaho Sun Dance: The Ceremony of theOlTerings Lodge, op. cil., iv, 1903. 

Among the Ponca: 

Dorsey, James Owen, A Study of Siouan Cults, in Eleventh Rep. Bur. Elhn., p. 378, 1894 

Among the Kiowa: 

Scott, Hugh Lenox, Notes on the Kado, or Sun dance of the Kiowa, in Amer. Anlhr. ,xm, No. 3, pp. 
345-79, Lancaster, Pa., 1911. 

Among the Mandan: 

Catlin describes and illustrates a ceremony similar in some respects to the Sun dance, under the title 
"Annual Religious Ceremony;" see Catlin, op. cit., pp. 155-77. 

This ceremony is also described as the "Okippe" of the Mandan by Maximilian, Prince of Wied, in 
Travels in the Interior of North America (translated from the German by H. Evans Lloyd), pp. 372-78, 
London, 1893. 

Among the Blackfoot: 

Wilson, R. N., The Sacrificial Rite of the Blackfoot, in Proc. and Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada, 1909, 3d ser., 
vol. 3, sec. n, pp. 3-21, Ottawa, 1910. 

Among the Minitarl (a division of the Hidatsa): 

Matthews, Washington, Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians, U. S. Geol. and Oeogr. Sun., 
Misc. Pub. No. 7, pp. 45, 46, 1877. 

James, Edwin, Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, performed in the 
years 1819 and '20, under the command of Maj . Stephen H. Long, pp. 276, 277, Philadelphia, 1823. 

See also articles Sun dance and Ceremony by George A. Dorsey in Handbook of American Indians. 



88 . BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.ei 

(1) lTur)'KASAr)-Lu'TA (Red Weasel), a member of the Teton 
division of the tribe. Concerning the Sun dance Red Weasel is con- 
sidered the highest authority among the Teton Sioux. He acted as 
Intercessor four times, the last occasion being the Sun dance of 1881, 
the final ceremony held by the Teton in Dakota. He also took part 
in the dance four times, once by being suspended from the pole and 
three times by receiving cuts on his arms. In earlier years he was 
trained for the ofRce of Intercessor (Kuwa' Kiya'jn) ^ by Wi-ihar)'bla 
(Dreamer-of-the-Sun), who died about the middle of the last century. 
Before giving his information concerning the Sun dance Red Weasel 
said: 

T am Hot boasting; I am telling you what I mysolf know and I must speak for myself 
as there is no man living who can vouch for me. What I tell you is what I learned 
from Dreamer-of-the-Sun, who taught me as he was taught. Beyond that I can not 
tell you the history of the Sun dance. Dreamer-of-the-Sun was my uncle. He had 
many relatives, but he selected me as one who was peculiarly fitted to succeed him 
if I lived to grow up. He thus decided to instruct me and began my training at an 
early age. One of the first and most important things I was taught was that I must 
have the greatest reverence for Wakag^tagka. Dreamer-of-the-Sun told me that if I 
would obey his instructions I would be a help to the Sioux nation, and that, if 
properly prepared for the duties of the highest office in the Sun dance, I need have 
no anxiety when filling the office as the proper thing to do would come to my mind 
at the time. In regard to the songs, Dreamer-of-the-Sun told me that I may pray with 
my mouth and the prayer will be heard, but if I sing the prayer it will be heard sooner 
by Wakag'tagka. All the prayers which I offered in the Sun dance and which are 
still in my mind are prayers which were taught me by Dreamer-of-the-Sun. 

When Red Weasel gave his information concerning the Sun dance 
he was about 80 years old and bowed with the weight of his years. He 
traveled 43 miles by wagon in order to confer with the writer. The 
sun shone in a cloudless sky while he was at the agency, and his 
presence was so highly esteemed by the old people that many said, 
"We have fine weather because Red Weasel is with us." 

(2) Mato'-kuwa'pi (CHASED-BY-BEARs),aSantee-Yanktonai (pi. 13) 
took part in the Sun dance twice as Leader of the Dancers and was 
present at the final Sun dance of the Teton. His first participation 
in the dance was in 1867, when at the age of 24 years he had "spoken 
the vow" of a war party, (See p. 97.) On that occasion as well as 
at other Sun dances he cut the arms of the men, suspended them to 
the pole or fastened the buffalo skulls to their flesh, according to the 
nature of their vows. He said that he once saw a vision. He was 
dancing in the Sun dance, and as he looked steadily at the sun he saw 

1 One of the most important of the Intercessor's duties was considered to be the offering of prayers as 
representative of the people, and for this reason the term "Intercessor" was adopted by Mr. Higheagle 
to designate thiis office. A majority of English words expressing religious ideas are associated with the 
teachings of Christianity. In many instances, therefore, the native idea must be gained largely from the 
connection in which a word is used. 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 89 

a man beneath the sun, the man's face bemg painted red and white.^ 
Chased-by-Bears died in February, 1915. 

(3) Zintka'la-lu'ta^ (Red Bird), plate 22, a Teton Sioux, took 
part in the Sun dance at the age of 24 years, receiving 100 cuts on 
liis arms in fulfillment of a Sun-dance vow.^ His uncle was an 
Intercessor in the Sun dance and Red Bird was receiving instructions 
from him with a view to filling that office when the Sun dance was 
discontinued. His uncle's name was Taca'gula (His Lungs) who 
died in the year 1868. 

(4) Pezi' (Grass), plate 73, bears also the name Mato'-wata'- 
kpe (Chargmg Bear); he is best known, however, as John Grass. 
His father also was known as John Grass, and in addition to this he 
bore_ the name Waha'car)ka-ya'pi (Used-as-a-Shield) ; he was noted 
as a warrior against other tribes, but was always friendly to the white 
men. John Grass is a Teton and was a successful leader of war 
parties against the Mandan, Arikaree, and Crow Indians. When the 
Black Hills treaty and other treaties were made with the Govern- 
ment he was the principal speaker for the Sioux tribe. Since that 
time he has constantly influenced his people to adopt the customs of 
civilization. He has been to Washington as a tribal delegate and for 
30 years has been the leading judge of the Court of Indian Offenses on 
the Standing Rock Reservation. As a young man he was selected to 
choose the Sun-dance pole, but never made a Sun-dance vow. 

(5) iTuq'KASAq-MATo' (Weasel Bear) is a Teton Sioux. He 
was once selected to choose the Sun-dance pole but never fulfilled a 
vow at a Sun dance. He once made a similar vow, which, how- 
ever, was fulfilled privately. When on the warpath against the 
Crows he vowed that if he were successful he would give part of his 
flesh to Wakaij'taqka, but did not say tha,t he would do so at the 
Sun dance. The war party wa§ successful, and on the way home his 
arms were cut with 100 gashes in fulfillment of the vow, the cutting 
being done by a man who had taken part in the Sun dance. Weasel 
Bear is hereditary chief of a large band and belongs to one of its wealth- 
iest families. As a young man he was successful in war, a prominent 
member of the White Horse Riders, and a leader in the grass dance. 
When negotiations with the Government were begun he was one of 

1 For other descriptions of dreams see: Dream of the rising sun (p. 139); a dream of "a man in the 
sun," by Red Bird (p. 149); of the thunderbirds, by Lone Man (pp. 159-161); of the thunderbirds, and of 
wolves, by Charging Thunder (pp. 170-181); of the buflalo, elk, wolf, and sacred stones, by Brave Buffalo 
(pp. 173-179,207-208); of the crow and owl, by Siyalca (pp. 184-188); of the wolf, by Two Shields and by 
Weasel Bear (pp. 188-190); of a rainbow (p. 214); a strange vision in the sky, in which a sacred stone ap- 
peared, by Goose (p. 251); a dream of a badger by Eagle Shield (p. 266.) 

2 This is the generic term for small birds but is commonly translated simply "bird." 

8 Red Bird died a few weeks after the study of the Sun dance was completed. On returning to the reser- 
vation the writer asfced whether the death of Red Bird was attributed to the information given concerning 
the Sun dance and was assured it was not. Indeed Red Bird said during his last illness that he was greatly 
oomforted by the thought that he had helped to preserve the songs and beliefs of bis peoplo. 



90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei 

the tribal delegates to Washington. In his later years he is known 
as one of the most prosperous native farmers on the reservation. 

(6) Wakii^/yaij-wata'kpe (Charging Thunder), plate 24, a 
Teton Sioux, is an hereditary chief of a band and a higlily respected 
member of the tribe. He took part in the Sun dance four times, at 
the ages of 21,23, 24, and 25. On each occasion he liad vowed that 
100 cuts should be made on his arms, but the last time there was not 
room for all the cuts on his arms, so a])out 20 were made on his chest. 
He is a man of genial counteiuince and powerful physique. In speak- 
ing of himself he said, "My prayer has been heard and I have lived 
long." 

(7) Maga' (Goose), plate 31, was a member of the Teton division, 
and at the time of giving his information was 76 years of age. He still 
contmued the practice of native medicine and was considered the best 
Indian doctor on the reservation. He took part in the Sun dance at 
the age of 27, being suspended from the Sun-dance pole. Goose 
served for a time in the United States Army. The records ,of the 
War Department show that he enlisted September 11, 1876, in 
Buffalo Comity, Dakota Territory, as a scout, U. S. A., and served 
almost continuously in that capacity until July 10, 1882. He again 
enlisted June 11, 1891, at Fort Yates, North Dakota, and was honor- 
ably discharged April 30, 1893, a private of Company I, 22d United 
States Infantry. He was a corporal from October 16, 1891, to 
October 18, 1892. Goose died in September, 1915. 

(8) Siya'ka (Teal Duck), plate 1, who bore also the name 
War)bh'wana'peya (Eagle-Who-Frightens), was a Yanktonai- 
Teton. Instead of being kno-wTi by the English equivalent of his 
Sioux name he was known as Siya'ka, the name used m the present 
work. He was not an hereditary chief, but was elected chief of a 
band. He took part in the Sim dance twice as a young man and 
was also one of the four young men selected to choose the Sun-dance 
pole. The first time he took part in the Sun dance was at the age 
of 21 in fulfilment of a vow made on the warpath. He went with 
a party of 26 wan-ioi*s on an expedition against the Mandan and 
Arikaree. About 20 of the warriors, including himself, vowed to 
take part in the next Sun dance by dancing, and the other members 
of the party vowed to participate in other ways. One battle was 
fought, and aU the party returned home ahve. His second participa- 
tion in the Sun dance was at the age of 25, and he bore three long 
scars on each arm as an evidence of the ordeal. He was once a tribal 
delegate to Wasliington. Siya'ka died in March, 1913. 

(9) Toka'la-lu'ta (Red Fox), plate 56, is a member of the Teton 
band. He was prominent in the Sun dance, taking part three times, 
at the ages of 19, about 30, and 40 years. The last time he had sev- 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 9 




BUFFALO BOY 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 10 




BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 11 




WHITE-BUFFALO-WALKING 



uENSMOKB] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 91 

eral buffalo skulls fastened to his back. As evidence of his other Sun- 
dance vows he bears nine long scars on each arm, three near the wrist, 
four near the elbow, and two on the upper arm. 

(10) Hogaij'-lu'ta (Red Fish), plate 74, a Santee-Yanktonai, is 
a chief and is a ])rominent man in the councils of the tribe. He took 
part in the Sun dance twice, first when he was 26 years old, and the 
second time at the age of 40. (See song No. 192.) 

(11) I^na'la-wica' (Lone ^Ian), plate 23, a Teton, took part in 
the Sun dance when 20 and when 31 years of age, and has 100 scars on 
each arm. He was chosen on one occasion to lielp select the Sun- 
dance pole and on another occasion to sing at the drum. He was 
l)rominent in tribal wars and took part in the Custer massacre. 

(12) ^L\'zaiovij'-wica'ki (Seizes-the-Gux-away-from-Them), a 
Teton, took part in the Sun dance, being suspended from the pole. 
He stated that when he was on the warpath all the warriors made a 
Sun-dance vow, so he joined them, asking that he might conc|uer the 
enemy and capture horses, also that he might find his friends alive 
when he reached home. In fulfilling this vow he remained suspended 
for more than an hour, after which he was "jerked down," but the 
flesh still refused to tear and only the sticks were broken. The flesh 
was then cut and the splinters of wood remaining underneath were 
removed, after which a tiny portion of flesh was offered as in the 
case of that cut from the arms. 

(13) Tatatj'k.v-hok^i'i>a (Buffalo Boy), plate 9, is a Santee- 
Yanktonai. At the age of 30 he carried six buffalo skidls when ful- 
filling a Sun-dance vow. Ten years later he took part in the dance 
again. He received his name from a dream in which he saw the 
buffalo. 

(14) Caijte'-wani'ca (No Heart) (plate 10), a Yanktonai, is a 
well knowm medicine-man of the tribe and is able to depict events by 
means of drawings. (See pi. 16.) He took part in the Sun dance 
when 20 years of age and lias 100 scars on each arm. > 

(15) Ptesaij'-ma'ni (White-Buffalo-Walking), plate 11, is a 
Teton and took part in the final Sun dance in 1882. 



The above-mentioned men were the principal informants concern- 
ing the Sun dance, the worlv being done in a series of conferences. 
As already stated, about 40 additional men were interviewed. All 
were members of the Teton, Santee, and Yanktonai divisions of 
the tribe. The purpose of the interviews was to ascertain the facts 
concerning the ceremony which were remembered by those who at- 
tended as spectators, and also to ascertain the manner in which the 
men who took part in the conferences were regarded by members 
of the tribe. Thus the importance given the opinions expressed by 



92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

these men was influenced somewhat by the authority accorded them 
by these scattered members of the tribe. The facts brought out dur- 
ing these interviews did not conflict with statements made in the con- 
ferences, but served to corroborate them and to add minor details. 

Not all the men in the foregoing list were present at every confer- 
ence. Thus on the first occasion it was possible for only 9 to attend. 
It was considered desirable that at least 12 pei"sons be present, and 
as no other elderly man was acceptable to the council, an invitation 
was extended to Thomas Frosted, a full-blood Santee-Yanktonai, 
who witnessed several Sun dances when too young to make a Sun- 
dance vow, and who has given much consideration to its history and 
beliefs. Robert P. Higheaglo, the interpreter, also witnessed a Sun 
dance when a child. These men, with the wTiter, completed the 
desired number and no other persons were allowed in the room. Two 
days were occupied by the discussions, and several men remained 
longer to record songs. 

Concerning these conferences Isr)a'la-wica' (Lone Man) said to the 
writer : 

^\^len we heard that you had come for the facts concerning the Sun dance we con- 
sulted together in our homes. Some hesitated. We have discarded the old ways, yet 
to talk of them is "sacred talk" to us. If we were to talk of the Sun dance there 
should be at least 12 persons present, so that no disrespect would be shown, and no 
young people should be allowed to come from curiosity. When we decided to come 
to the council we reviewed all the facts of the Sun dance and asked Wakag^tagka that 
we might give a true account. We prayed that no bad weather would prevent the 
presence of anyone chosen to attend, and see, during all this week the sound of the 
thunder has not been heard, the sky has been fair by day and the moon has shone 
brightly by night, so we know that Wakag^tagka heard our prayer. 

Seated in a circle, according to the old custom, the Indians lis- 
tened to the statements concerning the Sun dance as they had already 
been given to the writer. According to an agreeement there 
were no interruptions as the manuscript was translated. The man 
at the southern end of the row held a pipe, which he occasionally lit 
and handed to the man at his left. Silently the pipe was passed 
from one to another, each man puffing it for a moment. The closest 
attention was given throughout the readmg. A member of the 
white race can never know what reminiscences it brought to the silent 
Indians — what scenes of departed glory, what dignity and pride of 
race. After this the men conferred together concerning the work. 

That night mitil a late hour the subject was discussed in the camp 
of Indians. The next morning the principal session of the council 
took place. At tltis time the expression of opinion was general and 
after each discussion a man was designated to state the decision 
through the interpreter. Sometimes one man and sometimes another 
made the final statement, but nothins; was written down which did 



DENSMOKE] TETOI^ SIOUX MUSIC 93 

not represent a consensus of opinion. Throughout the councils care 
was taken that the form of a question did not suggest a possible 
answer by the Indians. 

On the afternoon of that day the entire party drove across the 
prairie to the place, about a mile and a half from the Standing 
Rock Agency, where the last Sun dance of these bands was held in 
1882. 

A majority of the Indians who went to the site of the Sun dance 
with the writer were men who took part in the Sun dance of 1882 
and had not visited the place since that time. When nearing the 
place they scanned the horizon, measuring the distance to the Mis- 
souri River and the buttes. At last they gave a signal for the wagons 
to stop, and, springing to the ground, began to search the prairie. 
In a short time they found the exact spot where the ceremony was 
held. The scars were still on the prairie as they were on their own 
bodies. A depression about 2 inches in depth stiU square in outline 
and not fully overgrown with grass showed where the earth had been 
exposed for the oway'lca waJcatj' ("sacred place") ; see page 122. Only 
3 or 4 feet away lay a broken buffalo skull. Eagerly the Indians 
hfted it and saw traces of red paint upon it — could it be other than 
the skull used in that ceremony? They looked if perchance they 
might find a trace of the location of the pole. It should be about 
15 feet east of the "sacred place." There it was — a spot of hard, bare 
ground 18 inches in diameter. 

One said, ''Here you can see where the shade-house stood." This 
' shade-house, or shelter of boughs, was built entirely around the Sun- 
dance circle except for a wide entrance at the east. It was possible 
to trace part of it, the outhne being particularly clear on the west 
of the circle; to the east the position of the posts at the entrance 
was also recognized. The two sunken places (where the posts had 
stood) were about 15 feet apart, and the center of the space between 
them was directly in line with the site of the pole and the center of 
the ' 'sacred place " at the west of it.^ More than 29 years had passed 
since the ceremony. It is strange that the wind had not sown seeds 
on those spots of earth. 

The little party assembled again around the buffalo skull. Mr. 
Higheagle gathered fresh sage, which he put beside the "sacred 
place;" he then laid the broken buffalo skuU upon it and rested 
a Sun-dance pipe against the skull, with stem uplifted. He, too, 
had his memories. As a boy of 6 years he was present at that 
final Sun dance, wearing the Indian garb and Hving the tribal life. 
Between that day and the present lay the years of education in the 
white man's way. Some of the Indians put on their war bonnets 



» These measurements were verified by the writer at a subsequent time. 



94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, oi 

and their jackets of deerskin with the long fringes. (PI. 12.) How 
bright were the porcupine quills on the tobacco bags! "Yes, it 
is good that we came here today." Pass the pipe from hand to 
hand in the old way. Jest a little. Yonder man tells too fine a 
story of his part in the Sun dance — let him show his scars! Yet 
the memories, how they return! One old man said with trembling 
lips: "I was young then. My wife and my children were with me. 
They went away many years ago. I wish I coidd have gone with 
them." 

The sky was blue above the little gathering, and all around the 
vast silent prairie seemed waiting, listening. The Indians were 
its children — would the white man understand them aright ? 



A few weeks later the material was again discussed point by point 
with men who came 40 miles for the purpose. Chief among these 
was Red Bird, who was under instruction for the office of Inter- 
cessor when the Sun dance was discontinued. He was present at 
the first council, but some facts had come to his mind in the mean- 
time, and he wished to have them included in the narrative. These 
men met four times for the discussion of the subject, the phonograph 
records being played for them and approved, and some ceremonial 
songs being added to the series. A few days later a conference was 
held with five other men, most of whom were present at the council 
of August 28 and 29. The session lasted an entire day, the narrative 
which had been prepared being translated into Sioux and the phono- 
graph records played for them, as for the previous group of men. 
With one exception all the men present were chiefs. 

Throughout this series of conferences the prmcipal points of the 
account remained unchanged. Each session added information, 
placed events in the proper order, furnished detail of description, and 
gave reasons for various ceremonial acts. The councils were not 
marked by controversy, a spirit of cordiality prevailing, but the open 
discussion assisted in recalling facts and nothing was recorded which 
was not pronounced correct by the council as a whole. 

A message was then sent to Ituij'kasaq-lu'ta (Red Weasel), an 
aged man who acted as Intercessor at the last Sun dance, asking 
him to come and give his opinion on the material. He came and 
with three others went over the subject in another all-day council. 
His training and experience enabled him to recall details concerning 
the special duties of the Intercessor, and he also sang four songs 
which he received from Wi-ihaq'bla (Dreamer-of-the-Sun) together 
with the instmctions concernmg the duties of his office. These 
songs are Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 18 in the present memoir. Before 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 13 




CHASED-BY-BEARS 



DE.NSMORE] TETON SiOUX MUSIC 95 

singing the first song the aged man bowed his head and made the 
following prayer,^ which was recorded by the phonograph : 

Ho Wakaij^taijka nama'lion wo. Aqpe^tu le el ni^oie waijzi' obla^kig ktelo'. Tka 
ta^ku wo'walUaiu waniK ya obla^kiij ktelo^. Oya^te wica^ui ktelo^. Huku^ciyela 
waoij^ taijyaij^ ama'bleza yo. Mi'waijkapataqhaij waijyaijg' nama^jiij yo. Wica'yaka 
e6e kiij on taijyaij' ho ana^magoptaij ye. Le mita'Tcuye yagka'pi kiij ob taijyay'' 
to^ka e^wacig ^niyag waoij^ ktelo'. He(5e<5a kiq toka'ta oi^najig wag ogyeglepikig 
ekta' hountagiij pi kta nugwe^. 

( Translation) 

Wakag'tagka, hear me. Tliis day I am to tell yom- word. But without sin I shall 
speak. The tribe shall live. Behold me for I am humble. From above watch me. 
You are always the truth, listen to me. My friends and relatives, sitting here, and I 
shall be at peace. May our voices be heard at the future goal you have prepared for us. 

The foregoing prayer was uttered in so low a voice that the phono- 
gram was read with difficulty. It is uncertain whether the aged man 
intended that it should be recorded, but as he had seated himself 
before the phonograph preparatory to singing, it was possible to put 
the machine in motion without attracting his attention. He began 
the prayer with head bowed and right hand extended, later raising 
his face and using the same gestures which he would have used when 
filling his ceremonial office. 

Tlie final work on this niaterial was done with Chased-by-Bears, 
(pi. 13), a man who had twice acted as Leader of the Dancers, 
had "spoken the Sun-dance vow" of a war party (see p. 97), and had 
frequently inflicted the tortures at the ceremony. He was a particu- 
larly thoughtful man, remaining steadfast in the ancient behefs of his 
people. Few details were added to the description of the ceremony 
at this time, but its teachings received special attention. Chased- 
by-Bears' recital of his understanding of the Sun dance was not given 
consecutively, though it is herewith presented m connected form. 
This material represents several conferences with the writer, and also 
talks between Mr. Higheagle and Chased-by-Bears which took place 
during long drives across the prairie. In order to give opportunity 
for these conversations the interpreter brought Chased-by-Bears to 
the agency every day in his own conveyance. Thus the information 
was gradually secured. When it had been put in its present form, it 
was translated into Sioux for Chased-by-Bears, who said that it was 
correct in every particular. 

The statement of Chased-by-Bears concerning the Sun dance was 
as follows : 

The Sun dance is so sacred to us that we do not talk of it often. Before talking of 
holy things we prepare ourselves by offerings. If only two are to talk together, one 

1 other prayers, cither incorporated in narratives or made before songs and recorded by phonograph, are 
as follows: By Chased-by-Bcars (p. 97); by Lone Man (pp. 160, 163, 216); by Eagle Shield (p. 266); by 
White-paw Bear (p. 268); by Jaw (p. 389). 



96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei 

will fill his pipe and hand it to the other, who will light it and offer it to tlie sky and the 
earth. Then they will smoke together, and after smoking they will be ready to talk of 
holy things. 

The cutting of the bodies in fulfillment of a Sun dance vow is different from the cut- 
ling of the flesh when people are in sorrow. A man's body is his own, and when he 
gives his body or his flesh he is giving the only thing which really belongs to him. We 
know that all the creatures on the earth were placed here by Wakag'tagka. Thus, 
if a man says he will give a horse to Wakag^taijka, he is only giving to Wakag'taijka 
that which already belongs to him. I might give tobacco or other articles in the Sun 
dance, but if I gave these and kept back the best no one would believe that I was in 
earnest. I must give something that I really value to show that my whole being goes 
with the lesser gifts; therefore I promise to give my body. 

A cliild believes that only the action of some one who is unfriendly can cause 
pain, but in the Sun dance we acknowledge first the goodness of Wakai/taij ka, and 
then we suffer pain because of what he has done for us. To this day I have never 
joined a Christian Church. The old belief wliich I have always held is still with me. 

When a man does a piece of work which is admired by all we say that it is wonderful; 
but when we see the changes of day and night, the sun, moon, and stars in the sky, 
and the changing seasons upon the earth, with their ripening fruits, anyone must 
realize that it is the work of some one more powerful than man. Greatest of all is the 
sun, without wluch we could not live. The birds and the beasts, the trees and the 
rocks, are the work of some great power. Sometimes men say that they can under- 
stand the meaning of the songs of birds. I can believe this is true. They say that 
they can understand the call and cry of the animals, and I can believe tliis also is 
true, for these creatures and man are alike the work of a great power. We often 
wish for things to come, as the rain or the snow. They do not always come when 
we wish, but they are siire to come in time, for they are under the control of a power 
that is greater than man. 

It is right that men should repent when they make or fulfill a vow to Wakaq^tagka. 
No matter how good a man may appear to others, there are always things he has done 
for which he ought to be sorry, and he will feel better if he repents of them. Men 
often weep in the Sun dance and cry aloud. They are asking something of Wakag^- 
tagka, and are like children who wish to show their sorrow, and who also know that a 
request is more readily granted to a child who cries.' (See p. 185.) 

We talk to Wakaij'taijka and are sure that he hears us, and yet it is hard to explain 
what we believe about this. It is the general belief of the Indians that after a man 
dies his spirit is somewhere on the earth or in the sky, we do not know exactly where, 
but we are sure that his spirit still lives. Sometimes people have agreed together 
that if it were found possible for spirits to speak to men, they would make themselves 
known to their friends after they died, but they never came to speak to us again^ 
unless, perhaps, in our sleeping dreams. So it is with Wakag'taijka. We believe that 
he is everywhere, yet he is to us as the spirits of our friends, whose voices we can not 
hear. (See p. 85.) 

My first Sun-dance vow was made when I was 24 years of age. I was alone and far 
from the camp when I saw an Arikaree approacliing on horseback, leading a horse. I 
knew that my life was in danger, so I said, " Wakag^tagka, if you will let me kill this 
man and capture his horse with this lariat, I will give you my flesh at the next Sun 
dance." 

I was successful, and when I reached home I told my friends that I had conquered 
by the help of Wakag'tagka and had made a Sun-dance vow. It happened that I 
was the first who had done this after the Sun dance of that summer, so my friends said 
that I should be the Leader of the Dancers at the next ceremony. (See p. 102.) In 

I See Dorsey, James Owen, A Study of Siouan Cults, in Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 435, 1894. 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 97 

fulfilling this vow I carried the lariat I had used in capturipg the horse (fig. 21 ) fastened 
to the flesh of my right shoulder and the figure of a horse cut from rawhide fastened 
to my left shoulder. [Fig. 21 shows the lariat and whistle carried by Chased-by- 
Bears.] 

Later in the same year I went with a party of about 20 warriors. As we approached 
the enemy some of the men came to me saying that they desired to make Sun-dance 
vows and asking if I would ' ' speak the vow " for the party. (See p. 10 1 . ) Each man 
came to me alone and made some gift with the request. He also stated what gifts he 
would make at the Sun dance, but did not always say what part he intended to take in 
the dance. One man said, "I wall give my whole body to Wakaq^tagka." I did not 
understand what he meant, nor was it necessary that I should do so, but at the time of 
the Sim dance he asked that his body be suspended entirely above the ground. 

Just before sunrise I told the warriors to stand side by side facing the East. I stood 
behind them and told them to raise their right hands. I raised my right hand with 
them and said: " Wakaq^tagka, these men have requested me to make this vow for 
them. I pray you take pity on us and on our families at home. We are now between 
life and death. For the sake of our families and relatives we desire that you will 
help us conquer the enemy and capture his horses to take home with us. Because 
they are thankful for your goodness and will be thankful if you grant this request 
these men promise that they will take part in the next Sim dance. Each man has 
some offering to give at the proper time." 

We were successful and returned home victorious. Knowing that these men had 
vowed to take part in the Sun dance, I saw that their vows were fulfilled at the next 
ceremony and personally did the cutting of their arms and tlie suspension of tlieir 
bodies. I did this in addition to acting as Leader of the Dancers and fulfilling my own 
vow. 

The second time I fulfilled a Sun-dance vow I also acted as Leader of the Dancers. 
At that time I carried four buffalo skulls. They were so heavy that I could not stand 
erect, but bowed myself upon a stick which I was permitted to use and danced in that 
position (p. 133). 



When the work with Chased-by-Bears was finished he went with 
the MTiter and the interpreter to the spot where the final Sun dance 
was held, a place which had been visited by the council of Indians 
a few weeks before. The purpose of this visit was that Chased-by- 
Bears might arrange the ceremonial articles on the " sacred place " 
as would be done in a ceremony. 

The outline of the "sacred place" was made clear and intersect- 
ing white lines were traced on the exposed earth, (Seepage 122.) 

A buffalo skull had been secured and brought to the place. Chased- 
by-Bears spread fresh sage beside the ''sacred place" and laid the 
buffalo skull upon it. He then made a frame to support a pipe and 
placed in ceremonial position a pipe which had been decorated by the 
woman who decorated the Sun-dance pipe for the last tribal ceremony. 
The group of articles was then photographed. (See pi. 20.) Sud- 
denly Chased-by-Bears threw himself, face downward, on the ground, 
with his head pressed against the top of the buffalo skull. This 
was the position permitted a Leader of the Dancers when resting 



98 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



during the Sun dance. (Seep. 130.) After a few silent moments, 
he rose to his feet. The white cross was then obliterated, and fresh 
sage was carefully strewn over the bare, brown earth, so that no 

chance passer-by would pause to 

wonder. 

The study of the Sun dance was 

finished. 

DESCRIPTION OF A TETON SIOUX SUN 
DANCE 

The Sun dance was called by the 
Sioux Wi wai]'3"aijg wadi'pi, which 
is literally translated ''Sun-watch- 
ing dance." It was their only tribal 
gathering of a reUgious character 
and was held every year at the full 
moon of midsummer, "when all na- 
ture and even men were rejoicing." 
The trees were in full leaf and the 
June berries were ripe. Further, the 
wild sage was fully grown — a thing 
especially desired, as the sage was 
used in the ceremony. 

The place where the Sun dance was 
held changed from year to year, but 
was known to all the tribe. Across 
the prairie came the little compa- 
nies of Sioux, some traveling a long 
distance to attend the ceremony. 
One band after another arrived and 
erected its tipis in the accustomed 
part of the tribal circle. Each band 
constructed a vapor lodge ("sweat 
bath") near its camp for, the use 
of those who took part in the dance, 
also a larger lodge in which the 
dancers assembled before and after 
the ceremony. 

The Sun dance was held in the center of the great circle of tents. 
The opening of this tribal circle was toward the East, and the tent of 
the itag'caq ^ (Leader of the Dancers) was opposite. A short dis- 
tance in front of his tent was the council tent, larger than the others 
and without decoration. There the chiefs and leading men met to 




tiG. 21. LarLat and whistle carried in Sun dance. 



1 The meaning of this word is "leader," and its exact significance is understood from the connection in 
which it is used. (See p. 70, footnote.) 



densmohe] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



99 



transact the business of the tribe, and thence the various orders per- 
taining to the ceremony were carried to the people by the Crier. 
Members of the tribe did not approach, and children and dogs were 
kept away from the vicinity because the buffalo skull to be used in the 
ceremony of the Sun dance lay at the west of this tent. During the 
four days preceding the ceremony the skull lay on a bed of fresh sage 
outside the council tent, in a position corresponding to the place of 
honor inside the tent. The ceremonial lines of red paint had not yet 
been placed on the skull, but the openings in it were filled with sage. 
The use of sage around the buffalo skull was in accordance with the 
instructions given by the White Buffalo Maiden. (See p. 64.) It 
was said, too, that " the sage was used because the buffalo sought for 
it on the prairie and rolled their great bodies on its fragrant leaves." 
Thesageusedin ihis connection was klentihed a.s Artemisia gnaphalodes 
Nutt. 

A month before the Sun dance the ival'ciij'Junj (medicine-men; see 
p. 245) prayed for fair weather, singing, burning sweet grass, and offer- 
ing their pipes to the sky, the earth, and the cardinal points. Before 
burning the sweet grass, a medicine-man prepared a spot of bare 
ground, placing a few coals in the middle of it. Then, taking a 
bunch of sweet grass, he offered it to the sky, the earth, and the 
cardinal points, after which he singed it over the coals. While it was 
smoking, he offered it again to the sky, the earth, and the cardinal 
points. It is said that the efforts of the medicine-men were always 
successful, and that the oldest men can not remember the falling of rain 
during a Sun dance. 

The following song was especially favored for securing fair weather; 
it is one of the songs which have descended from Dreamer-of-the- 
Sun, who died about the year 1845. (See p. 88.) 

No. 4. Song for Securing Fair Weather (Catalogue No. 497) 
Sung by Hed Bird 

Voice J =72 
Drum not recorded 



*- -•-. 




Aq-pe-tu wi 



taq - yaq hi-na - pa nuq - we he 



^ — -0- -•- ^ . -•- • + , 

-*^-^-^rTTTH ti=is.-d — -fH h! 1 — F— p— •—•-■ -9. r^ i ^ \ — 


|i^4-^^ ^- 3 '—[4' -^^-1 5_J — L__^[4_p ip — j_^ 



^i^=£ 



he aq-pe-tu wi taq-yaq lii-na-panuq - we ma - 



fc t-p— j=:j- 



ka - iaq - f aq-yaq 2/aj? taq-yaq hi-na - pa nuq-we he he 



100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

WORDS 

(First rendition) 

agpe^tu wi tagyag^ hina^pa nugwe^. .. may the sun rise well 

maka^ ozaq^zagyag tagyag^ may the earth appear 

• hina^pa nugwe^ 1 >rightly shone upon 

(Second rendition) 

haqhe'pi wi tagyai)^ hina'pa nugwe''. may the moon rise well 

maka^ ozag^zagyag tagyag' may the earth appear ^ 

hina'pa nugwe' brightly shone upon 

Analysis. — Like all the ceremonial songs of the Sun dance, this song 
was sung with much flexibility of both time and intonation, and 
therefore can not be fully represented by notation. In the opin- 
ion of the writer it is not necessary, however, that variations of less 
than a semitone be represented to the eye, since in this instance they 
differ in the several renditions, while the larger features of the song do 
not show a corresponding difference. The same words are always 
accented, and the general ratios of the rhythm are steadily preserved. 
Thus a comparison of several renditions shows that the rhythm used 
in singing the word Idnapa can be indicated with reasonable accuracy 
by a sixteenth note followed by a dotted eighth. E flat above the 
staff and E flat on the staff were sung with an intonation which was 
almost correct, showing a feeling for the interval of the octave. B 
flat, the fifth of the key, was sometimes sung quite accurately and at 
other times was very faulty, the same being true of F, the second of the 
key. It was noted among the Chippewa songs that the octave and 
fifth were sung with more accuracy of intonation than other intervals. 
(Bulletin 45, p. 5.) C flat m the seventh measure of the present song 
was always sung too high, and might have been considered an acci- 
dental except that the intonation is faulty in the entire measure in 
which it occurs, some of the progressions in this measure being glis- 
sando. Thus the character of the song and in many instances that 
of the singer as well must be taken into consideration in judging the 
importance of points which appear in the song. 

About three-fourths of the intervals are downward progressions, 
and the song is melodic in structure. It has a range of eleven tones 
and comprises aU the tones of the octave except the fourth. 

The danger from enemies was not forgotten in the season of rejoic- 
ing. The horses were herded near the camp, and young men guarded 
them during the day, bringing them nearer the tents and picketing 
them at night. 

There were many greetings among the people. Events of the year 
were reviewed, and tales of war were told again and again. War 
was an absorbing interest, and the Sun dance would see the fulfill- 
ment of many a warrior's vow. 



DENSMOKE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 101 

When in danger, it was custoniary for an entire war party to vow 
that its membei's would take part in the next Sun dance. The row 
was usually made at sunrise and spoken by a warrior who had fulfilled 
a similar vow. (See p. 97.) If there were time to secure a proper 
offering, each man held this in his left hand, raismg his right liand as 
the vow was spoken. It was a rite, which could be varied by the 
individual. Thus it was said thai some made the vow more impres- 
sive by bowing the head or lowering the right hand slowly toward the 
earth. A man's spoken vow was only that he would take part in 
the dance, but deep in his heart was hidden a private vow concerning 
the part which he would take.^ Some had left little children at home, 
or sick relatives or friends whom they longed to see again. They 
vowed that at the next Sun dance they would dance, or would be 
suspended l)y their flesh, or that many gashes would be cut in their 
arms; they felt that no extreme of heroic endurance woidd be too great 
an expression of thankfulness if they were reunited with their friends, 
yet they knew that their vow must be fulfilled even if they returned 
defeated or to an empty lodge. 

During the months which intervened between their return and 
the Sun dance they prepared for the fulfillment of their vows. Well 
they knew that if they failed to do this of their own accord it would 
be exacted of them by the forces of nature. More than one man who 
disregarded his vow to the sun had perished in a lightning flash; or 
if he escaped punishment himself, it was known that disaster had 
befallen his family or his horees. The old men knew of every vow 
and watched for its fulfillment. 

The leading men of the tribe belonged to various military societies, 
as the Strong Heart, the Crow-owners, the Wolf, Badger and Fox 
societies, or the White Horse Riders. (See pp. 314-332.) During the 
four days next preceding the Sun dance these societies met together 
for the purpose of electing the Kuwa' Kiya'pi (Intercessor), the 
Itay'carj (Leader of the Dancers), the four young men who were to 
select the tree for the sacred pole, and the four young women who 
were to cut it down. The chiefs were also in the council tent when- 
ever business was transacted. It was generally known in advance 
who would be chosen Intercessor and Leader of the Dancers. The 
former ofRce required long and special preparation and was re- 
])(>atedly filled by the same man. His duties included the offering 
of prayers on behalf of the people, the singing of songs as he per- 
formed certain ceremonial acts, the painting of the ca'ij wakarj' 
(sacred pole) and the preparation of the owaij'ha wakaij' (sacred 
place). The ceremonial songs must either be composed by the man 
who sang them, or purchased from some one who had previously 

I Among other instances see Red Fox (p. 376) and Jaw (p. 390). 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 9 



102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

held the office and instructed him in its duties. A large amount 
was paid for the instructions and songs. The tribe knew when a 
young man aspired to this office, and if his preparation were complete 
he was elected as soon as occasion offered. 

Red Bird made the statement: "The tribe would never appoint 
an unworthy man to the office of Intercessor. In his prayers and 
offerings he represented the people, and if he were not a good man 
Wakai)'tar)ka might not answer his petitions and grant fair weather; 
he even might send disaster upon the tribe." Chased-by-Bears said 
that no man who had committed a great wrong could act as Inter- 
cessor, no matter how fully he had repented. The record of an 
Intercessor must be absolutely without blemish. 

The Leader of the Dancers was usually the warrior who first re- 
turned successful from the warpath, stating that he had made a Sun- 
dance vow and that he wished to act as Leader of the Dancers at 
the next ceremony. As with the office of Intercessor, the quali- 
fications were so well known that a man who lacked them would not 
presume to seek the position. He must have a reputation above 
reproach and be able to fill the office with credit to himself and the 
tribe; he must furnish the various offerings placed upon the sacred 
pole, and the buffalo fat in which the pole was embedded; he was 
also expected to offer a Sun-dance pipe and provide the buffalo skull 
upon which it rested during the ceremony, a skull without defect 
selected by him from the many that strewed the prairie. 

The Sun-dance pipe (pi. 14), furnished by the Leader of the 
Dancers, was decorated at his request by one of the most skillful 
women of the tribe. It was considered a great honor to decorate this 
pipe, which was prepared some time before the ceremony. There 
was no prescribed pattern, but the decoration consisted of porcu- 
pine-quiU work and did not cover the entire stem. The men who ful- 
filled their vows also made certain offerings, which they prepared 
before the ceremony; these varied in value according to the wealth 
of the man. Thus a man of large means might give a pipe, a 
quantity of tobacco, a buffalo robe, and other goods, while a man of 
small means gave only tobacco. Like the offerings made during 
the ceremony by the Intercessor, these were regarded as gifts to 
Wakarj'taqka. A difference between the two classes of offerings 
was shown by the fact that the goods offered by the Intercessor 
were left undisturbed on the prairie, while those offered by the dancers 
were free to anyone who wished to appropriate them. The reason 
given by Red Bird was that "the Intercessor represented the whole 
tribe and his offerings were to Wakaq'taqka, while the dancers were 
all alike and their offerings were among themselves." 

The tobacco offered by the dancers was tied in little packets, each 
holding about a pipeful, and each being fastened to a stick (pi. 15). 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 14 




SUN-DANCE PIPE 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 15 




GIFTS OF TOBACCO 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 103 

In the specimens illustrated the tobacco is wrapped in the dried 
bladder of a steer, buffalo bladder being formerly used. The num- 
ber of these packets varied; 10 was the usual nmnber, though a 
dancer sometimes gave 100. The sticks bearmg the packets were 
placed upright in the groimd or left in any available place, and, like 
the other gifts of the dancers, were taken by the poor of the tribe. 

If a man's vow involved the cutting of his flesh he was permitted 
to offer a pipe similar to that of the Intercessor, filled with tobacco, 
sealed with buffalo fat, and placed beside the Intercessor's pipe 
during the ceremony. I^na'la-wi(5a' (Lone Man) stated that his Sun- 
dance vow included the offering of a pipe ; he therefore offered a pipe 
when fulfilHng his vow and had kept the pipe with greatest care. 
This was smoked when the members of the Sun-dance council 
revisited the site of the final Sun dance, August 29, 1911, and was 
again placed on the square of exposed earth, which was still discern- 
ible on the prairie. (See p. 93.) 

Preparation for the Sun dance included the choice of others who 
were to take part in the ceremony. It was required that the four 
young men who were to select the tree for the sacred pole should 
be unmarried, members of prominent families and men of unques- 
tioned integrity. The four women were selected from among the 
virgins of the tribe. Great care was exercised in these selections, 
and each choice could be challenged by the tribe. There was, how- 
ever, no open rivalry at the time of the election, it being known who 
would probably be chosen. 

Twenty or more men were selected who should carry the sacred 
pole to the camp and erect it in the Sun-dance circle; these men also 
sang at the drum, together with special singere, both men and women. 

During the days before a Sun dance several begging dances were held. 
The beggmg dance, which was performed at every Sioux gathering, 
resembled a serenade rather than a dance. A party of men and women 
carrying a drmn went from tent to tent, pausing before each and sing- 
ing and dancing mitil food was given them. A man went in advance 
of the party and placed a stick upright in the gromid before each tent 
where the serenaders expected to sing. This was a signal to the 
occupants of the tent, the stick being removed by the singei's after 
they had been supplied with food. ^ 

To those who were to take part in the Sun dance the days pre- 
ceding the ceremony were a season of preparation, including visits 
to the vapor lodges of their respective bands. During this time 
the dancei*s usually made the arrangements for the painting of their 
bodies. The painting was done by men of known ability, who 
were paid by the individual dancers. Often there was some formality 

1 See Bull. 53, pp. 228-33; also pp. 320, 327, 481 of the present work. 



104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

connected with the making of this request, which was enacted for 
the wi'iter b}^ Zintkala-lu'ta (Red Bird), who represented the dancer, 
and I^na'la-wida' (Lone Man), who represented the man who was 
asked to apply the paint. Red Bird made the request, but his 
friend pretended to hesitate, finally extending both hands tightly 
closed. Lone Man then tried to open his friend's hands. After 
succeeding in this with seeming difficulty, he placed a pipe in them, 
which his friend accepted and smoked. After a few moments Red 
Bird asked for the return of the pipe, but was met with the same 
reluctance as before. Finally he was obliged to pry his friend's 
hands from the pipe as he had forced them open when the pipe was 
offered. This was said to constitute an agreement that one man 
would paint the body of the other, and in it the "artistic tempera- 
ment" was typified in an unmistakable manner. 

For four nights just before the Sun dance there were rehearsals 
of those who were to drum, sing, or dance, each person being care- 
fully instructed in his part of the ceremony. 

Announcements were made by the Crier, who was a picturesque 
and important figure in every tribal gathering. An old man was 
preferred, as it was said that "the old men were more careful than 
the young men in making the announcements. '' ^ Mounted on horse- 
back, handsomely dressed, wearing a single eagle feather erect in his 
hair and carrying an eagle-wing fan, the Crier went the round of the 
camp circle, close to the tent doors, annomicing the decisions of the 
council, the commands of the Intercessor, or the events of the day. 
He was also ready to answer any inquiries regarcUng the ceremony, 
as the Intercessor and the Leader of the Dancers were supposed to 
talk only when it was necessary for thom to do so. 

During the days immediately preceding the Sun dance it was 
customary for each military society to hold one or more dances called 
braves' dances, which were followed by feasts. The term "braves' 
dances" is a general one, referring to the dances of the various mili- 
tary societies. It was said that a dance of tlie Strong Heart society 
might be announced by the Crier in tlie following words: 

Cagte^ Tig^za wag! I^mnahan waya^tii) ktelo^. Hiyu^ po! (Strong Hearts! 
You are going to eat to your hearts' content. Come on!) 

In response to this summons the members of the Strong Heart 
society would come in finest array. This society was composed of war- 
riors, and the leaders of the tribe were usually among its members. 
(See p. 329.) They paraded around the camp circle before the 
dance, singing the songs which they used on the warpath. 

1 The writer heard a Sioux Crier who was said to he 103 years old, hut whose voice in announcing an 
evening council was as the sound of a trumpet, full, clear, and of wonderful carrying quality. 



densmoreI 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



105 



Tho following song was commonly used at the dances preceding 
a Sun dance. It is a "Chief song" and is analyzed with similar songs 
on page 4G2. 

No. 5. "We Are Coming" (Catalogue No. 456) 



Sung by Siya^ka 



Voice J = 126 
Drum J — 88 
See druiii-rhythm below 
(1) 




(1) 



^ ^ mJ^p. ff_^ ^_#-^fL_ fLj f- X T i f " ^ 1 ^^ ^^— r 



(2) 



Biiiia 



sa^ 



et 



::i=::^ 



(2) 



•3:i=£=^f=tl:4: 



a=E 



mm^^w^^. 



Voice J =144 .. 



ttu^ 



Kg - la - pi - la bli - he 



ilslii== 



SI 



- r I f 



S 



• — •-= — •- 



1= 



=p 



ci - ya po he lei 013 - ku - pi kiij wa - noij-yaij - ka 

, (2) 

Voice J- 126 . 1 



liSsa 



S^ 



m 



# — • 



l-4-» . -• — y-ts^ 



pe - lo 
Drum-rhythm 



N_ ^^_, ^^_ ^'^_ ^ 



:b 



kola^pila friends 

blihe^ic'iya po take courage 

he lei right here 

oi)ku^j)i kii] we are coming,' 

waijoij'yagka pclc/ they see us 



lOG BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Analysis — This melody is particularly forceful and direct. It is 
a song whicli would inspire confidence, and is also rhythmic for 
dancing. The tonic triad is emphasized, the song consisting only 
of the tonic triad and fourth. In one instance the fourth was ac- 
cented and has no apparent chord relation to contiguous accented 
tones. The song is therefore classified as '^ melodic with harmonic 
framework," instead of "harmonic" in structure. Descending pro- 
gressions are used effectively in this melody, the first rhythmic 
unit containing such progressions in double and the second in triple 
time. It is interesting to note throughout these songs the effect 
produced by sHght changes in rhythm. For instance, in the first 
occurrence of the second rhythmic unit the second measure was sung 
in every rendition with two eighth notes on the second count. It 
will be seen that in other occurrences of this unit the first note of 
this measure is a dotted eighth. In aU renditions of this song the 
time was increased with the introduction of the words, and the song 
closed in the original tempo. The return to this tempo was usually 
gradual, being made sooner in some renditions than in others. The 
time of the drum did not change with the increased tempo of the 
voice, the drum-rhythm being continuous, as indicated. Similar 
instances were noted among the Chippewa; these are considered in 
Bulletin 53, page 206. In the present work the following instances 
of change of time are found: 

Songs in which the voice changes tempo, the song bemg recorded 
with drirni, which is contmuous and does not change in tempo — Nos. 
5, 83, 114, 133, 188. 

Songs in which the voice changes tempo, the song being recorded 
without drmn— Nos. 55, 58, 88, 137, 140, 145, 153, 156, 166, 170, 171, 
174. In this song occurs one instance of the omission of a syllable, 
the third syllable of bliheiciya being omitted by the singer. Among 
other songs contammg this peculiarity are Nos. 17, 38. The omis- 
sion and addition of syllables was frequently noted in the Chippejva 
songs. Throughout the present work aU interpolated syllables are 
indicated by italics. These cnanges in the words of songs represent 
an Indian custom and do not m any wise affect the meaning. 

Tlie following song was also used in the braves' dance; it is esti- 
mated to be about 180 years old, as the singer, who was a man past 
middle life, stated that his father said that his grandfather sang it. 
The age of a song can usually be determined in this manner with a 
fair degree of accuracy. 



dbnsmorb] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



107 



No. 6. Song of the Braves' Dance (Catalogue No. 498) 

Sung by Red Bird 
Voice J =80 
Drum J = 80 
See drum-rhythm below 




r r r 



^1=^^ 



^ ^ 



m^ 





-=^^—9-r) — ! m 1 F- 




Drum-rhythm 

I J I I I J 

S J S 4 S d 



Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality and contains all the 
tones of the octave except the sixth and second. In three instances 
the seventh is raised a semitone. Twelve tones are comprised in 
the compass of the song, wliich has a steadily descending trend. The 
song contains two rhythmic units, each occurring twice. As is 
usual in such instances, the rhythmic units resemble each other, the 
second seeming to be an "answering phrase." 

The tree to be used for the sacred pole was selected and cut, and 
the sacred pole was decorated and raised on the mornmg of the day 
precedhig the Sun dance. All the tribe were present when the four 
young men set out from the camp to select the tree. For some time 
before their departure the drummers and singers sang the songs of 
war, for the tree was regarded as somethmg to be conquered. The 
following song might be sung as the people asseml)led. This song 
was composed by tlie singer, a man who is known in tlie tribe as a 
composer of war songs. 



108 



BUREAU OF AMERICAK ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

No. 7. "With Dauntless Courage" (Catalogue No 
Sung by Lone Man 



"Voice J= 96 
Drum not recorded 



(1) 



^f 



-#- -^- -•-• -•-. I -#- -#- -0. I -^ ^ ^-. ^-, 



:=£4: 



S^ 



1:4: 



^ '■■-H 



^ 






* « * «lfi /:>• 


(3) (1) 




[^^4 




n{ — -i__. 


-r^'-Tf 


=tp=^r=1-4=r— 


-4-^F •-- -4-h^— ^rf- 


J. •- 







_P tf-n 


(1) 


(1) 


Y^i=4-i^ 


— h 
— •- 


^- 


'A -/t -#- -#-.1 -•-T^ 


-•- -•- -•- ' 

-^-i ^ Sij:-: 

4 




la - ke sni ca bli - he - ci - ya wa-oij we - lo 
(3) 



1% 



F^^ 



•'T — I ^ ^ — I- 

4 ! I »- 



-i F i 1- 



4=^ 



m\ 



WORDS 

e6a' ozy'ye kiijhar)' on the warpath 

tuwe'ni walake^ sni 6^ I give plat'e to none 

bUhe'ii'iya waoij^ welo^ with dauntless courage I live 

Analysis. — The descending interval of a fourth comprises more 
tlian a third of the entire number of mtervals in this song. Three 
rhythmic units appear, and a comparison of tliem is of interest. 
The count-divisions of the first unit are reversed hi tlie second. 
The third unit begins with two eighth notes, like the first, but 
these are followed by a reversal of the count-division fomid in the 
first unit. The ascent of a twelfth, which occurs with the introduc- 
tion of the words, was given quite accurately, but the intonation on the 
measure containing the words uxioy' wclo' was faulty, approach- 
ing a glissando in the descent from one tone to another. 



densmorb] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



109 



Tlic following song was frequently used in this connection, and 
was used also before the departure of a party going on the warpath 
or in search of buffalo: 

No. 8. " The Many Lands You Fear " (Catalogue No. 450) 

Suns by Siya'jca 
Voice J— 104 
Drum J — 96 
Drum ill accented eighth notes* 

(1) 

1 iTi r 




Ko - la o - te ma- ko - 6e wai] ko - ya-ki - pa - pi 



he - na ko- 




WORDS 

kola' friends 

o'te mako'ce the many lands 

koya'kipapi waq you fear 

hena' kok"/])e f^ni oina'waiii in them ^vithout fear I have walked 

ite'sabye <5a the black face-paint (see p. 85!).) 

owa'le , I seek 

Anali/slfi. — The principal interest of this song is in the number 
of minor thirds which it contains. The song contains 23 intervals 
15 (about 54 per cent) of which are minor thirds. The minor thuxl 
E-G is the framework of the opening measures, followed by the 
minor tria;d A-C-E; after a single measure of the tonic triad there 
is a return to the minor thirds A-C and E-G, the latter forming the 
closing interval of the song. The tones of the melody are those of 
the fourth five-toned scale, but the tonic triad appears only in the 
seventh measure. The song contains two rhythmic units, the count 
divisions of both being the same, ])ut the accent being changed in 
the second unit. The first part of the song is based on the rhythmic 
unit, and the latter ])art on the segond unit. 



110 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



The relative time-duration of quarter notes in voice and drum, as 
given in the preceding song, are shown, by means of hnear measure- 
ments, drawn to scale in the accompanying illustration.^ 

••-••- ^ -0- 




r 



p p 



r f f r r r 



' r f r 

A Melody as transcribed above. ' 

B Time of melody exprassed in quarter notes. 
C Time of dram expressed in quarter notes. 
D J)ruml)eats as given l)y performer. 

Comparison of the phonograph record with the metronome shows 
the speed of the voice to be equivalent to 104 quarter notes per 
minute (J =104), while that of the drum is equivalent to only 96 
quarter notes per minute (J =96). If there were no deviation from 
regularity, there would be a coincidence of voice and drum at the 
fourteenth pulsation (quarter note) of the voice; this, however, is 
entirely theoretical, as a shght variation in either part would change 
the ratio between the two. In this and many similar instances it 
would appear that voice and drum represent separate impulses, 
expressed simultaneously, but having no time-relation to each other. 

The following song of departure was reserved for use at the Sun 
dance; this was usually sung as the four young men left the camp 
for the woods to select the tree which should form the sacred pole . . . 

No. 9. Song of the Departure of the Young Men (Catalogue No. 480) 
Sung by liONE Man 
Voice J=: 96 
Drum J= 104 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 



-0. ^. -0. I .0. 

r r r r ^ 






it 




1 The writer gratefully acknowledges her indebtedness to Mr. C. K. Wead, examiner, Tfnited Statas 
Patent Office, for suggestions concerning the al)ove^rapliic representation. 



r.KN.SMORB] TETON STOUX MUSIC 111 

Anahjsis. — This melody contains only the tones A flat-C-E flat-- 
G flat. These are upt the tones comprised in the key of A flat, as 
the term is used hy musicians, hut the sequence of tlie tones is such 
as to suggest A flat as a satisfactory tonic. A test by the ear seems 
permissible in such an instance as this, and the song is accordingly 
transcribed with A flat as its tonic and G flat as an accidental. The 
tonic triad constitutes the first seven measures of the melody, the 
descending fourth from the tonic to the dominant forming the out- 
line of the remainder of the song, with the flatted seventh as an 
accidental.- A rhythmic unit occurs, forming part of ])oth double 
and triple measures. It is varied sUghtly in repetition, the second 
count being in some instances a quarter note and in otliers two 
eighth notes. The triplet on the first count, however, is distinctive 
and is steadily repeated. Two-thirds of tlie progressions are 
downward. 

Any who wished to accompany the young men were permitted to 
do so, but they had no part in choosing the tree. On an-iving* at 
the woods the young men searched for a straight, slender tree. It 
was stated that Cottonwood was preferred for the sacred pole and for 
all the articles of wood used in the Sun dance, because the white 
down of the cottonwood seed resembles the downy eagle feathers 
used in the ceremony. ^ If a cottonwood could not be obtained, elm 
was selected, because the elm is the first tree to blossom in the spring. 
The tree for the Sun-dance pole must be a standing tree and par- 
ticularly fine with respect to straightness, branching, and fullness 
of leaf. It was required that the first tree selected should be cut, 
no change of choice being allowed. It is interesting to note that all 
articles devoted to a ceremonial use must be the best obtainable, A 
high standard of excellence prevailed among the Sioux, and this is 
especially shown in their ceremonies which expressed their highest 
ideals, 

Wlien the young m<ui had decided on a tree tliey returned to make 
their report to the Intercessor, Their return had been anxiously 
awaited, and in response to their signal a number of friends went 
on horseback to meet them, riding around them in wide circles and 
escorting them to the camp. There they found their friends dancing 
around the chum and singing the following song, which was used also 
to welcome a returning war party or men who had gone in search of 
buffalo. After the singing and dancing a feast was provided by 
the friends of the young men. There was abundance of food, and 
all were invited to partake. 

'Cottonwood was used also for the i)()st in the spirit lodge. (See p. 81, also in offering placed on Sun- 
dance pole, p. lis. 



112 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



No. 10. Song of the Return of the Young Men (Catalogue No. 481) 
Sung by Lone Man « 

Voice J=112 
Drum J =104 
Drum-rhythm similar to No'. 6 





g^i^^?=5 



3: 



I 



Analysis — An unusual feature of this song is that seven of the 12 
intervals which it contains are fourths, four being ascending, and 3 
descending, progressions. The tonic occurs only in the upper octave, 
the song closing on the dominant. The seventh and second tones 
of the octave are not found in the song, which is major in tonality 
and harmonic in structure. 

Tlie announcement of a choice was followed by preparation for 
cutting the tree and bringing it to the camp. The cutting of the 
tree for the Sun-dance polo was an important part of the cere- 
mony, and many went to witness it. Some went from curiosity, 
and others wished to make offerings when the tree was cut. Even 
the children went to see*the cutting of the pole. The young people, 
riding their fleet ponies, circled around the party. The leading mem- 
bers of the company were the Intercessor (or, in his absence, one 
of the old medicine-men), the four young men who selected the 
tree, the four young women who were to cut the tree, and the 
pole-bearers, who were to carry it to the camp. It was the duty 
of the Leader of the Dancers to provide the ax with which the tree 
was feUed, but ho did not accompany the party who went to cut 
it. In the old days a primitive implement was used; in later times 
this was replaced by an ax purchased from the trader, but it was 
required that the ax be a new one, never used before. 

Great interest centered in the selection of the tree, and when it 
was indicated by the young men the Intercessor raised his pipe, 
holding the stem toward the top of the tree and lowering it slowly 
to the earth, repeating a prayer in a low tone. TMien he held the 
pipe toward the top of the tree, he spoke of the kingbird; lowering 
it about one- third of the distance to the ground, he spoke of the 
eagle; lowering it half the remaining ^distance, he spoke of the yellow- 
hammer, and holding it toward the ground he spoke of the spider. 
The tree was regarded as an enemy, and in explanation of the refer- 
ence to these animals it was said that " the kingbird, though small, is 



dknkmoue] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



113 



feared by all its enemies; the eagle is the boldest of birds; the 
yellowhammcr can not overcome its enemies in open fight but is 
expert in dodging them, darting from one side of the tree-trunk to 
another; while the spider defeats its enemies by craftiness and 
cunning." 

One of the four virgins was selected to cut the tree, but she did not 
fell it at once. It was considered that sh;* had been given the honor 
of conquering an enemy, and before she wi(>lded the ax a kinsman 
was permitted to relate one of his valiant deeds on the warpath. 
The maiden then lifted the ax and made a feint of striking the tree. 
Eacli of th3 four virgins did likewise, the action of each being preceded 
])y the telling of a victory tale by one of her kinsmen. The ax was 
lh(ui returned to the first virgin, who swung it with effect, cutting 
th(^ tree in such a manner that it fell toward the south (see p. 78), 
While the tree was being felled, no one was allowed near it except 
those who wielded the ax, the Intercessor, those v/ho wished to make 
offerings, and those who were to carry the pole. At tliis tmie the 
following song was sung: 

No. 11. Song of Cutting the Sacred Pole (Catalogue No. 451) 
Sung by Siya^ka 

Voice J 80 
Dkim J 80 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 
'-ft- ^ ^ 




I - te - sa-bye 



^m 



Brrfr-^'^r^S 



-^ — ^- 



5ES^ 



0-wa - le 6a he-ca-moij 



ito'sabye 

()wa''le 

6a, he''(5amor) 



WORDS 

(First rendition) 

the blark face-paint (see p. 359.) 

I seek 

therefore I have done this 



114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOI^OGY [bull. 61 

(Second rendition) 

suijka'ke horses 

owa'le I seek 

6a he''6amog therefore I have done this 

A^ialysis. — This melody comprises the tones of the fourth five- 
toned scale. In two instances the sixth is lowered a semitone. A 
dotted eighth note either preceded or followed by a sixteenth note is 
a count division which characterizes the song, though it contains no 
rhythmic unit. This song begins on the third above the tonic and 
ends on the third in the lower octave. A beginning and ending on 
the dominant is of more frequent occurrence than on the third of the 
scale. A majority of both Sioux and Chippewa songs end on the 
tonic, which is also the lowest tone in the song. (See Table 3 A, p. 27.) 

Throughout this part of the ceremony the tree was regarded as 
an enemy, and* a shout of victory arose as it swayed and fell. Care 
was taken that it should not touch the ground. The medicine men, 
some of whom usually accompanied the party, burned sweet grass, 
and offerings were presented. The branches of the tree were cut 
off close to the trunk except one branch about one-fourth of the 
distance from the top, which was left a few inches long in order 
that the crossbar of the pole might be fastened to it. In some 
cases a small branch with leaves on it was also left at the top of 
the pole. From this time the pole was regarded as sacred and no 
one was allowed to step over it, or over any of the branches which 
had been cut from it. Jealousy frequently arose among the women 
in regard to the privilege of cutting the tree, and it is said that on 
one occasion a woman was so angry because she was not chosen for 
the purpose that she stepped over the pole. Half an hour later she 
was thrown from her horse, dragged some distance, and killed. The 
horse was known to be a gentle animal, and the event was considered 
a punishment justly visited on the woman. 

Between 20 and 40 men were required to carry tlie sacred pole to 
the camp. These walked two abreast, each pair carrying between 
them a stick about 2 feet long on which the pole rested as on a litter. 
The pole was carried with the top in advance, and the Intercessor or 
his representative walked behind the bearers. Xo one was allowed 
to walk before the sacred pole. 

The songs of carrying home the pole were songs of victory. The 
following song could be used at any time after the pole had been cut 
and was frequently sung as it was carried to the camp : 



densmoee] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



115 



No. 12. Song of Victory over the Sacred Pole (Catalogue No. 486) 
Sung by Lone Man 

VOICK J=; 144 

Drum ^r^ 72 

See drum-rhythm below 



■^ -^- -•- 



f^S 



E 



T: 



^ 



f t L^ i f^ 



-<22- 



M ._ 3-^ 



^ 



4: 




IJ JlJ iJ 



fe^ 



m 






-m^ 



Mi^ - na - la wi - ma - ca ye - lo e - he - 6oq wi 



^-^ 



^ 



ai^^g^^ 



» • • ^ 



SE 



•J- 



I 



6a - ya - ke sni ye ua - ke ce - ya i - la - le 
Drum-rhythm 

a ci a g^ gy o 



WORDS (aDDRESSEU TO THE SACRED POIjE) 

misna''Ia wima'ca yelo^ "1 only am a man " 

ehe^doo wica''yake sni ye. . . you falsely implied 
nake'' de^j'a ila^le now you cry 

Analysis. — -The rhythmic unit of this song is less interesting than 
the rhythm of the song as a whole, which has a decided " swing." The 
melody begins on the fifth above the tonic and ends on the third 
in the lower octave. Many songs have a greater range than this, but 
few have a compass of a tenth in three measures, as occurs in this 
song with the introduction of the words. This part of the song 
was sung quite accurately, but in the measures containing the last two 
words and in the corresponding measures of the fij-st section of the 
song the intonation was so unsteady as to make transcription diffi- 
cult. It has been frequently noted among the Sioux, as among the 
Chippewa, that large intervals are sung with more accuracy than 
small ones. The drumbeat was in half notes, representing a very 
slow tempo. In the double measures the drumbeat coincided quite 
regularly with the corresponding tone of the song. 



116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Ai'ound the pole-bearers circled the young men and women of the 
tribe on their ponies. It was the custom of the young people to 
decorate their ponies with trailing vines and to wreathe the vines 
around their own bodies. They made hoops of slender branches, 
vdih crossbare like the framework of a shield, and on this they draped 
vines and leaves, thus forming a striking contrast to the dignified 
procession of pole-bearers. 

Four times on the way to the camp the pole-bearers were allowed 
to rest. (See p. 74.) The signal for each halt — a throbbing call 
beginning on a high tone and descending like a Vv^ail — was given 
by 'the Intercessor. At this signal, the pole was lowered for a few 
moments upon crotched sticks provided for the purpose. 

The sacred pole was brought into the Sun-dance circle as it had 
been carried, with the top in advance. As the pole-bearers walked 
across the circle the medicine-men cried, ''Now is the time to make 
a wish or bring an offering." The people crowded forward, shouting 
and offering gifts of various kinds. So great excitement prevailed 
that no one knew who brought a gift, and a man could scarcely hear 
his own voice. 

The Intercessor then prepared the sacred pole, first removing the 
rough outer bark, fragments of which were eagerly seized and carried 
away by the people. After the pole had been made sufficiently 
smooth, it was painted by the Intercessor; native red paint or ver- 
milion ^ was used. The pole was pahited in perpendicular stripes, 
beginning at the branch where the cross bar would be fastened and 
extenduig to the base. 

As the Intercessor pamted the sacred pole, he sang the following 
song, which, like the other songs pertammg to his ceremonial office, 
was sung alone and without the drum, the people listening attentively: 

1 On the Standing Rock Reservation is found a yellow ocherous substance which, after being reduced to a 
fine powder, is used by the Indians in making yellow paint." This substance, when treated by means of 
heat, yields the vermilion used on all ceremonial articles as well as in painting the bodies of the Indians. 
The baking of this ocherous substance— a process which requires skill— is done by the women. First, the 
substance mixed with water is formed into a ball. A hole is dug in the ground in which a fire of oak bark 
is made. When the ground is baked, the coals are removed, the ball is placed in the hole, and a fire is built 
above it. This fire is maintained at a gentle, even heat for about an hour, whichis sufficientfortheamount 
of the sub.stance usually prepared at a time. The action of the heat changes the color of the substance to 
red. When the ball is coM , it is pounded topowder. In the old days this red powder was mixed with bulTalo 
fatinmakingthepaint,butat thepresenttimeitismixed with water. White, black, and lilue paints were 
obtained by mixing colored earthy substances with bulTalo fat. The blue was found in southern Min- 
nesota (this required no treatment by heat), and the white and black in Dakota. (Seep. 173.) It is said 
(hat white paint was preferred for the painting of horses (see p. 353) because it was a "genuine color," 
and also because other colors could be applied to advantage above it. Brown earth is mentioned in song 
No. 62. The symbolisms of various colors used in paint are noted on pp. 77 and 124. 



densmoue] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



117 



N(». 13. Song of Painting the Sacred Pole (Catalogue No. 452) 

Sung by SiYA^KA 
Voice J- 160 

Drcm J — so 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 12 



^^ 



^ 



-j5). -j5i- -0---0. 



it 



m 



A - te le - na 



ta- wa , ma- ki - ye 



a - te le 



sm 



te 



^^!*- 



-P 



^l k 



^L#_ 



-I U 



ta - wa ma-ki - ye 



caq ma-ko - ba- za na - ziij In 



E* 



£ 



• •—r^ '^ •-'-"•-i-^- 



;E^ 



r • — • — ^ — MS' — r-r5" 



ye - ya cii] a - te le - na 



ta-wa ma - ki - ye 




%:f^^=i=^ \ ^ ^j I ^J 1 1 



a - te le - na ta - wa ma-ki -ye 6aij ma-ko-ba-za na - 



>ate3 



I 



^ \ g j \ \ d \ d d \ rj \ eJ \d.4\e J 



4 — d-^s^^^ 
£iq hi - ye - ye ciij a - te le - na ta - wa ma - ki - ye 



ate' father 

lena' ta''A\'a inaki'je all these he has made me owti 

{••AT) mako''baza. the trees and the forests 

na'zir) standing 

hiye'ye ^ig in their jilaces 

Analysis. — This iiu^lody contains only the tones of the minor 
triad and fourth. The rhythmic unit is long, its repetitions com- 
prising the entire song except two periods of six measures each, 
which consist principally of quarter notes. The sustained tones were 
always given the indicated time. The words are continuous through- 
out the song. Among the Chippewa, as well as among the Sioux, tliis 
occults more often in ''medicine songs" than in other classes of songs. 
The final tone, though very low in pitch, was sung with distinctness. 

The Sun-dance pole was usually about 35 feet in length and 6 to 
8 inches in diameter. A crossbar "the length of a man" was tied 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 10 



118 BUREAU OF AMERICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

on the pole, being securely fastened to the short branch left for the 
purpose. At the intersection of the pole and the crossbar there 
was tied with rawhide thongs a bag, which constituted one of the 
offerings made by the Leader of the Dancers. This bag was about 
2 feet square, made of rawhide decorated with beads, tassels, and 
fringe, and was wrapped in cherry branches 4 or 5 feet long which 
completely concealed it. Inside the bag was a smaller bag of tanned 
buffalo hide containing the offering, which consisted of a large piece 
of buffalo hump, on a sharpened stick painted red. The stick was 
Cottonwood and, according to Mato'-kuwa' (Chased-by-Bears), sym- 
bolized the arrow with which the buffalo had been kiUed and also 
the picket stake to which a horse stolen front an enemy was fastened 
when it was being brought to the camp. The additional offerings 
fastened to the crossbar were two effigies (see pi. 21) cut from raw- 
hide, one in the form of an Indian and the other in the form of a 
buffalo, indicating that the enemy and also the buffalo had been 
conquered by supernatural help. To the crossbar were fastened 
also the thongs, or cords, by which the men would be suspended. 
One cord was made ready for each man, the middle of it being fast- 
ened to the crossbar and the two ends hanging, to be fastened to 
the sticks passed through the flesh of the man's chest. At the top 
of the pole was hung a tanned robe of buffalo calfskin. In the later 
ceremonies a banner of red list cloth was used instead of the buffalo 
robe. 

After painting the sacred pole, the Intercessor examined the hole 
which had been prepared for its erection, in which he placed an 
abundance of buffalo fat. It was said that, while doing this, he 
"prayed and talked in a low voice." 

The command to raise the pole was followed by absolute silence 
on the part of the assembled people. Thus they watched the pole 
as it was raised slowly and carefully by the men who had brought 
it to the camp. The moment it was in place all gave way to cheers 
and rejoicing, and the three following songs were sung. These 
three songs were recorded by a man said to be the only Teton Sioux 
living (1911) who had filled the office of Intercessor. These songs 
comprised part of the instructions he received from the man who 
preceded him in that office. The singer was about 80 years of age 
when the songs were recorded. (See p. 88.) 



dbnsmorb] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



119 



No. 14. Song Sung after Raising the Sacred Pole (a) ((!atalogue No. 628) 
Sung by Eed Weasel 
Voice J ^6.3 
Recorded without drum 




0) 



(2) 



r~" 



^jj- rJ^t-Ti L^ 




WORDS (not transcribed) 

( The pole speaks) 

waka5''yai) sacred 

nawa^zig ye I stand 

■waijma''yar)ka yo behold me 

ema^kiye <?on was said to me 

Andlysis. — The coiiciseiK'.ss of this melody is iiitei-<>.stiiig, especially 
ill view of the fact that it was sung by an aged man, who said he 
learned it in his youth. The rhythmic units are clear-cut, and their 
repetitions comprise the entire song except two short parts some- 
what similar to each other. Botli intonation and time were remark- 
ably good, considering the age of the singer. His voice was as strong 
as that of a young man. This has been noted by the writer to be the 
case among old men who, in their younger days, were accustomed to 
address large numbers of people on the open prairie. Red Weasel, 
wlio had hald responsible positions in tribal ceremonies, had devel- 
oped this quality of voice. In this connection the pitch of his songs 
should be noted. 

This melody contains all the tones of the octave except the 
seventh. In structure it is classified as melodic with harmonic 
framework. About two-thirds of the intervals are downward 
progressions, the principal accented tones being those of the descend- 
ing series A, F sharp, D, B, F sharp. Only two ascending progres- 
sions appear between accented tones. 



120 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 15. Song after Raising the Sacred Pole (b) (Catalogue No. 629) 

Sung by Red Weasel 

Voice Jz=66 
Drum not recorded 

(1) (2) (2) (1) 




m^'T^ 




WORDS (not tkansckibed) 

( The pole speaks) 

maka' (^okag^yag at the center of the earth ' 

wa^kil na^zir) po stand looking around you 

oya''te iye''kiya recognizing the tribe 

wa'kil na'zig po stand looking around you 

1 This is an instance of the "sacred language" mentioned on p. 85. A language of this kind was said to 
be neces.sary in order that persons intimate with supernatural things could communicate without being 
understood by the common people. The term "centerof the earth" occurs in a narrative on !>. 214 and also 
in song No. 1-37, translated as follows: "At the center of the earth I stand ... at the wind center (where 
tho winds blow toward me from every side) I stand.'' Songs Nos. 16 and 7.5 mention the jilaces whence 
the winds blow, the former containing the words "at the places of the foiu: winds may you be reverenced," 
and the latter, "At the four places . . . theplacesfromwhich the winds blow . . . tostandl wasrequired;" 
also " the homes of the four winds," p. 127. The following instances may also be cited: An expression similar 
to this occurs in song No. 93 — cayle' mato'keiaca , also translated " with a heart that is different , " but carry- 
ing the idea of the fierceness of a bear. The term yatin'kte, literally translated "you will eat, "is a phrase 
used only by medicine-men when addressing the sick (song No. 57). The words "a scarlet relic" in song 
No. 1 refer to the custom of spirit keeping and would not be understood by those who were unfamiliar with 
that ceremony. The term "grandfather" is found in No. 21, which is the opening prayer of the Sundance. 
The word tunkay', 'sacred stones,' is said to be derived from tuoka'tsiJa, 'grandfather.' (See p. 205.) 
In songs Nos. 41, 93, and 105 there is shown something approaching the personification of a wind 
and a rainbow, the idea being that these possess or wear the man who has dreamed of them and has not 



pensmoreI 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



121 



Analysis. — This song contains two rhythmic units, but the rhyth- 
mic structure of the song differs from that of most songs under 
analysis in that thes3 two units appear to have no influence on each 
other. The first is in triple, the second in double, time, and none 
of the count-divisions are alike. The song is melodic in structure and 
contains the tones of the fourth five-toned scale. The descending 
fourth from the tonic to the dominant occurs w^th frequency. 

No. 16. Song Sung after Raising the Sacred Pole (c) (Catalogue No. 630) 

Sung by Red Weasel 
Voice J =: 76 
Drum not recorded 




^^ 



-»-" -0-0- 



?^ 



If^^ 



:=^ 



^ ^ -•- -•- -•- -•-•• -0-0- -0- 



ztl:4: 



t l tf |t l ^ m:g^r= E^^ 




WORDS (not transcribed) 

tuqka^sila grandfather 

to^pakiya at the places of the four winds (see p. 120, 

footnote). 

wakaij^ nila^pi nuqwV may you be reverenced 

ta'ku koyag' mayaye^ you made me wear something sacred 

oya^te wag wakag'yai) yar)ka'i)i the tribe sitting in reverence 
niwa^ciQpi they wish to live 

yet enacted his dream, even as a medicine-man wears an object, or the symbol of an object, which is subject 
to his commands. Thus No. 41 contains the words,'"a wind wears me"; No. 93, "a wind comes to get 
me;" and No. 10.'), "a hoop (rainbow) wears me." The term wahu'noy'pa, or its abbreviation hu nor/'pa, 
literally " two-legged object," is used by tho.se who treat the sick as referring to a human being (Nos. 70, 90) 
and the term tayte'to'keta, ' a heart that ii' different,' is used by them to indicate anger. (Songs Nos. 58, 93.) 
The phrases "in a sacred manner," or "I have made it sacred," are not unusual and can not be regarded 
as an adequate translation of the Sioux. In the mind of the Sioux the meaning of the word wakar/ contains 
more of mystery and a greater element of the supernatural than we are accustomed to associate with the 
words "sacred" or "holy," though these are used as its English equivalent. (See footnote, p. 88.) 



122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Analysis. — Two intervals of a fourth form the framework of this 
melody, the first being C-F and the second G-C. The tonic is espe- 
cially prominent, as it occurs in both these intervals and is frequently 
repeated. The song is minor in tonality and contains only the tones 
of the minor triad and fourth. A monotony in the melody is shown 
by the fact that it contains 27 measures and only 12 progressions. 
It has been noted that the average number of progi-essions in this 
class of songs is 31.3. The rhythmic unit occurs six times and its 
count-divisions were clearly given by the singer. 

The sacred pole was placed in such a maimer that the crossbar 
extended north and south, and the earth was packed solidly around 
the base. 

The dance enclosure was about 50 feet in diameter, with a wide 
entrance at the east. (See p. 93.) The sacred pole stood in the center 
of this circle, and about 15 feet west of the pole a square of earth was 
exposed, all vegetation being carefully removed and the ground finely 
pulverized. This square of earth was called oway'Jca walcay' , 
''sacred place," and no one was allowed to pass between it and the 
pole.^ Two intersecting lines were traced within the square of earth, 
forming a cross, these lines being parallel to the sides of the square 
but not touching them.^ After tracing these lines in the soil, the Inter- 
cessor filled the incisions with tobacco which had been offered to the 
sky, the earth, and the cardinal points. He then covered the tobacco 
with vermilion paint-powder, over which he spread shining white 
'' mica dust. '' ^ At the intersection and ends of the lines he placed 
bunches of downy white eagle feathers. Very beautiful was the con- 
trast of green turf, soft brown earth, shining white fines, and downy 
eagle feathers. West of this was placed a bed of fresh sage, on which 
the buffalo skuU would be laid during the ceremony. (Pis. 16, 17.) 

The Intercessor sang the following song as he prepared the square 
of earth. When this and similar songs were sung by the Intercessor, 
there was absolute silence in the great gathering of people. 

1 Miss Fletcher states (in Peahody Mus. Reps., m, p. 284, note, Cambridge, 1887): "The mellowed earth 
space . . . has never been absent from any religious exercise I have yet seen or learned of from the 
Indians. It represents the unappropriated life or power of the earth, hence man may obtain it." 

2 Concerning this outline, which is widely used by the Indians, Mr. W. H. Holmes writes (in Handbook 
Amer.Inds.,pt. l,p.366): "Primitivemanadjustshimself to his environment, real and imaginary, by keep- 
ing in mind the cardinal points as he understands them. When the Indian considers the world about him, 
he thinks of it as divided into four quarters, and when he communicates with the mysterious beings and 
powers with which his imagination peoples it— the rulers of the winds and rains — he turns his face to the 
four directions in stipulated order and addresses them to make his appeals and his offerings. Thus h is wor- 
ship, his ceremonies, his games, and even his more ordinary occupations in many cases are arranged to con- 
form to the cardinal points, and the various symbolic representations associated with them assume the 
form of the cross." 

3 A specimen of the "mica" was secured, and was identified as "Gypsum, variety Selenite," by Dr. G. S. 
Merrill, curator of the department of geology of the U. S. National Museum. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 17 







THE SUN DANCE (NATIVE DRAWINGS) 

A. BY EAGLE SHIELD 

B. BY JAW 



dhnsmorb] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



123 



No. 17. Song of Preparing the Sacred Place (Catalogue No. 500) 
Sung by Red Bird 



Voice J— 60 
Drum not recorded 




To-pa-ki - ya ma-ka- ta ce-wa- ki ye - lo e 



to-pa- ki - ya ma-ka- 




o-waq-ka ka - giq kta 6a o-ya- 

1 




te wag-la-ka pe- lo e 



to-pa-ki- ya ma-ka-ta fie-wa-ki ye - lo e 



WORDS 



to^pakiyamaka'ta de^waki yelo^. . four times to the earth I prayed 

owag^ka a place 

waka'gig kta da I will prepare 

oya^te O tribe 

waijla'ka pelo^ behold 

Analysis — All the tones of the octave except the fourth occur in 
this melody, which is minor in tonality and melodic in structure. A 
feeling for the tonic triad is evident throughout the song, but there 
is more freedom of progression than in many of the songs under 
analysis. The second of the key is unusually prominent, and the 
progressions in the sixth and seventh measures are interesting, 
as they include the tonic and the tone immediately above and below 
it. About two-thirds of tho intervals are downward progressions. 

After the sacred pole was erected and the " sacred place " prepared, 
a shelter, or "shade-house," was built entirely around the Sun- 
dance circle, any who wished to share in this work being permitted 
to do so. Posts about 6 feet high were erected, and upon these 
were placed a light framework of poles. This framework was covered 
with buffalo hides and decorated with freshly cut boughs. Beneath 
this shade sat the old people, the relatives of the dancers, and any who 
attended the ceremony merely as spectators. 

On the morning of the Sun dance those who were to take part in 
the ceremony were allowed to eat a full meal, after which they 
entered the vapor lodge while the following song was sung: 



124 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



Fbull. 61 



No. 18. Song of Final Visit to the Vapor Lodge (Catalogue No. 631) 

Sung by Red Weasel 
Drum J =63 
Drum not recorded 



^93: 



4 I — 1 4 r 



-^ ^ 



it 



■^I^ 




^^-|L 



^H^ 



-#-^/t 



=§^ 



g 



E 



td: 



S 



a=!?: 



WORDS (not transcribed) 

ho a voice 

u wa^yin kte I will send 

nama'hoTi ye hear me 

maka' the land 

sito^mniyai) all over 

ho a voice 

ye waye'lo I am sending 

nama'hon ye hear me 

wani^ ktelo^ I will live 

Analysis. — This song contains 20 measures and only 15 pro- 
gressions. In its lack of progression it resembles Nos. 14, 15, and 
16, rendered by the same singer. (See analysis of No. 16.) Two- 
thirds of the progressions are downward, the song beginning on the 
dominant above the tonic and ending on the dominant below the 
tonic. The melody contams the tones of the second five-toned scale 
and is melodic in structure. 

After their vapor bath, the dancers were painted by the men 
whom they had selected for that purpose. A few of the writer's 
informants stated that the bodies of the dancers were painted white 
on the first day of the ceremony, the colors being added on the morn- 
ing of the second day, but others, including Ituq'kasaii-lu'ta (Red 
Weasel) stated positively that the painting in colors was done before 
the opening of the dance. Red Bird stated that each man who was 
accustomed to paint the dancers had a special color, which was " asso- 
ciated with his dream," and that he used this color first in the paint- 
ing. Tlie colors employed were red (the ''tribal color"), blue, yel- 
low, white, and black, each color bemg a symbolism connected with 
the sky. Thus, it was said that red corresponds to the red clouds 
of sunset, which indicate fair weather; blue represents the cloud- 
less sky; yellow, the forked lightning; white corresponds to the 



126 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



fBULL. 61 



The Leader of the Dancers was with the Intercessor in the council 
tent. His costume was not necessarily different from that of the 
dancers. Chased-by-Bears stated that when acting as Leader of 
the Dancers he was painted white with black streaks across his 
forehead and down his cheeks. The deerskin nite'iyapehe which he 
wore was elaborately wrought with porcupine quills by the women 
among his relatives, who wished to do the work although such deco- 
ration was .not required. 

The costume worn by an Intercessor was somewhat similar to that 
of the dancers, but on his wrists and ankles he frequently wore bands 
of buffalo skin on which the hair was loosening, and his robe 

was the skin of a 
buff alo killed at the 
time when it was 
shedding its hair. 
Bits of hair shed by 
the buffalo were tied 
to his own hair (see 
pp. 64, 458), and he 
wore buffalo horns on 
his head, or he might 
wear a strip of buffalo 
skin fastened to his 
hair and hanging 
down his back. (See 
pi. 19.) In contrast 
to the dancers his 
hair was braided, but 
like them he wore 
one white downy 
eagle feather. His 
face and hands were 
painted red. The 
costume of an Intercessor varied slightly with the individual. Red 
Weasel stating that he wore otter skin around his wrists and ankles, 
that the braids of his hair were wound with otter skin, and that 
he wore a shirt of buffalo hide trimmed with human hair, which 
was supposed to represent the hair of an enemy. 

On the morning of the day appointed for the Sun dance the Crier 
went around the camp circle, announcing the opening of the cere- 
mony in the following words: "Wana' u po. Wana' yui^tanpe. 
InaK'ni po!" ("Now all come. Now it is finished. Hasten!") 
In the procession which approached the Sun-dance circle the 
Intercessor was the most prominent figure, the others acting as his 
escort. The Intercessor held before him with uplifted stem his 




Fig. 22. Decorated stick worn in Sun dance. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNC'LOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 19 





HAIR ORNAMENT OF BUFFALO HIDE WORN IN SUN DANCE 



nRNSntnREl 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 127 



Sun-dance pipe, which would be smoked during the ceremony. The 
Leader of the Dancers walked beside him, carrying the ceremonial 
buffalo skull, which had been pauited with stripes of red extending 
from the nostrils to the horns. Near him walkt^d some close relative 
or friend, who carried the Leader's sealed pipe, which would be 
placed with the buffalo skull beside the square of exposed earth. 
Those who were to fulfill their vows walked on either side of the Inter- 
cessor and the Leader of the Dancers, and aroimd them were the war 
societies and other organizations of the tribe. On reaching the 
entrance of the Sun-dance circle the procession paused. The Inter- 
cessor directed the attention of the people to the east, and it was 
understood that each man offered a silent prayer; this action was 
repeated toward the south, the west, and the nortli, after which they 
entered the inclosure. Amid uupressive silence the procession passed 
along the southern "side" of the circle to the western "side," where 
the Leader of the Dancers, pausing, laid the buffalo skull on the bed 
of sage, with its face toward the east. He then placed his sealed 
pipe in its ceremonial position, the bowl resting on iho buffalo skull 
and the stem supported by a slight frame of sticks painted blue 
(see pp. 64, 72), the mouthpiece of the pipe being extended toward 
the Sun-dance pole (pi. 20). When the Intercessor rose to sing 
or pray, he held this pipe in his hand, afterward replacing it in its 
ceremonial position; it was also extended toward the sky, the earth, 
and the cardinal points, but the seal on it was not broken until after 
the ceremony. 

The pipe which was smoked at the ceremony was that of the Inter- 
cessor. He first burned sweet grass, the ascending smoke of which 
was said to sjrmbolize prayer.^ Then he lit the pipe, and extended 
the stem toward the sky, the earth, and the cardinal points. The fol- 
lowing explanation of this action was given by Wakii) 'yar)-wata'- 
kpe (Charging Thunder): "When we hold the pipe toward the sky, 
we are offering it to Wakai]'tar)ka. We offer it to the earth be- 
cause that is our home and we are thankful to be here ; we offer it to 
the east, south, west, and north because those are the homes of the 
four winds; a storm may come from any direction, therefore we wish 
to make peace with the winds that bring the storms." After this 
action, the Intercessor,. having first smoked the pipe himself, offered 
it to the Leader and all the dancers. This procedure was repeated 
at infrequent intervals during the period of dancing. 

Beside the Sun-dance pole the men who were to fulfill their vows 
stood facing the sun, with hands upraised. The Intercessor cried, 
"Repent, repent! ",2 whereupon a cry of lamentation rose from the 
entire assembly. 

1 See article Incense, by James Mooney, in Handbook Amer. Inds., pt. 1, p. 604. 

' Certain features of the ceremony seem to show the influence of Christian teaching. See footnoe p. 88. 



128 



BTTREATT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



fBlTLL. 61 



The opening song of the ceremony was sung three times with a 
tremolo drumbeat, after which the drum changed to a definite, even 
stroke, and the men began to dance with faces still turned toward the 
sun and with hands upraised. 

No. 19. Opening Song of the Sun Dance (a) (Catalogue No. 453) 

Sung by Siya^ka 
Voice J= 144 
Drum J ==144 
Drum in unaccented eighth notes * 



+--t— 1 — •--•--#- -G>- -0- -F--m-' -*--#- ^ ^ 






^B3EEf 



3 



=§^ 



w 



s 




r: — 71 



I 1 r 



*.UX nr 






;§ii^ 



t^isil 



^ 



-^ : , g ^ '^ ^ ~^b^~i^ ^-0-AqJ?i 



1 I I 1 I 1 



g gqtm ^^ ^ ^g^ 



Voice J— 160 



§^^ 






Drum J — 1 60 



a 



^^'rJy^r 



±^ 






^ 



1? ^ ^ mVW 



\ F -^- 






^=&=t^^=^^\- 



1 I 1 \1 



1 \^ ; 



2 * — * \ f I'g? \ ~0 '.\ H 



^i 



* Drum-rhythm 



n n n n 

Analysis, — This transcription shows the song and also the manner 
in which it was changed by the singer in repetition. Thus the song 
itself ends with the third measure preceding the change of tune, and 
only that part of the transcription is considered in the analysis. In 



UENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



129 



songs expressive of desire it is not unusual for the tempo to be 
increased with repetitions of the song (see p. 481). Thus the second 
tempo in this instance is faster than the lirst. Comparing the two 
portions of the transcription, we note a persistence of important and 
shght changes in unimportant phrases, a peculiarity which has been 
frequently noted in the musical performances of both Chippewa and 
Sioux. Contrasted with these instances are those in which many 
renditions of the song are identical in every respect. 

This song is transcribed and analyzed in the key of D minor 
though the second and fifth of that key arc not present. The melody 
is broadly outlined by the descendmg intervals F-C, C-F, F-D, witli 
a return to F at the close. One accidental occurs — the fourth lowered 
a semitone. The number of downward and upward intervals is about 
equal, there being 25 of the fonner and 22 of the latter in the song. 

The following song also could be used at this time : 

No. 20. Opening Song of the Sun Dance (b) (Catalogue No. 479) 
Suug l)y LoNK Man 
Voice J~80 
Drum J~84 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 



^ 



4 ^-^ 



^•^ 



Iti 



^ 

£ 



f^^' 



^ 



^ 



^'^ 



^ 



^ 




Analysis. — The rhytlunic unit occui-s twice at the opening of lliis 
song, the latter part of the song showing an accinited sixteenth note in 
several measures but having little rhythmic interest. The purpose of 
the lat ter part seems to be merely the carrying of the melody down to 
the final tone. The range of the melody is 18 tones. Only 11 per 
cent of the Chippewa songs have a compass of more than 12 tones, 
and a similar range is found in only 10 per cent of the present series. 
(See Table 5A, p. 28.) This song is minor in tonality, lacking only the 
sixth tone of the complete octave. 

During the excitement of the opening dance many gifts were given 
to the poor or exchanged among the people, and many ''paid their 
respects" to the parents of young men who were taking part in the 
dance for the first time. 



130 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



The drum used in the Sun dance was placed south of the pole. It 
was a large dance drum of the usual type and elaborately decorated, 
the sides being hung with bead work and fur, and the supports wound 
with beads and fur. In addition to the drum a stiff rawhide was 
beaten. This gave to the accompaniment of the songs a peculiar 
quality of tone, which marked a difference between that of the ordi- 
nary dances and that of a religious ceremony. The men who had car- 
ried the sacred pole were seated at the drum and the rawhide, together 
with special singers, both men and women, the latter sitting behind 
the men and forming an outer circle. The voices of the women sing- 
ers were an octave higher than the voices of the men. 

The Intercessor was seated west of the "sacred place" during the 
entire ceremony. The Leader of the Dancers was with the others 
who were fulfilling their vows, but during the brief periods of rest 
which were allowed the dancers he lay on the ground at the west 
of the "sacred place," face downward, with his head pressed against 
the top of the buffalo skuU. (See p. 97.) 

The man who had spoken the vow for a war party assumed some 
responsibiUty in the proper fulfillment of their vows, and the dancers 
were attended by the men who had painted them. All who took part 
in the dance were required to abstain from food and water during the 
entire period of dancing. 

At the conclusion of the opening dance the following prayer was 
sung by the Intercessor, all the people listening with reverence;: 

No. 21. Opening Prayer of (he Sun Dance (Catalogue Ko. 501) 

Sung by Rkd Bird 

Voice J- 168 
Drdm not recorded 



-j — J «. -P-H*-. .^.. .^.. ^. .^ .^. .^Z.. .(2.. 



=9^M 



E 



--t^t 



a 



Sd: 



sp: 



Tui] - ka - .si - la ho u - wa - yiq kte tuq - ka - ^i - la 




ho VI - wa - yii] kte na - ma-hoij 


ye 


ma-ka 


si 


-to - 


mni - 


-f-' f^- • f^- r5. ^. 


1 


, 


-*-^f-f>-G 


-Si*^ fei^ — 


1 




— p • • — 





'9-^- 


-G>— 


-^VhT^ — 


— ^ 1 ^ — 


-1 


— 1 




— 







— Z-2:u 


1 1 






1 -. 1 


. — 1 




-1 1 



yaij ho u - wa - yiij kte na - ma - Xw\) ye 



3^ 



iEfefeiE^ 






E 



— - C* . I g> 



tujj-ka - §i - la 



wa - ni kte - lo e - pe - lo 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 131 

WORDS 

tugka^'sila grandfather. (See p. ] 20, f(x>lnote) 

ho iiwa^yiD k1 c a voice I am going send 

nama^lion ye hear me 

maka'' sito^mniyaij all over the inii verae 

ho uwa^yig kte a voice I am going to send 

nama^hon ye hear me 

tugka-'sila grandfather 

wani^ ktelo^ I will live 

epelo^ I have said it 

Analysis. — Peculiar strength is given this melody by tlie fact that 
a quarter note is the shortest note occurring in the rhythmic unit. 
The time of the sustained tones was accurate in all the renditions. 
Two-thirds of the progressions are downward, the melody beginning on 
the fifth above the tonic and ending on the third in the lower octave. 
All the tones of the octave are found in the song, which is minor in 
tonality and melodic in structure. The words are continuous. As 
already stated, continuous words are found most frequently in songs 
connected with ''medicine." 

A man might take part in the Sun dance in one of six ways, accord- 
ing to tlie nature of his vow. The requirement of fasting was the 
same in every vow. The first way of taking part in the Sun dance 
consisted merely in dancing, the second added a laceration of the 
flesh, and the other four required that a stick be thi-ust through the 
flesh and strain placed upon it until the flesh tore or was cut. The 
Indians stated that the stick, or skewer, was "put through the skin," 
and probably it pierced also the subcutaneous fascia.* The two 
most common fonns of this treatment consisted in the piercing of 
the flesh over the chest with skewers attached by cords to the crossbar 
of the sacred pole, and the fastening of buffalo skulls to the flesh of the 
back and arms. The two more severe and less employed fonns were 
the suspending of the entire body by the flesh of the back, and the 
fastening of the flesh of both back and chest to four poles at some 
distance from the body, the poles being placed at the corners of a 
square. 2 

If a horse had carried a man on the warpath when his vow was 
made, the man might fasten the horse to the thong by which he was 
suspended from the pole, thus hastening his release, or he might 
fasten in a similar manner the bridle and whip which he carried on 

1 As the word "skin" is commonly applied to the cuticle, the word "flesh" is used in this chapter as 

indicating more clearly the severity of the ordeal. 

2 In this connection it should l)e borne in mind that the present memoir concerns only the customs of 
the Teton Sioux, as described by members of that tribe who took part in the dance. 



132 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

the warpath, or he might hokl the bridle and whip in his hand as ho 
danced. Chased-by-Bears stated that in fuhilhng his first Sun-dance 
vow he caused a skewer to be put through the flesh of his arm and 
from it suspended the rawhide lariat which he carried when on the 
warpath, and with which he later captured a horse. (See p. 97.) 

Women sometimes took part in the Sun dance by fasting and 
standing beside some relative who was dancing, or by assuming part 
of the obligation of a vow made by some relative and permitting 
their arms to be cut. (See p. 135.) The gifts distributed by relatives 
of the dancers and the feasts given in their honor were also the work 
of the women. 

Even the simplest form of the Sim-dance was a severe test of a 
man's endurance. He was required to abstain from food and water, 
to dance with face upraised to the sun from morning until night, 
and to continue dancing during the night and on the following day 
until he fell exhausted.* 

If he had vowed to have his arms cut, he left the line of dancers 
and seated himself beside the pole for the operation, after w^hich he 
resumed his dancing. The number of cuts varied from 10 to 100 or 
even 200, according to the man's vow, though if the vow required 
the larger numbers named part of the number was usually assumed 
by his relatives. The cutting was done by a man of experience, to 
whom the dancer gave one or more horses. The man had an assist- 
ant, who lifted a small portion of flesh on the point of an awl, where- 
upon the man then severed it with a quick stroke of a knife, Hfting 
the first portion which he cut toward the sky, saying, ''This man 
promised to give you his flesh; he now fulfills his vow." (See p. 96.) 
The cuts were usually placed close together. The writer has seen 
the scars of a man whose arms were cut 100 times — small dots on 
the upper arm, about half an inch apart, in regular order. 

Another manner of cutting the arm was by gashes, which left 
broad white scars. As already stated, the relatives of a man might 
assume part of the obligation of his vow by allowing their arms to be 
cut. Thus Lone Man said that he vowed 200 gashes, but his relatives 
divided half the number among themselves. 

If a man vowed that he would bo suspended from the pole tlie 
operation of fastening the thongs to his chest was as follows: The 
dancer lay on the ground, and the man who performed the operation, 
bending over him, lifted the flesh of the chest between his thumb and 
finger; then thrusting an awl through the flesh, he followed this with 
the insertion of the pomted stick. This stick was painted blue, and 
the man moistened it with his lips before insertmg it m the flesh. 
He then hfted the man to his feet and tied the thongs hangmg from 
the crossbar of the pole to the sticks in the man's flesh. Medicine 
was appHed if the bleeding was excessive. In old days the awl used 
in this operation was of bone. Chased-by-Bears, who performed this 

1 Intervals permitted for rest are noted on p. 134. 



DUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 21 






KNIFE CASE KNIFE 

ARTICLES USED IN SUN DANCE 



DE.NSMoiiE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 133 

office many times in the Sun dance, stated that he used a knife, the 
blade being ground to a point, and the handle and part of the blade 
being wrapped with rawhide (pi. 21). 

The thongs by which a man was suspended were usually of a length 
permitting only his toes to touch the ground, though the hcnglit of 
the suspension depended somewhat upon the man's physical strength. 
When first suspended each man was given a stick by means of which 
he might raise his body slightly to ease the strain upon the flesh of 
his chest. After discarding this support any effort at rest or any 
cessation of the motion of dancing only increased the suffering. 

The men were suspended soon after 9 o'clock in the morning 
on the north side of the pole in such a position that their upraised 
faces were in the full glare of the sun. It was expected that they 
would make an effort to free themselves as soon as possible. Some- 
times this was accomplished in half an hour, and according to John 
Grass and other informants a man seldom remained in that position 
more than an hour. If ho was unable to tear the flesh in that time 
by means of the motion of dancing, he might give horses for his 
release, or his relatives might give them in his behalf. In that event 
the man who had done the cutting was allowed to cut through the 
flesh either partially or entirely. If a considerable time elapsed 
and the man could not free himself, and neither he nor his relatives 
could give the requisite horses, ho was jerked downward until the 
flesh gave way. While suspended, each man held his eagle-bone 
whistle in his mouth, blowing it from time to time. 

If a man vowed to take part in the Sun dance by canying buffalo 
skulls, the number varied from two to eight. If two were used they 
were fastened to the flesh of the upper part of the back, near the 
spine. The flesh having been lifted on an awl, a small stick was 
inserted. A thong of buffalo hide was fastened to this stick, the 
other end of the thong being passed through the nostril-openings of 
of the buffalo skull, suspending it at some distance from the ground. 
The man then danced until the tearing of the flesh released the skull. 
If four skulls were used, the additional pair was fastened to the back, 
halfway between the spine and the point of the shoulder. With 
six skulls, the third pair was fastened to the upper arm. If more 
than six were used, the additional skulls were fastened anywhere on 
tho upper part of the back, it being permitted also to fasten more 
than one skull to a thong. When several skulls were employed, 
their weight made it impossible for a man to stand erect, hence 
the man had to lean forward upon a stick, dancing in a bowed posi- 
tion. The scales indicated 25 pounds weight for a buffalo skull 
which was obtained by the writer. The skull was shown to Chased- 
by-Bears who after lifting it, said that although the specimen was 
a lai'ge one it was not unusual for men to carry such in the Sun dance. 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 11 



134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

Buffalo Boy stated that he carried six buffalo skulls for four or five 
hours, at the expiration of which he was set free by the cutting of 
the flesh from which they were suspended, the proper number of 
horses being given for his release. 

A more severe form of torture was the hanging of the body clear 
of the ground by means of thongs passed through the flesh on each 
side of the lower part of the back. Seizes-the-Gun-away-from-Thom 
told of an instance in which a man rode to the sacred pole, and was 
suspended by his back, after which the horse was led away. The 
most severe form of torture was the suspension of the body between 
four poles, by means of thongs passing through the flesh of both chest 
and back, the body hanging so that only the toes touched the ground. 
Under these conditions the flesh tore less readily. John Grass stated 
that a man had been known to remain in that position from one 
morning until the evening of the next day, when gifts were given 
for his release. 

While the men were dancing, they '' prayed for all in the tribe, 
especially the sick and the old." Red Bird said: 

The wamors went on the warpath for the protection of the tribe and its hunting 
grounds. All the people shared in this benefit, so when the warrior fulfilled his vow 
he wanted all the tribe to share in its benefits. He believed that Wakag'tagka is 
more ready to grant the requests of those who make vows and fulfill them than of 
those who are careless of all their obligations; also that an act performed publicly is 
more effective than the same thing done privately. So when a man was fidfilUng 
his vow, he j^rayed for all the members of the tribe and for all the branches of the tribe, 
wherever they might be. 

As soon as a man enduring torture was set free by the breaking 
of the flesh, it was customary to apply to the wound a medicine in 
the form of a powder. It was said that the wounds healed readily, 
blood poisoning and even swelling being unknown. The WTiter saw 
a large nmnber of Sun-dance scars, which appeared slight consid- 
ermg the severity of the ordeal. 

After the medicine was applied, the man returned to his place with 
the dancers, continuing his fast and dancing until exhausted. During 
the period of dancing the men who painted the dancer occasionally 
offered a pipe, holding the bowl as the man puffed; also putting the 
dancer's whistle into his mouth, as participants were not allowed 
to touch any objects while dancing. 

Each man remained in one place as he danced, merely turning so 
that he continually faced the sun, toward which he raised his face. 
In dancing he raised himself on the ball of his foot with rhythmic 
regularity. At intervals of a few hours the men at the drum were 
allowed to rest, and the dancers might stand in their places or even 
sit down and smoke for a short time, but if they showed any hesi- 
tation in resuming the dance they were forced to their feet by the 
men who did the cutting of the arms and superintended the fulfill- 
ment of the vows. 



DE.NSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



135 



Women whose relatives were fulfilling vows frequently danced be- 
side them during part of the time. Ta^i'na-skawii) ("V^^hite Robe), 
singer of the following song, stated that she composed it while taking 
part in a Sun-dance in which her brother was fulfilling a vow. As 
the result of a successful raid against the Crows, he brought home 
many horses, which were divided among his relatives, she receiving 
part of the number. He had vowed that if he were successful he 
would be suspended from the pole and would also have 200 cuts 
made on his arms. She and hor sister assumed one-half of this num- 
ber, each having her arms cut 50 times. She and his other female 
relatives danced while he was dancing, and without preparation she 
sang this song, which was readil}^ learned and sung ])y aU the women: 

No. 22. "Wakag^taqka, Pity Me" (Catalogue No. 688) 
Sting by Tasi^na-skawiij (White Robe) 

Voice J = 63 
Drdm not recorded 



4: 



^^^i^^l^^^^^ 







IE 






^zt 



± 



li^-d-^ 



i 



^ 



-tK-*^ 



-K 



-*— *- 



WORDS (not transckibed) 

Waijbli'-iya^li'' Climbing Eagle (man's name) 

heye^ le said this 

Wakaij^taijka " Wakag'taij ka 

oij'Himala ye yo pity me 

letaq^har) from henceforth 

te'hai) wani^ ktelo' for a long time I will live " 

eyiij^ na^har). he is saying this, and 

telii''ya na^'zig ye stands there, enduring 

Analysis. — The third and second tones of the octave are lacking 
in this melody, wliich, as aheady stated, was said to have been com- 
posed by a woman. Tho absence of the third in songs composed by 
women is considered in Bulletin 53 (p. 140). Only four other 
instances of the absence of the third occur in the present series. 
These are Nos. 5, 42, 99, 131, 169, and the present song is the only 



136 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



one of the group which was composed or sung by a woman. One 
accidental occurs — the fourth raised a semitone. The manner of 
using this accidental introduces two intervals, one of which seems 
particularly difficult for an Indian to sing, namely, the minor second. 
The other interval is the augmented fourth, in the descent from D 
sharp to A. All these intervals, as well as the ascent of the octave, 
were sung with good intonation. The song is minor in tonahty and 
freely melodic in structure. 

The aged members of the tribe were seated comfortably in the 
"shade house" on the outer edge of the dancing circle. There they 
listened attentively to all that took place; indeed, the utmost rever- 
ence and respect for the ceremony were shown by all who attended. 
The spectators realized that when prayer was offered by the Inter- 
cessor ''it was their duty to join in his prayer with their hearts." 

Meantime many incidents were taking place in the great tribal 
gathering. Those who rejoiced were asking others to rejoice with 
them, while still others joined their friends in lamenting chiefs who 
had died during the year, or warriors w^ho had been slain by the 
enemy. The relatives of those who took part in the Sun dance pro- 
vided feasts, and little groups were seen feasting here and there in 
the camp while at the same time songs of lamentation could be 
heard. The following song was used at a Suii dance in commemo- 
ration of Kai3gi'-iyo'take (Sitting Crow), a Sioux warrior who was 
killed in a fight with the Crows. The words of this song are a 
warrior's best memorial. 



No. 23. Song of Lamentation 

Sung by Lone Man 



(Catalogue No. 487) 



VoicK J = 56 
Drum iiol recorded 




5 



^1 



tz- 



^^^ 






7C^=P= 



^*— •— 



S^ 



-^"Siir 



Hi=t 



3 



£- 




;^^ 



& 



Kaq - gi - i - yo - ta - ke he - eel yuq 






=w-=^ 



^L f-r-*^ :£g 



n-9^ 



kiq kte Miq e - 6el 



yuij - ka he 



'"*^ ^X- 



id^ 



.-^.. 



I 



nE^•fi^^oRKl TETOX STOFX MTTSIC 187 



WORDS 



Kaggi^-iyo^take Sitting Crow (man's name) 

he^cel yiiijkiij^ kte liciij .' that is the way he wished to lie 

ecel yuijka' he he is lying as he desired 

Analysis. — Five renditions of this song were recorded; these are 
entirely uniform. The upward progressions in the measure contain- 
ing the first word are interesting, also the upward progression neces- 
sary in beginning a repetition of the song. These intervals were sung 
with good intonation. From the writer's observation an Indian may 
vary the pitch of unimportant intervals, })ut very rarely loses the pitch 
of what might be called the "outline" of a melody. In structure 
this song is freely melodic, yet the tonic triad is felt tlu-oughout the 
song. The minor third is of frequent occurrence and constitutes 
37 per cent of the entire number of intervals. The melody tones 
are those of the second five-toned scale. 

Even the children had a part in the vSun dance, w^iich consisted 
in the piercing of their ears. Frequently this was done in fulfillment 
of a vow made by their parents; for instance, in the event of a child's 
illness the parents might vow that if the child should live until the 
next Sun dance its ears would be pierced. This was considered an 
lionor, and the gifts which were required made it impossible for 
poorer members of the tribe. The piercing of the ears was done 
publicly by an}^ experienced person, in some instances by the In- 
tercessor, assisted by those who cut the arms of persons fulfilling 
vows at the ceremony. The parents of the child gave gifts to those 
who pierced its ears, the gifts varying according to their means. 
Some gave 1 horse, some 10 horses, and wealthy persons added 
large and valuable presents of goods to show their affection for the 
child. A wealthy family provided also rich furs on w^hich the child 
was laid during the operation — soft robes of ott-er, beaver, or buffalo, 
elaborately WTOught on the inner side with beads or porcupine 
quills, and l^rought a pillow filled with the soft hair scraped from the 
deer's hide, or the down of the cat-tail reeds that grow in the marshes. 
All these articles were left in their places after being used and were 
appropriated by the poor of the tribe. 

The piercing of the ear was originally done with a bone awl, this 
instrument being replaced later by one of metal. After the puncture, 
a piece of copper was inserted so that the wound would heal rapidly. 
One or both ears might be pierced, and. if desired more than one hole 
was made in each ear. 

The children whose ears were thus pierced were considered some- 
what related in status to the men whose fiesh was lacerated in the Sun 
dance, and feasts were given by their relatives in honor of the event. 



138 



BUREAU OF AMEEICAX ETHNOLOGY 



rp.n.i.. c.i 



About noon of either the first or second da}' of the dancmg 
the Intercessor sang the following song, the drum being silent and the 
entire assembly listening as he sang: 



No. 24. Noon Song 

Sung by Red Bird 



Voice J — 58 
Drum not recorded 









(Catalogue No. 506) 



^^^SE 



WORDS (not transcribed) 

{First rendition) 

to''kiya where 

wakaij^ holy 

warila^ke you behold 

wi ohi''nape ta in the place where the sun rises 

wakar) holy 

wagla^ka nugwe^ may you behold 

(Second rendition) 

to^kiya where 

wakai]^ holy 

wagla^ke : . you behold 

wi ohi^ya ye ta in the i)lace where the sun passes us 

on his course 

wakar)^ holy 

wagla''ke you behold 

( Third rendition) 

to'kiya where 

waste^ goodness 

warila^'ke you behold 

wi oe^kawigge te at the turning back of the sun 

waste^ goodness 

wagla^ka nuijwe^ may you behold 

Analysis. — The principal characteristic of this melody is that 
9 of the 16 progressions are intervals of the minor third. The 
tones are tliose of the fourth five-toned scale, and the melody is 
freely melodic in structure. Several renditions were recorded, 
each repetition beginning at the point indicated by the marks for 
repeat. Thus the first part of the song may be regarded as an 
introduction. 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSTC 



139 



The following sorig was sung by the Intercessor during one of 
the periods when the drummers rested; the people listened atten- 
tively. In explanation of this song Red Bird said: 

This is a song concerning a dream of an Intercessor. In his dream he saw the rising 
sun with rays streaming out around it. He made an ornament which represented 
this. At first he alone wore it, butafterward others wore the same ornament. [See 
p. 89.] It is a hoop with feathers fastened lightly to it. The hoop represents the 
sun, and the feathers fastened to it are feathers of the eagle, which is the bird of day, 
the crane, which is the bird of night, and the hawk, which is the surest bird of ])rey. 

No. 25. Song concerning the Sun and Moon (Catalogue No. 504) 

Sung by Red Bird 
Voice J — 58 
Drum not i-ecorded 




y?^^ 



Ai} - pe wi kii] ko-la wa-ye - lo 



aq - pe wi kiij 




ko-la wa-ye - lo 



cai]-gle-ska le ko-yag ma-ye - lo 



iis^ 



1-^1 



;ii 



H-^ 



--f± 



waq - bli wa - aij 



ko - yag ma - ye - lo he 



lo 



(First rrmhtioti) 

agpe^ wi kig the sun 

kola' waye'lo is my friend 

(^aggle'ska le a hoop 

koyag'' maye'lo it has made me wear 

wag bli'' wag an eagle 

koyag' maye'lo it has made me wear 

(Second rendition) 

hagye' wi kig the moon 

kola' waye'lo is my friend 

pohag' wag a crane 

koyag' maye'lo it has made me wear 

6etag' wag a hawk 

koyag' maye'lo it has made me wear 



140 



BTTREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



fRrT.T,. 61 



Analysis. — In many songs the rhythmic unit is merelj' a short 
phrase which lacks completeness in itself, but which appears fre- 
quently throughout the melody and influences the rhythmic divi- 
sions of the entire melody. The song now under analysis, how- 
ever, contains a rhythmic unit which is complete in itself, and which 
was sung with a distinct "phrase perception." Repetitions of this 
unit constitute the entire song except the closing measure. The 
melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale. The only 
intervals here found are the major second and minor third. De- 
scending intervals comprise about two-thirds of the entire number. 

The songs of the hours of dancing are peculiarly rhythmic, the 
following being examples. These songs were not used exclusively 
in the Sun dance, some of them being songs of the various War 
societies. 



VOICK J: 



No. 26. "Wakag^taijka Hears Me" (Catalogue No. 483) 
Sung by Lone Man 



Drum J = 88 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 

(1) 



mt: 



-^ -V ^- 






-m- — •- 



f=££ 



^ -• 



S=E 




-0-> ^. .0- 



(2) 



SE^ 



^ A- 



iS^ 



SE :LJ ^: 



Wa-kai] - taq - ka ca wa - ki - ya caq - na na-ma - lioij e 

I 



J^—^ 



1 r' 



^^^^^^^^m 



ta-ku wa^-te ma-ku we-lo 



Wakai)''tai)ka Wakag^tagka 

da wa^kiya dag'na when I pray to him 

nama^liog e heard me 

ta^ku wa^te^ whatever is good 

maku^ welo^ he grants me 



DKXSMOREl 



TETON STOUX MUSTC 



141 



Analysis. — The distinct minor character of this song is of interest. 
The fourth and seventh tones of the octave are hicking in the m:4ody. 
It will be noted that these are the tones omitted from the fourth 
five-toned scale, which is major in tonality, while this song is minor 
in tonality, the third and sixth being minor intervals. This tone- 
material is found in four Chippewa songs (see Table 6a) ; it is con- 
sidered in Bulletin 53 (p. 188). Similar songs of the present series 
are Nos. 73, 89, 115, 126, 194. The interval of the fourth is promi- 
nent, comprising about one-fourth of the entire number of intervals. 
Two rhythmic units occur, but have no resemblance to each other. 
It has been noted that when several rhythmic units appear in a song 
they usually have some characteristics in common. 

No. 27. "Black Face-paint He Grants Me" (Catalogue No. 503) 

Sung by Red Bird 
Voice J = 76 
Drum J :::; 76 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




K==SFtf^ 



i^^ 



4L. ^. A. ^ 



^ ^»- 



t^ 



-ft- -^ 



M- 



Wa-kai] - tai]-ka ca wa - ki - ya caij- na i - te - sa - bye 



itszlzzC: 



f—»^ 



i^-^&Ma=i^g 



f^^- 



w^^^m 



ma-ku we-lo 



I 



Wakag^tagka WakaQ^tagka 

6e wa'kiya <5ag^na when I pray to him 

ite^sabye black face-paint (see p. 359) 

maku^ welo' he grants me 

Analysis. — This song is major in tonality, yet the minor third 
constitutes more than half tlte entire number of intervals. This 
peculiarity is of frequent occurrence in the present series and 
was noted among the Chippewa songs. (See Bulletin 53, p. 
263.) AU the tones of the octave except the seventh are present 



142 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BUr,L. 61 



in the melody. An ascent of 10 tones is accomplished in the space 
of three measures, about midway through the song. It will be 
noted that a measure division similar to that in the second measure 
of the rhythmic unit is of frecjuent occurrence, though the rhyth- 
mic unit occurs only three times. 

The following song commemorates a victory over the enemy: 



Voice J = 92 
Drum J = 92 



Druin -rhythm similar to No. 19 



No. 28. "I Have Conquered Them" (Catalogue No. 484) 
Suug by Lone Man 




_^^ 1 1 1 . 1 : 



f — ^^ r t-rt p — ^ 



E - ca o - zu - ye waq he 




u - kte se - 6e - lo wa - na hi - ye - lo wa - ka - so - ta he 




■L— p — H— ^ -| — r — p — — ^— r — [— 




WORDS 



e6a^ ozu'ye wag he well, a war party 

ukte^ se^delo which was supposed to come 

wana^ hiyelo^ now is here 

waka^sota he..... I have obliterated every trace of them 



nKNSMORE] 



TETON STOUX MUSIC 



143 



Analysis. — An interesting peculiarity of this song is the progres- 
sion E-D-E, showing a whole tone between the seventh and eighth 
of a minor key. This occurs immediately before the words and 
also at the close of the song. The ascent of an octave in two pro- 
gressions (with the introduction of the words) is also interesting, as 
these mtervals were sung with more correctness than many smaller 
intervals in the song. AU the tones of the octave except tlie sixth 
are present in the song, which is freely melodic in structure. 



No. 29. Dancing Song (a) 

Sung by Red Bird 



(Catalogue No. 499) 



Voice J = 80 
Drum J— 60 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




Analysis. — A notable feature of this song is the difference in tempo 
between voice and drum. Occasionally the two coincided on the first 
count of a measure, but this appears to have been accidental, the two 
parts being entirely distinct. (See analysis of No. 8.) The time of 
the voice is not rigidly maintained, though the variations are neither 
sufficient nor regular enough to be indicated except on the E which 
was shortened in every rendition, and is so marked in the transcrip- 
tion. The structure of the melody is more regular than that of the 
majority of the songs under analysis. It comprises three periods of 
four measures each, with one additional measure after the second 
period. The melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale, 
and two- thirds of the progressions are downward. 



144 



BUEEAF OF AMEETCAN ETFTNOT.OdY [bull. Ci 

* No. 30, Dancing Song (b) (Catalogue No. 505) 

Sunii' bv Ki:i) Bird 



Voice J =80 
Drum Jz=80 

Drum-rhythm simihxr to No. 8 
(1) 





(5) 



I — l\-H — \ • — • — * ■ m m • — • — fl 





(4) 



(2) 



^^^r 



F=t 



:^=ti 



^-^-#-^-#- 



i— h 



•— i#- 



i 



Analysis. — The count-division which characterizes this song con- 
sists of two sixteenth notes followed by an eighth note. This is com- 
bined with other divisions of a quarter note to form five distinct 
phrases of one measure each. The repetition of these short phrases, 
or rhythmic units, comprises the entire song except the closing meas- 
ure. The first rhythmic unit occurs twice, the second three times, 
the third three times, the fourth six times, and the fifth twice. The 
irregular order of these phrases prevents their grouping into periods, 
but the rhythm of the song as a whole is complete and interesting. 
In structure the song is harmonic, the principal tones being those of 
the tonic triad. All the tones of the octave except the fourth are 
found in the melody. An ascent of 1 1 tones in two measures is noted 
in the seventh and eighth measures before the close. The small count- 
divisions were clearly given by the peculiar action of the throat 
which characterizes Indian singing. (See Bulletin 53, p. 13.) Half 
the intervals (19) are major seconds, all but two of which are in 
descending progression. 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

No. 31. Dancing Song (c) 

Sung by Lone Man 



145 

(Catalogue No. 482) 



Voice J =: 84 
Drum J — 84 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 
-• -•- -•- 




( 



p . m m p ^f-y-p — r — m — m-r-w—w r w- 



^^] 



Analysis. — The intonation was wavering in both renditions of this 
song. Drum and voice have the same metric unit, but the drum 
invariably precedes the voice. The rhythmic unit, which is short, 
appears three times. No change of time (measure-lengths) occurs in 
the melody. This is somewhat unusual, a majority of both Sioux 
and Chippewa songs containing a change of time. (See Table 17A.) 

No. 32. Dancing Song (d) (Catalogue No. 485) 

Suug by Lone Man 
Voice J— 176 
Drum Jrr 176 
Drum-rhythm .similar to No. 19 



-^- _ '-9- -»- M ^ -<9- 


pg^^^jzL^D^-^feE^f ^,4^,, |',^-r^ 


V^ \^A V V \- -\^ hU-j— ^ — 1 ^— L-I| 




-^^*^-^^— uTf-^ — u-N-L^-^^ — ^-J- ^ — .L^i^-SH 



Analysis. — Wide intervals characterize tliis melody, one-fourth of 
these being larger than a major third. The compass of 13 tones is 
somewhat unusual. The song is major in tonality and is especially 
lively and inspiring. All the tones of the octave are used except the 
seventh. In structure the song is classified as melodic with harmonic 
framework. The drumbeat is tremolo in the opening measur<>s and 
then changes to the indicated rhythm, which was steadily maintained 
in all the repetitions of the song. 



146 



BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



No. 33. Dancing Song (e) (Catalogue No. 457) 

Sung by Siya^ka 
Voice J= 176 
Drum J— 176 
Drum-rliythm similar to No. 6 

(1) 

\ ' ^f^ A2) (1) 





1 1 

-9rA ^-f-- 


^-H '.^^^U LJ 1 — 


^ '-^^ 



(2) 



(3) 



(2) 



?=i= 



T^ - . I f 2-—*-^ • P # I P •- • ■» I # m- 



Si=t; 



=?czi: 



(1) 





(2) 

1 1 






r • 


v/ 




1 1 
-•- 


^9^^=tf^ 


-/S" 


^r=^=F=i 


fs 


^-f=t-- — 


f=^=^ 


-1 — ^-^ - 




U 1 


LUP_J 


^ — - 


4 Li^ 


-4^ ■— ^- 


.-l^^' — — 1 



(3) 



(2) 



■ -ts-| Fz-h L, , * I I N-| 1 — l:t 



ii=±^:^ 



-iSi— 



BS 



^h=i=t-f 



ffi 



Analysis. — This melody is transcribed in the key of D minor, but 
in the opening phrases and also near the close of the song there is a 
feeling of ''interval formation" which is stronger than the feeling for 
a keynote or its related chords. These parts of the song are based on 
the descending interval of a fourth. (See p. 418 of tliis work, also 
Bulletin 53, p. 99.) Two rhythmic units occur in the song, the second 
reversing the count-divisions of the first. The drumbeat in tliis, as in 
the preceding song, is a rapid tremolo during the opening measures, 
changing to the rhythm indicated in the transcription. About 45 
per cent of the intervals are major seconds. 



DENSMOKE] 



TETQN SIOUX MUSIC 



147 



No. 34. Dancing Song (f) (Catalogue No. 458) 

Sung l)y Sha^ka 



Voice J- 176 
Drum J =176 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 
(1) 







:^J^ 



(2) 

-a. ^^ — ^ P sP • 



(2) 



ii: 



S 



a — ^ — :p__«_^-p_^ 



if 



^ 



0) 



(2) 



^— •^ 



^^^ 



t:p=^ 



t=_S 



I5|: 



4S 



"^^ 



^' 


Tt'li" 


0) 

— 1^ — 


1'^"; — 


=f-- 


^—r 


^ 


1 

— H- 


-4- 




fR=r 


1 




— P, 


_>' 


^T 


' 






tbitz 


-t 


;^^ — 




i^f-P 


* • J 


-«^ — 


^^ 


ziU 



Analysis. — This melody is minor in tonality and contains all the 
tones of the octave. It has a compass of 13 tones. In structure it 
is melodic with harmonic framework, special prominence being given 
the tones B and F. The principal interest of the song is in its rhythm, 
which is vigorous and well defined. Two rhythmic units occur, 
the second being a complement or "answering phrase" to the first. 
There is no change of tempo in the melody. After singing the song as 
transcribed, the part indicated as a repeat was sung three times with 
no break in the time. 



148 



BUREAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

No. 35. Dancing Song (g) (Catalogue No. 459) 

Sung by Siya^ka 



Voice 
Drum 



84 
84 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 




^& 



^=S^^ 



•— • -•-• #- 



P W' ^ W ^ 



^- 



( -n- 



:Ci: 






m. 



gj^ 



:p=P=^ 



:p=#: 



^^t ±LH:p : g=£ ^ F^ ^ 



g^ 



1 ^ — a 1— 



Analysis. — This melod}^ contains a large number of progressions 
(69) and has a compass of 13 tones. The trend of the melody is 
steadily downward, and the song is peculiar in the wide range which 
is repeatedly employed within two or three mieasures; thus the sixth 
and seventh measures comprise a compass of 10 tones. In the parts 
of the song having a simple rhythm the drum and voice coincided, 
but in other parts the drumbeat was hastened slightly and bore no 
relation to the voice. 

All night the men danced, with the intervals of rest already 
described. As the sun rose on the second day, the Intercessor 
greeted it with the following song : 



No. 36. Song at Sunrise 

Sung by Red Bird 



(Catalogue No. 502) 



Voice J ^88 
Drum not recorded 




*3 



^^smm 



i 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 22 




RED BIRD 



DEN-SMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 149 

WORDS (not transcribed) 

(First rendition) 

le raiye'' yelo'' here am I 

wagma^yagkiye' yo behold me 

aupe' wi koq miye^ yolo' I am the sun 

waqma^yagka yo liehold me 

( Second rnulition) 

le miye' yelo^ here am I 

wagma^yagka yo behold me 

heya^ u welo^ it said as it rose 

hagye' wi kog he miye^ yelo^ I am the moon 
wagma^yagka yo behold me 

Analysis. — Beyond a varied use of the sixteenth and dotted 
eighth note count-division this melody presents little of special 
interest. The trend is persistently dowTiward without the return to 
a high note, which usually occurs. The melody tones are those of 
the fourth five-toned scale. 

On the second day the men were allowed a brief intermission; 
they might even return to their lodges, but were not allowed to take 
food or water. During this day the men, one after another, fell from 
exhaustion. Red Bird (pi. 22) said that he had a vision in the Sun 
dance. On the second day, as he was dancing, he noticed that the 
Intercessor held a small mirror in his hand, and that he threw the 
light reflected from this mirror into the face of one dancer after an- 
other, each man falling to the ground when it flashed into his eyes. 
At last Red Bird felt the flash of light in his own face and fell uncon- 
scious. Then he saw something in the sun; it was a man's face, 
painted, and as he looked at it he saw that the man in the sun was the 
Intercessor. It was said that this vision was sufficient to entitle 
Red Bird to act as Intercessor, after he had received the proper in- 
structions concerning the duties of that office. 

As soon as a man fell from exhaustion he was carried into the 
shade, where he gradually regained consciousness. 

Those who had taken part in the Sun dance returned to their re- 
spective lodges at the close of the dancing. Before partaking of food 
or water they spent some time in the vapor lodge. Their first sip of 
water was taken in the following manner: A large bowl was filled 
with water, and beside it was placed a bunch of sweet grass. Having 
dipped this into the water, the dancer placed it to his lips. He was 
then given a small piece of cooked buffalo meat, and later sat down 
to a meal which was spread in his own lodge. 

When the entire ceremony was finished the Intercessor took from 
its ceremonial position the pipe given by the Leader of the Dancers, 
and carried it to his own lodge. There he broke the seal of Duffalo 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 12 



150 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bum-. 61 



fat, and having lighted tlie pipe, offered it to such of his friends as 
felt themselves worthy to smoke it. No one who knew himself to be 
unworthy ever dared to touch the Sun-dance pipe. 

Among the Indians here dealt 
with camp had to be broken 
b(^fore the evening of the sec- 
ond day. The sacred pole and 
its offerings, the red-painted 
buffalo skull, and the bits of 
white eagle down remained on 
the prairie. As the last man 
left the camping ground, he 
looked back and saw them in 
their places. Then he left them 
with Wakag'tagka and the si- 
lent prairie. 




After the people reached their 
homes the boys of the tribe be- 
gan a childish enactment of the 
Sun dance, which continued at 
intervals during the entire sum- 
mer. Boys whose fathers or 
grandfathers had taken part in 
the ceremony were given pref- 
erence in the assigning of parts. 
Mr. Robert P. Higheagle, the 
interpreter, stated that he well 
remembered the gravity with 
which the grandson of an In- 
tercessor imitated the actions of 
that official. A fine was exacted 
from any boy who failed to do 
his part in the proper manner, or 
who showed disrespect toward 
the performance. Whistles in 
imitation of Sun-dance whistles 
were made of reeds (see fig. 
23), the plumy blossom repre- 
senting the eagle down, and 
long red and green grasses be- 
ins wound around the reed in 

imitation of the porcupine-quill decoration. 

Through the summer woods the boys sought for wild grapes and 

berries with which to color their bodies and their decorations. 



Fig. 23. Reed whistle used in boys' Sun dance. 



DKNSMOREl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 151 

Removing the outer bark from trees, they took long, thin layers of 
the inner bark for streamers, coloring these with the juice of the 
grapes and berries. The tree for their sacred pole was carefully 
selected, and was brought home with much pomp and ceremony. 
Boys with good voices were assigned the part of singers and seated 
themselves around an old pan. A hoop was sometimes covered 
with a bright handkerchief or cloth; this more nearly resembled the 
Sun-dance drum in appearance, but the pan was considered more 
satisfying. The torture was imitated by thrusting a stiff cactus- 
spine through a boy's skin; this was fastened to the pole by means 
of a very frail thi*ead. When his movements in dancing broke this 
thread the boy was considered released. 

Thus the boys of the tribe were trained in their play to become 
the men of the future. 

The desire of children to imitate the actions of older people is 
further illustrated by the children's Games of War contained in 
Bulletin 53, pages 137-139. These games included a sham fight on the 
part of the boys, while the little girls sang of relatives who had been 
wounded while on the warpath. 



OLD SONGS ' 

1. Ceremonial Songs 

This group comprises such songs of the Alo'waqpi, Spirit-keeping, 
and Sun-dance ceremonies as are sung oidy by persons specially 
qualified to sing them. The song of the Spirit-keeping ceremony 
(No. 1) is given in connection with the account of the Gift of the 
White Buffalo Calf Pipe, and its ceremonial use is described on page 82. 
The Huqka songs are Nos. 2 and 3, and the Sun-dance songs Nos. 4, 
11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 36; the latter group being sung 
only by the Intercessor, and forming part of the instructions which 
he received in qualifying himself for that office. 

Melodic Analysis 

TONALITY 



Number 
of songs 



Serial Nos. of songs 



Major tonality . 
Minor tonality . 

Total . . . 



15 



11,14,15,36 

1,2,3, 4, 12, 13, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21 



FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



Beginning on the — 

Twelfth 


2 
1 
1 
3 
6 
1 
1 


13,17 


Eleventh 


19 


Tenth 


20 


Octave 


2,3,15 


Fifth : 


1,12,14,16,21,36 


Third 


11 


Tonic 


4 






Total 


15 









LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



Ending on the— 

Fifth 


3 
6 
6 


1,14,20 

4,11,12,19,21,36 

2,3,13,15,16,17 


Third 


Tonic 




Total 


15 





I This group comprises songs a majority of which are believed to be 50 to 150 years old. 
152 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



153 



Old Songs — (1) Ceremonial Songs — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 



Number 
of songs 



Songs in which final tone is lowest tone in song 

Songscantaining a minor fourth below the final tone. 
Songs containing a minor third below the final tone - . . 



Total. 



Serial Nos. of songs 



1, 2, 3, 4, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 21, 36 
16 



NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 



Compass of— 

Thirteen tones 


1 

1 
2 
3 
2 
6 


20 


Twelve tones 


13 


Eleven tonas 


4,19 


Ten tones . . 


12,21,36 


Nine tones . 


13,14 


Eight tones . . 


1,2,3,11,15,16 






Total 


15 





TONE MATERIAL 



Second five-toned scale 

Fourth five-toned scale 

Minor triad and fourth 

Octave complete 

Octave complete except seventh 

Octave complete except seventh and second. 

Octave complete except sixth 

Octave complete except sixth and fourth 

Octave complete except si.xth and second . . . 
Octave complete except fifth and second . . . . 
Octave complete except fourth 



Total. 




ACCIDENTALS 



Songs containing— 


13 
1 
1 


1, 2, 3, 4, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 36 




11 




19 






Total 


15 









STRUCTURE 



Melodic 

Melodic with harmonic framework . 
Harmonic 



Total. 




1,2,4,11,13,15,16,17,19,20,21 

12,14,36 

1 



154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

Old Songs — (1) Ceremonial Songs — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



[BULL. €1 





Number 
of songs 


Serial Nos. of songs 




14 

1 


1, 2, 3, 4, 11, 12, 13, 15, Iti, 17, 19, 20, 21, 30 




14 






Total 


15 





TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



Downward 

Upward 


239 

135 




Total 


374 





INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval of a— 

Fifth 


4 

2G 
23 
CO 
94 
26 




Fourth 




Major third 




Minor third 








Minor second 








Total 


239 









INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval of — 

Octave 

Major sixth. . , 
Minor sixth . . 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third... 
Minor third . . 
Major second. 
Minor second. 

Total 



AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL 



Total number of intervals, ascending and descending. . 

Total number of semitones 

Average number of semitones in each interval 



374 
1,101 
3.5 



DKNSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

Old Songs — (1) Ceremonial SongiS — Continued 
Melodic Axalysis — Continued 

KEY 



155 



Key of — 

A major 

A minor 

B flat minor.. 

B minor 

C minor 

D flat major.. 
C sharp minor 

D major 

D 7ninor 

E flat major... 
I'^ flat minor . . 
F sharp minor 
G minor 

Tjtal 




Serial Nos. of songs 



Rhythmic Analysis 
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS 



Number 
of songs 



Serial Nos. of songs 



Beginning on unaccented part of measure . 
Beginning on accented part of measure 



1, 2, 4, 13, 16, 17, 19, 36 
3, 11, 12, 14, lo, 20, 21 



Total . 



RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 



First measure in— 

2-4 time 


10 
5 


1,2,4,11, 13, 14, 1 
3, 12,15,18,21 


7, 19, 20, 36 










Total ,. 


15 





CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS) 




Songs containing no change of time 

Songs containing a change of time 


5 

10 


2.3, 14, 17,21 

1.4, 11, 12. 13, 1 


), lU, 19, 20, 30 


Total 


15 









RHYTHM OF DRUM 



Eighth notes unaccented. . 
Quarter notes unaccented . 

Half notes unaccented 

Drum not recorded 



Total. 




19,20 

11 

12,13 

1,2,3,4, 14, 15, 16, 17,21,36 



156 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY 

Old Songs — {!) Ceremonial Songs — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 

RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG 



[bull. 61 





Number 
of songs 


Serial Nos. of songs 


Songs containing— 


3 
11 

1 


4, 11 




1,2, 12, 13, 14, 16, n, 19,20,21,36 


2 rhythmic units . 


lo 






Total 


15 





METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO) 



Metronome- 
52 

5S 

60. .... . 

63 

66 

72 



112. 
144. 
160. 
168. 



Total . 



3 

1 

17 

14 

15 

4 

16 

11,20 

36 

2 

12, 19 

13 

21 



METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 



Metronome— 

72 


1 
2 

1 

1 

10 


12 


80 ' 


11,13 


84 


20 


144 


19 




1,2,3,4, 14, 15, 16, 17,21,36 






Total 


15 




■ 





COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM (TEMPO) 



Drum and voice having the same metric unit . 

Drum faster than voice 

Drum slower than voice 

Recorded without drum 



Total . 



11, 19 
20 

12, 13 

1,2, 3, 4, 14, 15, 16, 17,21,36 



DREMIS AND THEIR OBLIGATIONS 

The obligation of a dream was as binding as the necessity of ful- 
filling a vow, and disregard of -either was said to be punished by the 
forces of nature, usually by a stroke of lightning. Dreams were 
sought by the Sioux, but it was recognized that the dream would 
correspond to the character of the man. Thus it was said that "a 
3^oung man would not be groat in mind so his dream would not be 
like that of a chief; it would be ordinary in kind, yet he would have 
to do whatever the dream directed him to do." The first obligation 
of a dream was usually its announcement to the tribe. This was by 
means of a performance which indicated the nature of the dream and 
allied the man to others who had similar dreams. If the dream 
were connected with the sacred stones, or with herbs or animals con- 
cerned in the treatment of the sick, it was considered obligatory 
that the man avail himself of the supernatural aid vouchsafed to him 
in the dream, and arrange his life in accordance with it. 

Below will be found three groups of dream songs which, as noted 
among Chippewa as well as Sioux, are songs believed to be super- 
naturally received in dreams. The first of these groups comprises 
the songs of the Heyo'ka (dreamers of the thunderbird) and songs 
of those who dreamed of birds or animals. The numbers of these 
songs are 37-58, inclusive; with few exceptions they were recorded 
by the men who received them in their dreams. Two other groups 
follow ; these comprise songs of the sacred stones and songs connected 
with the treatment of the sick. 

Heyo'ka Ka'ga (Fool Impersonation) 

A dream of the thunderbirds ^ was considered the greatest honor 
which could come to a man from a supernatural source, and for this 
reason the obligation of the dream was heavier than that of any 
other. 

The manner in which the thunderbirds are regarded was indicated 
by Shooter, who said: 

Dreamers have told us of these great birds in the sky, enwrapped in the clouds. If 
the bear and other vicious beasts are regarded as dangerous, how much more should we 
fear the thunderbirds that cause destruction on the face of the earth. It is said that 
the thunderbirds once came to the earth in the form of giants. These giants did 



» The thunderbirds (wakir^'yav) arc defined by Riggs as "the cause of thunder and lightning, supposed 
by the Dakota to be a great bird." (See Contr. N. Amer. Ethn., vn, p. 514, 1S90). Cf. article Thunder- 
bird by Dr. J. R. Swanton, in Handbook Amer. Inds., pt. 2, 1910. 

167 



158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

wonderful things, such' as digging the ditches where the rivers run. At last they died 
of old age, and their spirits went again to the clouds and resumed their form as thunder- 
birds. While they were on earth, the rain fell without sound of thunder or flash of 
lightning, but after their return to the sky the lightning came — it is the flash of their 
eyes, and the thunder is the sound of their terrible song. WTien they are angry, the 
lightning strikes a rock or tree as a warning to men. The bodies of these giants became 
stone, and parts of them are found in many places, indeed the whole body of more 
than one of these giants has been found in the land of the Dakotas. 

The Heyo'ka Ka'ga was a ceremony of public humiliation in 
which the man who had been selected by the thunderbirds to receive 
a manifestation of their presence in a dream voluntarily exposed 
himself to the ridicule of the lowest element in the tribe. ^ His self- 
abasement was exaggerated to the greatest possible degree. The 
superficial and unthinking heaped their scorn and derision upon him, 
but the wise of the tribe understood that, to the end of his life, that 
man could command the powers of the sky to help him in his under- 
takings. In the opinion of the writer's informants the enacting of 
the part of a fool in connection with a thunderbird dream was an ex- 
ample of the antithesis by which Indians sometimes disguise their 
meaning. In this it might be said to resemble the "sacred language" 
(see p. 120, footnote), which is unintelligible to those who are not 
initiated into its mysteries. 

Several of the writer's informants, after consultation, gave the fol- 
lowing meanings (or uses) for the word heyo'Jca: A man who has 
dreamed of the thunderbirds; a person who does things contrary to 
the natural way of doing them; and, in some instances, a joker. In 
connection with the ceremony in fulfillment of a thunderbird dream 
the word is translated "fool," because only a foolish or half-witted 
person would behave, under such circumstances, in the manner as- 
sumed by the dreamer, while the merriment provoked by the action 
gives rise to the term "clown." The writer's informants stated that 
in their youth they had never heard of heyo'ka being regarded as 
gods by the Teton Sioux. In their opinion the heyo'ka resembled 
characters in the field of folk tales, rather than in that of religion. 
Holding the opposite view, both Riggs and Pond enumerate heyo'ka 
among the Dakota gods.^ The reason for not regarding heyo'ka as 
gods, on the part of the writer's informants, seemed to be that they 
are not accredited with supernatural power. Writing on this sub- 
ject J. Owen Dorsey says :^ " Dr. Brinton has confounded the Heyoka 
with the Wakinyan.-* The two are distinct classes of powers, though 
there is some connection between them, as may be inferred from the 

1 Of. Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota, 
nAnthr. Papers, Ainer. Mss. Nat. HUt.,xi, pt. 1, pp. 82-85, New York, 1912; also Lowie, Robert H., 
Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, ibid., pt. 2, pp. 113-117, 1913. 

2 Riggs, in Tah-koo Wahkan, p. m Boston [18(i9]. Pond, G. H.,in Colls. Minn. Hist. Soc. for 1867, p. 44. 
St. Paul, 1807. 

3 See A Study of Siouan Cults, Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn. p. 469, 1894. 

<It is said that the thunderbirds are related also to the sacred stones. (See p. 208.) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 23 




LONE MAN 



DEXSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 159 

following stories in the Bushotter collection." Dorsey then relates 
the story of a heyo'ka man who predicted the time of his death and 
was killed by lightning as he rode on his horse pointing the stem of his 
pipe toward the clouds; also the story of a heyo'ka woman who was 
kiUed by lightning. Further, he quotes Bushotter as saying — 

Women used to dream about the Thunder-beings, just as the men did, and in those 
dreams the heyoka man or woman made promises to the Thunder-beings. If the 
dreamers kept theii- promises, it was thought that the Thunder-l)eings helped them to 
obtain whatever things they desired; but if they broke their promises, they were sure 
to be killed by the Thunder-beings during some storm. 

Riggs states further that — 

The nature of the Ha yo'-ka is the very opposite of nature. He expresses joy by sighs 
and groans . . . and sorrow and pain by the opposite sounds and looks. Heat 
causes his flesh to shiver . . . while cold makes him perspire. In the coldest 
weather, when the mercury congeals, these gods seek some prominence on the prairie, 
where they put up bushes to shield themselves as they swelter with heat. . . . 
They feel perfect confidence when beset with dangers, and quake with fear when safe. 

In his Dakota Dictionary, Riggs (under Ileyo'la) says: "Heyoka 
is represented as a little old man with a cocked hat on his head, a bow 
and arrows in his hands, and a quiver on his back. In winter he goes 
naked, and in summer he wraps his buffalo-robe about him." ''The 
little hills on the prairie are . . . the houses of Heyoka." Mythi- 
cal "little men" enter into the beliefs of many tribes of Indians. 
Thus among the White River Ute, on the Uinta Reservation, in 
Utah, the writer was informed of " little green men," who lived in the 
mountains and often appeared to the Indians, telling them of "medi- 
cines" and teaching them songs.' 

Two dreams of the thunderbirds were related to the writer, one by 
Lone Man (pi. 23), followed by an account of the Heyo'ka ceremony 
in fulfillment of his dream, the other by Charging Thunder (see p. 
170), this dream being the source of his name, which is literally trans- 
lated "Charger-of-the-Thunderbird." In describing his dream Lone 
Man said: 

One day when I was on the warpath I sat down to rest and was at some distance 
from the other members of the party. I looked up at the sky and the rolling clouds. 
I fell asleep, and while I slept I had a dream. My face was toward the west, and I 
heard thunder in that direction. There was a sound of hoofs, and I saw nine riders 
coming toward me in a cloud, each man on a horse of a different color. Then I heard 
a sound in the north and saw nine riders coming toward me from that direction, each 
on a white horse. They joined the riders from the west and came toward me. One 
of them spoke to me, and said they had appointed me to make the first attack upon 
the enemy. He said the man to be attacked was painted red and was standing in the 
water, and he said that if I could conquer that man I would gain something which 
would be useful to me all the rest of my life. Then a voice from among the company 
of riders said that, having been appointed to make this attack, I would be considered 

I Two dreams of the thunderbirds, with the songs wliieh they taught the dreamers, were recorded (Bull. 
53, pp. 158, 19S) amongthe Chippewa ofWisconsin, and two similar songs, without the storyofthe dreams, 
among the Chippewa of northern Minnesota. (See Bull. 53, pp. 264, 274.) 



160 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



part of their company and could always call on them for help in time of need. [See 
p. 170.] 

In my dream I found the enemy as they had described. I ran at him, thrust him 
through with my spear, and was bearing him away when he was transformed into a 
reed standing in the water. The same voices spoke again, hailing me as one of their 
number and saying that ever after I would be able to do things which no ordinary man 
could do, because I had obeyed them. They also told me that the frog must not be 
harmed, as he watches everytliing in the water and has been given this peculiar 
power. They told me a great deal about the creatures that live in the water, saying 
they are taken care of, and water is sent them from the sky when they need it; there- 
fore they should never be treated cruelly. 

The horsemen in the cloud then told me to look down at the earth and observe 
everything on the land and in the water, and to consider them all as mine. The voice 
also said, "The sacred stones will look upon you as a man whom they are to guard 
and protect." Concerning this they taught me a song. 

Before recording this song Lone Alan made the following prayer, 
speaking reverently and in a low tone. His position before the 
phonograph made it possible to secure a record of this praj^er, which 
was afterwards translated. 



Ho tui]ka'sila ake^ nita' olo''wag wagzi^'awaTiiyayig kta ca tagyarj'an'am ag'optag 
yo. Lena' agpe'tu iyo'hi wagzig'zi kiksu'ye mayasi' kog lehagl' aijpe'tu kig 
wagzi' wek'suyig ktelo'. 

( Translation) 

Great grandfather, again one, of your songs I shall sing, listen to me. These you 
required me to sing each day, and now, this day, I shall recall one. 

No. 37. "The Horsemen in the Cloud" (Catalogue No. 492) 

Sung by Lone Man 
Voice J — 63 
Drum not recorded 




Ma- ka - ta e - toq-waq yo ma-ka- ta 



toq - wai} yo le - na 



#i» 



IEEE 



-•-^ 



I^ 



ff-r^ ^ 



ni - ta - wa kte - lo ma-ka - ta e - toq - waq yo le-na 




ni - ta - wa ye - lo 



Ilia - ka - ta 



toq - 



g ^^^^^^^ t 



2: 



'-^=^^ 



'm 



waq yo le - na ni - ta - wa ye - lo he yo 



DEXSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 161 

WORDS 

maka^ta the earth 

e'tOQwai) yo behold 

lena' all these 

nita'wa yours 

ktelo^ will be 

maka'ta the earth 

e'togwai) yo behold 

lena' all these 

nita'wa yelo' (are) yours 

Analysis. — The opening of this melody is unusual, consisting in a 
descent from the fifth to the second of a minor key. In the third 
measure the third of the key appears, the tonic enters in the sixth 
measure, followed by five measures in which the tonic and third arc 
emphasized. Two descending fourths (A-E and E-B) carry the 
melody down toward the tonic in the lower octave, which is given 
as the closing tone. The melody comprises all the tones of the 
octave except the seventh. Tt will be noted that the opening 
tones of the song contain the beginning of the rhythmic unit, which 
appears in complete form in the succeeding measures and occurs 
three times in the song. 

Continuing his narrative, Lone Man said : 

Before the riders in the cloud went away they gave me a charm (wo'tahe), which 
I always carried. If I were in great danger and escaped alive I attributed it to the 
charm and sang a song in its honor. The song relates to the swallow whose flying 
precedes a thunderstorm, ^^^len I sang the song of my charm I fastened the skin of 
a swallow on my head. This bird is so closely related to the thunderbird that the 
thunderbird is honored by its use. The action of a swallow is very agile. The great- 
.est aid to a warrior is a good horse, and what a warrior desires most for his horse is that 
it may be as swift as the swallow in dodging the enemy or in direct flight. ['] For 
this reason my song is in honor of the swallow as well as of my charm. 

> See footnote 3, p. 71. 



162 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



No. 38. "Before the Gathering of the Clouds" (Catalogue No. 493) 
Sung by Lone Man 
Voice j= 100 
Drum not recorded 

-^ -^ -#- -i- -i- -i- • #- ^ . ."^ 'f' "f"^^ » 



mm 



^ 



5t* 



S: 



Ka -6a- mna 



ya - ya- aq kiq-yaq 



ye wa - ye ki - 6a - mna 



a^E^fe^g^ ^ 



a *-^^-^ : 



«y 



ya - 2/a- aq kiq-yaq ye wa - ye - lo u - pi - za - ta o - ya - te 

- — -" £ ^ I ^ • ^ ^ ^ 



1^ 



^ » • • • » 



3=^^S=S= 



waq ki - ca 



mna'wa-ye-lo he yo ma-Hpi-ya o-gli-na- 




I ^ ""l 1*^ ^ i U Sr 



ta -^uq-ke u - pi - za - ta 



ca kiq-yaq-yaqiq 



a-yaq-ke - lo he 



ki(5a''mnayaq in erratic 

kiqyaq' flight 

ye wa'yelo I have sent 

upi^zata oya'te ' waq a Swallow nation 

kica'mna the erratic (flight) 

wa^yelo I have caused 

mahpi^ya ogli''naziq ta 

ito^kabya before the gathering of the clouds 

kica'mna the erratic (flight) 

wa'yelo I have caused 

mita'suqke my horse 

upi'zata (as) a swallow 

(5a it was 

kiqyaq^yaq flying 

iq''ayaq^kelo running 

Analysis.— ^\ns> song as a whole is decidedly rhythmic, yet it does 
not contain a rhythmic unit. The melody tones are those of the 

1 The word oj/o7e, when referring to the Sioux, is translated "tribe"; when used with reference to birds 
or animals, it is translated "nation." The following uses of this term are cited: Thunderbird nation, 
No. 43; Wolf nation, Nos. 52,67; Swallow nation, Blackbird nation. No. 54; Deer nation, Eagle nation. 
No. 55; Sacred-stone nation, Nos. 59, 68; Horse nation, Nos. 61, 111, 112. 



DENS MO HE I 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



163 



fourth fivo-toiiod scale, and aljout two-thirds of the iiiterv^ds arc 
downward progressions. The occasional omission of syllables by the 
singer does not affect the meaning of the words. 

Lone Man said: 

When, I found myself in danger, I remembered my dream of the riders in the 
clouds and their promise to give me help. Therefore I painted my horse with streaks 
of lightning and sang thn following song. 

Before singing Lone Man made this prayer, which was recorded by 
the phonograph : 
Ake^ tur)ka' sila nita^ olo'war) wagzi' wek'suya (?a awa'Tiiya yig ktelo''. 

( Translation) 

Again, great grandfather, one of your songs I have remembered and I shall now 
sing it. 

No. 39. Song in Time of Danger (Catalogue No. 496) 

Sung by Lonk Man 
Voice J = 72 
Drum J= 152 
Drum-rhythm similar to Ko. 19 



0) 






(2) 


1 


— 1 — 


^ 


^■■h 


-s-b?!! ^^^ — ^rJ=_c: 


1 ■ 


^ — 


— ' r 



Ko - la mi- ta - Sui] - ke waq-yaij - ki - ye yo he 
-n (2) (I) 



ko 




la mi-ta - .4ui]-ke ii]-yai] - kiij kte waq-yaq-ki -ye o e-ma-ki 



(2) 



(1) -^ 



3^ 







^^ 



a 



-^— • 



T^ 



ye - lo ko-la mi-ta - guq-ke kiq -yaq-yaq iq- yai] - ke ye - lo 



kola'' friends 

mita^^ugke my horse 

wagyai)^ kiye yo behold it 

kola^ friends 

mita'' ^ugke my horse 

ir)'yar)kig kte will run 

waqyag^kiye behold it 

ema'ki yelo' was said to me 

kola' friends 

mita'^uqke my horse 

kigyag'yai) flying (as it were) 

igyag'ke yelo' is running 



164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 6i 

Analysis. — The rhytlim of this song shows remarkable clearness of 
concept. There are two rhythmic units, the entire song being com- 
posed of their repetitions. The order of their occurrence is irregular, 
but this feature seems to give an interesting unity to the rhythm of 
the song as a whole. The melody tones are those of the fourth five- 
toned scale. The tempo of the drum indicates four drumbeats to 
one melody note, and this proportion was maintained during most 
of the melody, drum and voice coinciding on the first part of each 
count. As in many other melodies of the present series, the down- 
ward progressions comprise about two-thirds of the whole number. 

Resuming the story of his dream. Lone Man said : 

After my return to the camp I wanted to do something to show that I realized my 
unworthiness of the honor given me by the thiyiderbirds. No one told me that I 
ought to do this, and yet all who dream of the thunderbirds in any of their manifesta- 
tions have a deep sense of their own unworthiness. I knew that I was only an ordinary 
mortal and had often done wrong, yet the riders in the air had disregarded this. By 
appearing to me they had given me a chance to redeem myself. I wanted to make a 
public humiliation to show how deeply I realized my unworthiness. I wanted to do 
as othijrs had done who saw the thunderbirds in their dreams, so I made the following 
song. 



de.nsmore] 



TETO^^ SIOUX MUSIC 



165 



No. 40. Song Concerning a Dream of the Thiinderbirds (Catalogue No. 491) 

Sung by Lone Man 
Voice ^' zz 76 
Drum not recorded 



:i^i^=' 



>> — ri ' ^ •- 



1*= 



E^ 



-^ ^- 



Ko - la waij-ma - yai] - ka yo ko - la war) - ma - yaij - 






m 



2^ 



ka yo wa- kai] ma- ka - ga ya pe - lo 



ko 







^#: 



la war)-ma-yaij-ka yo wa - kaij-yai) ma-ka-ga pe - lo 



'^=-^ 



he ko - 

^— ^■ 



la wai)-ma-yaij-ka yo wa - kaij-yay ma-ka-ga pe - lo he 



ma-lipi- 




ya o - gli - na - ziij ta wa - kaij ma-ka - ga pe - lo 




mm 



ma-lipi - ya o-gli - ua-ziij ta wa - kaij ma-ka-ga pe - lo 

I J m_ 



#^ 



#4^^^-#^> ^ 



t^ 



♦-;-•- 



a 



he ko-la waq-ma-yaij-ka yo wa - kaq ma-ka-ga pe - lo he 



kola'' friends 

■wai]ma''yai)ka yo behold 

■wakag' sacred 

maka''ga pelo' I have been made 

kola' friends 

wagma''yagka yo : behold 

wakaq'yaij in a sacred manner 

maka'jia pclo' I have been innucnced 

mahpi'ya ogU'nazig ta at the gathering of the clouds (before a thun- 
derstorm) 
4840°— Bull. Gl— 18 13 



166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

wakag^. sacred 

maka^ga pelo^ I have been made 

kola' .friends 

wanma'yar)ka yo behold 

wakag' sacred 

maka'ga pelo' I have been made 

Analysis. — This song contains several points of unusual interest. 
First among these may be mentioned its compass of 14 tones, begin- 
ning on the fourteenth above the tonic and ending on the tonic. (See 
Table 5.) We note also the upward progression of a tenth, which is 
found midway through the song and again at the beginning of the 
repeated part. The low tone at the close of the song (G flat) in some 
instances was given accurately, while in others the singer found diffi- 
culty in reaching it and sang it a trifle sharp. It is strange that a song 
characterized by a range of almost two octaves and by one particu- 
larly large interval should contain also an unusual number of minor 
seconds — the smallest interval recognized in these analyses. IMany 
songs do not contain even one minor second, but in this melody 
18 (44 per cent) of the entire number of intervals are minor seconds. 
The song contains all the tones of the octave and is m.elodic in 
structure. 

As already stated, the ceremony called Heyo'ka Ka'ga is a cere- 
mony of public humihation and is enacted cliiefly by those who have 
dreamed of the thunderbirds. A man is required to be leader in only 
one such ceremony, but when other thunderbird dreamers are enact- 
ing the ceremony for themselves he is expected to join them. If a 
man who has seen the thunderbird in a dream should become arrogant 
or fail to express his unworthiness, it is said that Wakag 'tar) ka would 
punish him through the agency of some of the great forces of nature. 
Thus every man who has been favored with this wonderful dream 
tries to demonstrate that in his own estimation he is below the least 
in the tribe. A man signifies his intention of performing this cere- 
mony by placing a decorated robe, tobacco, or some other offering 
to the thunderbirds high on the poles of his tent. All who see such 
offerings loiow that the man intends to fulfill the obligations of liis 
dream at the earHest opportunity, after which he will feel free to 
mingle ^vith his relatives and friends. 

The ceremony may be held at any time after the thunderstorms 
begin in the spring. In fulfilhng the obUgation of his dream Lone 
Man erected within the tribal circle a tent such as only the poorest 
member of the tribe would use, in this, as in other respects, following 
the custom of the ceremony. ,The tent was often ragged, and its 
furnishings were always of the most inferior quaUty. On the day 
of the ceremony he clad himself in the poorest garments. 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 167 

Lone Man said : 

A man enacting this ceremony often tied a bunch of grass or sage to the lock of hair 
over his forehead, wearing this as a warrior would wear his medicine. Some were so 
humble that they covered their faces. It was the custom that a man go with bare 
head, and he often had his face painted in black and white, or blue and white, his 
arms and legs being. painted with streaks of lightning. If a man wished to express 
the greatest possible humiliation and did not feel that he could even go through the 
ceremony, he cut off part of his hair and put it with the entire body of a dog which 
had been killed for the purpose, both being placed on a pole beside his lodge. 

The man who was to show his humiliation engaged the sei'vices of a medicine-man 
to have charge of the ceremony. For this he selected a man who had had many 
dreams of the wolf, horse, and other animals, and compensated him liberally, probably 
giving him a horse. 

On the appointed day the Crier announced to the tribe that a certain man (giving 
his name) had had a dream of the thunderbird and wished to fufill the dream, and that 
he requested all who had had similar dreams to join him in the ceremony of humilia- 
tion. Sometimes women also had these dreams, and they were under the same obli- 
gations as the men. 

The medicine-man led the dreamer in tattered garments out of his tent. If the man 
were rich a horse was ready for him to ride, one was provided for the medicine-man, 
and his relatives accompanied him on horseback as he went around the tribal circle, 
followed by a jeering crowd, who treated the matter as a jest. On their return they 
dismounted, sang, and told their dreams. A fire was burning In front of the specially 
erected tent, and a pot of boiling water was hung over the fire. For this pot the man 
provided as valuable an offering of meat as he could afford; this might be a buffalo 
tongue and sometimes a dog was given. He did not put this into the pot himself, 
but gave it to the medicine-man, who held it toward the west, then toward the north, 
east, and south as he sang of liis own dreams and also told the dreams of the man who 
was making his humiliation. He then turned toward the pot and pretended that he 
would throw the meat into it. He did this three times, and the fourth time he released 
the meat [see p. 74] , which sped through the air, falling into the pot without splashing 
the water. All who joined him in the ceremony put some meat in the pot. These 
constituted an offering to the thunderbird and were symbolic. 

Lone Man gave the following explanation of this symbolism: 

The water comes from the clouds, the fire is the sun which warms the earth, the 
meat is from the animals, which are placed here for the use of the Indians, and over 
the pot are the clouds of steam like the clouds in the sky. These are to teach the 
people to meditate how Wakag'tagka by these means is taking care of them. 

After the meat was cooked there was a command to take it out of 
the water. This was an important part of the ceremony, as the men 
had to plunge their bare arms into the boiling w^ater to take out the 
meat, and it wa& in this action that medicines to prevent scalding 
were tested.' These medicines consisted of herbs prepared with water, 

' The ability to walk upon hot stones or through fire, or to plunge the hand into boiling liquid, without 
injury, has been noted among many Indian tribes. The following descriptions are cited: 

Among the Chippewa: Hoflman, W. J., in The Midewiwin or " Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa, 
in Seventh Rep. Bur. Eihn., p. 157, 1891; also Chippewa Music, Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1910. 

Among the Menominee: Hoflman, W. J., The Menomini Indians, in Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 151 
189ti. 

-Vmong the Mandan: Lowie, R.H., Societies of the Crow, Hidatsa, and Mandan Indians, in A nthr. Papers 
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., xi, pt. 3, p. 308, New York, 1913. 

See also Lynd, account of Heyoka Feast, in Minn. Hist. Soc. Colls, for 1864, vol. 2, pt. 2, pp. 70, 71, 
St. Paul, 1865. 



168 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[ BULL. 61 



which were rubbed on the hands and arms. A spec-imen of the herb 
most often used for this purpose was secured by the writer and was 
identified as Malvastrum coccineum A. Gray. 

The man for whom the ceremony was given was the first to put his 
hand into the boihng water, and it was expected that he would try to 
take out the piece of meat he had put into the pot. He did not eat it 
himself but gave it to some one in the assembly. The other dreamers 
followed him, and the meat was distributed. No other food was eaten 
at the time, and the occasion was not regarded as a feast. It was 
a ceremony enacted to teach a great lesson. Ignorant persons or 
children laughed at the tattered garments and the actions of the 
dreamers, who in every movement attempted to imitate persons not 
only poor but lacking in judgment. All intelligent members of the 
tribe, however, regarded the ceremony with greatest reverence. 

This and the following song were sung by Lone Man when enact- 
ing his part in this ceremony. The words of the song require expla- 
nation. From the time of a dream until the time when the dreamer 
has fulfilled its requirements he regards himself as belonging to the ele- 
ments and under an obligation of obedience to them. A medicine- 
man may wear the head of a bird as a sign of his power, indicating 
that bird to be subject to his commands. So in this song, the ele- 
ments are said to be "wearing" the singer, who has not yet fulfilled 
his obligations to them. In the second rendition of the song the 
word meaning 'wind' was replaced by wasu'ca, 'hail'; in the 
third by wakatj'glica, 'lightning'; and in the fourth by maUpi'ya, 
'clouds.' 



No. 41. "A Wind" 

Sung by Lone Man 
Voice J = 104 (or J^ = 20!s) 
Drum J = 144 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 



(Catalogue No. 494) 



^^^i^ 

m^.0. _» 



He a - ki - ci - ta 




6a Wa - mi-c(jij - ze 



he a - ki- ci - ta 



rr^. ^ .. — ^ • • • r -rr — i"^ i = i — rr S — ' ' \ 1 r 


^.>S2J i 1 1 h --T- f ,• • f In 1 '__L— 1 



ca wa - mi - coi] 



ze - lo ta - te wan ko - ma - ya 




g^i^ 



ke - lo wau-yan-ki ye o wa - kanye-lo 



he 



dexsmoue] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



169 



WORDS 

he it was 

aki'<5ita 6a a guard 

wami'c^og zelo predicted for me 

tate^ waq a wind 

koma^yakelo wears me ' (as a medicine-man wears that 

which is subject to his commands) 

wariyari'ki ye behold it 

wakai) sacred 

yelo' it is 

Analysis. — The changes of mcasui'e-lengths as well as the relative 
tempo of voice and drum are interesting features of this song. Two 
renditions were recorded, each with a repeated part, as indicated; 
between the renditions was a pause, durhig which the drum con- 
tmued its steady beat. The rhythm of the voice was uniform in 
the two renditions. Tiie measures containing six eighth notes are 
not mdicated as being in G-S time, as they are in groups of two, and 
not in triplets. Melodic in structure, the song contains aU the tones 
of the octave except the second. The rhythmic unit appears twice, 
but its count-divisions do not seem to influence the rhythm of the 
remainder of the song. 

No. 42. " In a Sacred Manner I Retnrn " (Catalogue No. 495) 



" In a Sacred Manner I Retnrn ' 

Sung bv IjOne Man 



Voice J — 92 
Drum not recorded 




wa - kaq-yai] wa - ku we - lo 



o - ya - te wai] -ma-yaij-ka yo 




ko - la waq-ma- yaij - ka yo wa-kaij-yaij wa - ku we - lo 



#-»^(»- 



^ P p f - 



^^^ 



m 



it 







o - ya - te waq-ma-yaq-ka yo wa-kaij-yai] wa-ku we -lo he yo 



' Cf. words of songs Nos. 93 and 105. See also p. 120, footnote. 



170 BUREAU OF AMERICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

WORDS 

kola'' friends 

wagma^yagka yo behold me 

wakag^yag in a sacred manner 

waku^ welo' I return 

oya^te you, tribe 

wagma'yaqka yo behold me 

wakag^yag in a sacred manner 

waku^ welo^ I return 

oya'te wakag^ yagke' kig the nation sitting holy 

kola^ friends 

wagma'yagka yo behold me 

wakag'yai) in a sacred manner 

waku' welo' I return 

oya'te you, tribe 

wagma'yagka yo behold mo 

wakag'yag in a sacred manner 

waku' welo' I return 

Analysis. — Tl\is song contains only the tones B flat, C, and F 
and is transcribed in the key of B flat, as the sequence of tones, 
especially at the close of the song, suggests B flat as a keynote satis- 
factory to the ear. Sixteen progressions occur in the song, seven 
of which are fourths and eight of which are major seconds. This 
melody is an excellent example of the influence of a rhythmic unit 
on those parts of the song in which it is nut found, the count divisions 
of the second measure of the unit appearing frequently throughout 
the melody. 

Charging Thunder (pi. 24) related his dream of the thunderbirds, in 
which, as in Lone Man's dream, they assumed the form of men riding 
on horses. From this dream he received his name Wakirj'yai) 
wata'kpe. This is literally translated ' ' Charger-of-the-Thunderbird," 
but he is commonly called Charging Thunder. His earlier dreams 
of the wolf and buffalo are described on pages 181-184. 

In narrating his dream of the thunderbird, Charging Thunder said : 

Soon after the Standing Rock Agency was established I asked the agent (an Army 
officer) if I might go hunting. I said that before I settled down and adopted the ways 
of the white man I would like to go hunting for an indefinite length of time. Permis- 
sion was granted, and I went out alone. As I was going north, near Timber Lake, I 
saw a deer coming toward me from the north. I wanted to shoot the animal, but 
thought I would wait until it came nearer. The deer must have come very slowly, for 
while I was waiting I fell asleep and dreamed. In this dream I saw the deer still com- 
ing toward me, and behind it were several men riding on painted horses with grass 
tied on their forelocks. The riders seemed to be pursuing some object. I became one 
of these riders, and they told me to lead the party. Then they told me to make a charge 
on the object which they were pursuing. At first I was not sure what this was, but I 
soon saw it was a wolf standing toward the west with its face toward the north. I was 
chosen to do this, because some day I would need the protection of these riders, who 
were thunderbirds who had assumed human form. They told me that because I had 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 24 




CHARGING THUNDER 



PENS more] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



171 



been chosen to make that charge and had become one of their number I would ever 
thereafter be called Wakig^yag wata^kpe [Charger-of-the-Thunderbird]. After I had 
attacked and defeated the wolf I saw beyond it a camp with many horses and a man 
lying dead on the ground. This signified that some day I would conquer an enemy 
and capture his horses. Ever since that time my greatest enemy has always seemed to 
me like a wolf, and whenever there is a thunderstorm I am reminded of my dream. 

Tlie following is the song of Charging Thunder's droain: 

No. 43. " The Thunderbird Nation " (Catalogue No. 571) 
Sung by Charging Thunder 
Voice J = 76 
Drum not recorded 




Le - na-ke wa - ku - wa -pi kte 




^9^H=f^ 






'-=_r 1 — 1 — 


• a-^*- 





iafe: 



yo si - to - mni wa - ku - wa-pi kte si - to - mni - yaij 



4-^— r 



% 



wan - la - ka - pi kte 



si - to-mni - yaij wa -ku - wa-pi kte- lo he 



lena^ke all these 

waku'wapi kte shall piu'sue 

lena'ke all these 

waku'wapi ktelo^ shall pursue 

wakiij'yar) oya^te pi <5a the Thunderbird nation (see p. 102, footnote) 

sito'mni everyone 

waku'wapi kte shall pursue 

sito'mniyag^ everyone 

war)la'kapi kte you shall behold 

sito'mniyaQ everyone 

waku'wapi ktelo' shall pursue 

Analysis. — The tones of this melody are those of the fourth five- 
toned scale. It has a range of 14 tones, ending on a particularly low 
tone. This tone on the phonograph cylinder is not loud, but is dis- 
tinct, corresponding to the indicated tone on the piano. The adjust- 



172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

ment of the phonograph is beheved to be the same as when the song 
was recorded, hence the transcription indicates the tone actually sung 
by the singer. The song is melodic in structure and contains 20 pro- 
gressions, three-fourths of which are descending intervals. 

Dreams Concerning Animals 

A dream concerning an animal was greatly desired by the Sioux. 
Brave Buffalo (see pp. 207 et seq., 248 et seq.) said: 

I have noticed in my life that all men have a liking for some special animal, tree, 
plant, or spot of earth. If men would pay more attention to these preferences and 
seek what is best to do in order to make themselves worthy of that toward which they 
are so attracted, they might have dreams which would purify their lives. Let a man 
decide upon liis favorite animal and make a study of it, learning its innocent ways. 
Let him learn to understand its sounds and motions. The animals want to communi- 
cate with man, but Wakagtarika does not intend they shall do so directly— man 
must do the greater part in securing an understanding. 

Tliis suggests that a fancy for a certain animal preceded a dream 
concerning it. 

Shooter, a thoughtful man and well versed in the ohi customs, 
made the following statement, given in the words of Mr. Higheagle, 
the interpreter: 

All living creatures and all plants derive their life from tlie sun. If it were not for 
the sun, there would be darkness and nothing could grow — the earth would be without 
life. Yet the sun must have the help of the earth. If the sun alone were to act upon 
animals and plants, the heat would he so great that they would die, but there are 
clouds that bring rain, and the action of the sun and earth together supply the moisture 
that is needed for life. The roots of a plant go down, and the deeper they go the more 
moisture they find. This is according to the laws of nature and is one of the evidences 
of the wisdom of Wakag^tagka. Plants are sent by Wakaq^taijka and come from the 
ground at his command, the part to be affected by the sun and rain appearing above 
the ground and the roots pressing downward to find the moisture which is supplied 
for them. Animals and plants are taught l)y Wakari'tagka what they are to do. 
Wakar)^tar)ka teaches the birds to make nests, yet the nests of all birds are not alike. 
Wakag'tagka gives them merely the outline. Some make better nests than others. 
In the same way some animals are satisfied with very rough dwellings, while others 
make attractive places in which to live. Some animals also take better care of their 
young than others. The forest is the home of many Inrds and other animals, and the 
water is the home of fish and reptiles. All birds, even those of the same species, 
are not alike, and it is the same with animals and with human beings. The reason 
Wakag^tagka does not make two birds, or animals, or human beings exactly alike 
is because each is placed here by Wakaq^tagka to be an independent individuality 
and to rely on itself. Some animals are made to live in the ground. The stones 
and the minerals are placed in the ground by Wakag'tagka, some stones being more 
exposed than others. When a medicine-man says that he talks with the sacred 
stones, it is because of all the sul)stance in the ground these are the ones which most 
often appear in dreams and are able to communicate with men. 

All animals have not the same disposition. The horse, dog, bear, and buffalo all 
have their own characteristics. This is also true of the fowls of the air, the living 
creatures in the water, and even the insects, they all have their own ways. Thus 
a man may enjoy the singing of all the birds and yet have a preference for the melodies 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 173 

of certain kinds of birds. Or lie may like all animals and yet have a favorite among 
them. 

From my boyhood I have observed leaves, trees, and grass, and I have never found 
two alike. They may have a general likeness, but on examination I have found 
that they differ slightly. Plants are of different families, each being adapted to 
growth in a certain locality. It is the same with animals; they are widely scattered, 
and yet each will be founa in the environment to which it is best adapted. It is the 
same with human beings, there is some place which is best adapted to each. The 
seeds of the plants are blown about by the wind until they reach the place where 
they Avill grow best — where the action of the sun and the presence of moisture are 
most favorable to them, and there they take root and grow. All living creatures 
and all plants are a benefit to sometliing'. Certain animals fulfill their purpose by 
definite acts. The crows, buzzards, and flies are somewhat similar in their use, and 
even the snakes have a purpose in being. In the early days the animals probably 
roamed over a very wide country until they found their proper place. An animal 
depends a great doal on the natural conditions around it. If the buffalo were here 
to-day. I think they would be different from the buffalo of the old days because all 
the natural conditions have changed. They would not find the same food nor the 
same surroundings. We see tl^e change in our ponies. In the old days they could 
stand great hardship and travel long distances without water. They lived on cer- 
tain kinds of food and drank pure water. Now our horses require a mixture of food; 
they have less endurance and must have constant care. It is the same with the 
Indians; they have less freedom and they fall an easy prey to disease. In the old 
days they were rugged and healthy, drinking pure water and eating the meat of the 
buffalo, which had a wide range, not being shut up like cattle of the present day. 
The water of the Missouri River is not pure, as it used to be, and many of the creeks 
are no longer good for us to drink. 

A man ought to desire thitt which is genuine instead of that which is artificial. 
[See pp. 205, 3;>0.] Long ago there was no such thing as a mixture of earths to make 
paint. There were only three colors of native earth paint — red, wliite, and black. ['] 
These could be obtained only in certain places. When other colors were desired, 
the Indians mixed the juices of plants, but it was found that these mixed colors faded 
and it could always be told when tlie red was genuine — the red made of burned clay. 

Four men told their personal dreams of animals and sang the 
songs whicli, they said, were received by them in these dreams. 
Brave Bufl'alo related his dreams of the buffalo, elk, and wolves; 
Charging Thunder, his dream of the wolves; and Siya'ka, his dream 
of the crow and the owl. (Dreams of the thunderbirds by I^one Man 
and Charging Thunder are contained in the preceding section on 
the Heyo'ka. The following group comprises, in addition to narra- 
tives by the dreamers, certain accounts of dreams and their songs 
•which were given by men who had heard them related by others, and 
also a few dream songs whose history is unknown. 

DREAMS COXCERNING THE BUFFALO 

Brave Buffalo (pi. 25) gave the following narrative coiicerniiig 
his first dream, from which he received his name: 

When I was 10 years old, I dreamed a dream, and in my dream a buffalo appeared 
to me. I dreamed that I was in the mountains and fell asleep in the shade of a tree. 



P See p. 110, footnote, which includes blue, obtained from blue clay found in Minnesota. The above 
list evidently includes only those colors found in the coimtry of the Teton Sioux.] 



174 



BUSEAtr OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull, ei 



Something shook my blanket. It was a buffalo, who said, "Rise and follow me.'' 
I obeyed. He took a path, and I followed. The path was above the ground. We 
did not touch the earth. The path led upward and was smooth like smooth black 
rock. It was a narrow path, just -wide enough for us to travel. We went upward a 
long distance and came to a tent made of buffalo hide, the door of which faced us. 
Two buffalo came out of the tent and escorted me in. I found the tent filled with 
buffalo and was placed in the midst of them. 

The chief buffalo told me that I had been selected to represent them in Ufe. He 
said the buffalo play a larger part in life than men realize, and in order that I might 
understand the buffalo better day by day they gave me a plain stick (or cane) and 
told me that when I looked at it I should remember that I had been appointed to 
represent them. The cane was similar to the one which I now carry and have carried 
for many years. I would not part with this cane for a fortune. [See pi. 25, in wliich 
Brave Buffalo is represented leaning on his staff.] 

Brave Buffalo said that the following song was given him in the 
lodge filled with buffalo, and that by it he received power to engage 
in the practice of medicine: 



No. 44. "A Buffalo Said to Me' 

Sung by Brave Buffalo 



(Catalogue No. 606) 



Voice J=z&9 
Drum J = 69 
Drum-rhythm similar to Iso. 19. 







•: :•: .n- A 


'=\ 




# . -^ 


AVa- 


hi - na -wa - piq kte waij 


-4 \ 

- ma - yaij-ka yo 


^ 

lie 


yo wa - 




2 r -1 L . 1 


W"^" 


1 
■ • 1 


-^^% 


^ 


:±- 


■— u_^ 1 


y 




-£^ 



bi - na- wa -piq kte wai] - ma-yaij-kayo he yo wa 



-*-t2fe 






hi - na-wa - piq kte waq - ma-yaq-ka yo he yo ta - taq-ka waq 




he-ma-ki-ya he yo wa - hi - na-wa-piq kte waq-ma-yaq-ka yo he yo 



WORDS 

wahi^nawa^piq kte I will appeal' 

wagma'yaqka yo behold me 

tataq'ka waq a buffalo 

hema^kiya said to me 



DENsMoiiE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 1Y5 

Analysis. — This song comprises five periods, four of which con- 
tain the rhythmic unit while one has a different rhythm. Observ- 
ing the melodic form, we note that the first period consists of 
three measures and is based on the minor triad, B flat, D flat, F, 
the tones occurring in descending order. In the fourth measure 
the accidental B double flat leads downward to A flat, and for 
several measures the melody is based on the descending minor 
third A flat-F. This is followed by a return to the minor triad in 
the upper octave and a descent to A, and a recurrence of the acci- 
dental, the song closing with the descending, minor third A flat-F. 
Five tones are found in the melody, which is distinctly major in 
tonality. The sequence of tones is such as to suggest D flat as a 
keynote, and the song is accordingly transcribed and analyzed in 
the key of D flat with one accidental — the sixth lowered a semitone. 
It is interesting, however, to note the intervals in this song. With 
the number of their occurrences these are as follows: Minor sixth, 1; 
major third, 3; minor third, 9; major second, 7; and minor second, 9 — 
a total of 29. It will be noted that about 65 per cent of the intervals 
are minor. A predominance of minor intervals in songs of major 
tonality has been frequently observed. (See Bulletin 53, p. 263.) 
It wnll be recalled that the minor second is a somewhat infrequent 
interval in Sioux songs. (Cf. analysis of No. 40.) The pitch of 
the tones transcribed as B double flat and A flat was not always 
given mth absolute exactness, but in every rendition the tones were 
clearly differentiated. Three renditions were recorded, all being 
marked by the carefulness which characterizes the following song 
by the same singer. Drum and voice did not coincide, though the 
metric unit of the two is the same. 

Continuing his narrative, Brave Buffalo said: 

The buffalo in my dream told me that I would live to be 102 years old. Then they 
said: "If you are to show people the great value of the buffalo one proof which you 
must give them is a demonstration of your endurance. After properly qualifying 
yourself you will be able to show that weapons can not harm you, and you may chal- 
lenge anyone to shoot you with arrows or with a gun. 

Brave Buffalo said that on waking from his dream, he went home 
and thought the matter over seriously. After qualifying himself for 
the ordeal, he requested his relatives to erect a very large tent of 
buffalo hide in wliich he would give his demonstration and challenge 
anyone to shoot him with arrows. He clothed himself in an entire 
buffalo liide with the head and the horns. The whole tribe came to 
see whether anyone could wound liim. Many tried with arrows, but 
could not do so. The arrows did not penetrate his skin. Several 
years later the test was repeated with guns, and Brave Buffalo 
stated that they were not able to injure him. 



176 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[boll. 61 



Brave Buffalo said that he sang the following song before being 
made a target for arrows and bullets. No words were sung, Brave 
Buffalo saying that ' ' the words were in his heart. ' ' 



J- 60 

Drum not recorded 

^ . ^ 



No. 45. Weapon Song 

Sung by Brave Buffalo 



(Catalogue No. G08) 




Analysis. — Tlie tones comprised in this melody are those of the 
minor triad and fourth. The song was sung as transcribed, the 
repetition being without a break in the time. The singer then gave 
the calls or cries which are frequently interspersed with renditions of 
a song, following them with another double repetition of the melody. 
All repetitions were accurately given, and there was an evidence of 
carefulness in the manner of singing. Both time and intonation 
were good. The song is distinctly minor in tonality and is melodic 
in structure. 

DREAMS CONCERNING THE ELK 

A dream of the elk has a peculiar significance. The elk is a favor- 
ite animal among the young men. Shooter explained this as follows: 

The best part of a man's life is between the ages of 18 and 33. Then he is at his best. 
He has the strength and ability to accomplish his aims. He is brave to defend him- 
self and others and is free to do much good. He is kind to all, especially to the poor 
and needy. The tribe looks to him as a defender, and he is expected to shield the 
women. His physical strength is at its best. He is light on his feet and can reduce 
long distances to short ones. He is taught true politeness and is very gallant. What 
animal has these traits more than any other? It is the elk, which is the emblem of 
beauty, gallantry, and protection. The elk lives in the forest and is in harmony with 
all his beautiful surroundings. He goes easily through the thickets, notwithstanding 
his broad branching horns. In observing the carcass of an elk it is found that two 
teeth remain after everything else has crumbled to dust. These teeth will last longer 
than the life of a man, and for that reason the elk tooth has become the emblem of 
long life. We desire long life for ourselves and our friends. When a child is born its 
parents desire long Hfe for it, and for this reason an elk tooth is given to a child if its 
parents can afford the gift. 

Brave Buffalo gave the following narrative concerning his dream 
of the elk: 

When I was about 25 years of age I was able to think for myself. I was not afraid to 
go into the woods, on a mountain, or in any dangerous place. At that time I was at my 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



177 



best in health and in worthiness, for I had conducted myself rightly in my youth, 
complying with all that is required of a boy and young man and living in a manner 
worthy of my parents and grandparents. I had a clean record when I dreamed of 
the elk. 

The dream came to me when I was asleep in a tent. Some one came to the door 
of the tent. He said he had come for me, and I arose and followed him. It was a 
long and difficult journey, but at last he led me to a beautiful lodge. All the sur- 
roundings were beautiful. The lodge was painted yellow outside, and the door faced 
the southeast. On entering the lodge I saw drawings on the walls. At the right of 
the entrance was a drawing of a crane holding a pipe with the stem upward, and at 
the left was a drawing of a crow holding a pipe with the stem downward. I could 
see that the occupants of the lodge were living happily and luxuriously. I was escorted 
to the seat of honor opposite the entrance and reached it with difhculty, as the lodge 
was filled with brush, and I was not accustomed to making my way through thickets. 
[At this point the occupants of the lodge seem to have been recognized as elks.'] 
The elks in the lodge watched me with interest and encouraged me to go on, saying 
they had something they wished to tell me. At last I managed to reach the seat 
assigned me, and when I was seated the elks rose and said they had heard that I was 
a great friend of the buffalo, and that they wanted me to be their friend also. They 
said they had tested me by requiring me to reach this difficult place, and as I had 
succeeded in doing so they were glad to receive me. They then said that they were 
going to sing a song and wished me to learn it. They sang the following song, which 
has no words. 



No. 46. Song of the Elks 

Sung by Bkave Buffalo 



(Catalogue No. 609) 



Voice J— 60 
Drum J- 120 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8 




i^^^^ 



isii 



eii^^^ 



-0-0- 



^ 



£« 



I 



Analysis.— The descending fourths E flat-B flat, and B flat-F 
are prominent in the framework of tliis melody, though the interval 
is usually broken, the progressions being a major second followed by 
a minor third. The interval of a fourth in songs concerning animals 
has been frequently noted. (See Bulletin 53, p. 101.) One interval 
of a minor second occurs in the song, but was sung too large. It has 
been observed that the minor second is found less frequently than 

(I The identity of a dream objoct is frequently unrecognized until it turns to dejjart. Cf. Bulletin 53, p. 
207; also p. 00 of the present work.] 



178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

the major second, and seemingly is sung with difficulty. The melody 
contains all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh. 

After teaching Brave Buffalo this song the elks gave him numerous 
instructions. He noticed that every elk had a downy white eagle 
feather tied on its right horn to indicate that it could run as fast as 
the eagle fhes. He was told to wear a similar feather on his head, 
and at the time of giving this narrative he had a downy eagle plume 
fastened on the right side of his felt hat. (See p. 248.) The elks 
told liim to paint his tipi in a manner similar to theirs, yellow out- 
side with drawings of the crane and the crow on its inner walls, saying 
that these birds would protect him. This style of pamting the tipi 
he has always carried out. The elks told him further that before he 
would be fuUy entitled to make a request for help from them he 
must go through a performance which he liimself should devise, by 
wliich he would show the people that he was acting under their 
patronage. 

On reaching home BraA^e Buffalo made a mask of elk hide, using for 
this purpose the skin of the head with the horns. He then painted 
liimself yellow and held in each hand a hoop wound with elk hide and 
decorated with an herb which is much liked by the elks.^ A specimen 
of this herb was secured and identified as Monarda mollis L., com- 
monly known as wild bergamot. This was used by the young men 
chiefly on account of its fragrance. Another variety of the ' ' elk herb " 
was used by Eagle Shield in his practice of medicine. (See p. 270.) 
Brave Buffalo made also a hoop (pi. 26, which he said was similiar to 
the one he carried when enacting his dream. As the flowers of the '' elk 
herb" were not then in season, he used flowers resembling them as 
nearly as possible, and also such fur as was available. 

Brave Buffalo said that after arraying himself as described he went 
around the camp, passing close to the tents. Two virgins preceded 
him, carrying his pipe. As he was making this circuit and imitating 
the actions of the elk, a thought occurred to him: '' Now I have done 
everything as I was directed to do it, and I wish I might show these 
people that I have the power of the elk. There is a spot of damp 
ground before me. I wish that when I step on this damp ground I 
may leave the footprints of an elk." 

A crowd of people followed him, and after he had passed over this 
spot they saw the footprints of an elk instead of those of a man. 

He was not required to repeat this demonstration, but if another 
elk dreamer were giving a similar performance and asked him to join 
he would do so, wearing the same mask as on the first occasion. (See 
p. 166.) During a demonstration of an elk dream no woman is 

1 This hoop is mentioned in Song 105 and its symbolism described in connection therewith. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 26 





















"^^^^^ f 




i 


f 




^m 


M 








% 










M 


wMf^L. 


i 






M 






^ 


jJa^ 


^ 



HOOP CARRIED BY ELK DREAMER 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 27 




HAIR ORNAMENT WORN BY ELK DREAMER 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 28 




BENT STICK CARRIED BY WOLF DREAMER 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 179 

allowed on the windward side of the person giving the demonstration 
and no one is allowed to come near him. 

Brave Buffalo stated that after this demonstration the elks gave 
him power to find medicinal herbs. At the present time if he is in 
doubt what herb to use in treating a sick person, he appeals to the 
elks antl they tell him what to use and where to find it. 

The emblem of the elk is a circle, exemplified by the hoop which an 
elk dreamer carries in his hand when "acting out his dream." The 
young men wear a hair ornament consisting of a small hoop wound 
with porcupine quills and having a downy white eagle feather sus- 
pended in the center. Such an ornament is shown in plate 27; the 
eagle feather is suspended by a tiny loop of hide at the end of the 
quill. This ornament is fastened by a narrow strip of hide to a lock 
of hair on top and at the left side of a man's head. The fastening 
is from the center of the hoop so that the ornament hangs lightly 
above the ear. 

DREAMS CONCERNING THE WOLF 

Brave Buffalo stated that about two- years after his dream of the 
elk ho had a dream of a wolf. This dream came to him as he was 
hunting alone. He had been wandering for several days in search of 
game when he met a pack of wolves. They formed a circle around 
him, and as they stood looking at him he noticed that their nostrils 
and paws were painted red. They came toward him, whereupon he 
grew dizzy. When they reached him, he was unconscious. They 
stood around him until he regained his senses; then they moved on, 
telling him to follow them. They led the way to a wolf den on top of 
a high hill. While he was there, more wolves came out of the hole, 
painted like the others. The wolves have always been wanderers, not 
knowing where they would find food. They knew he had been hunt- 
ing and had had much difficulty in finding game, and they wanted to 
help him. They said there was a certain herb which, if dried, would 
enable him to catch all kinds of snakes. He was told to dry this herb, 
and put it on the ground where the snakes are wont to come. He did 
so and caught a live rattlesnake. The wolves told him to carry this 
live snake when giving the demonstration of his wolf dream. Instead 
of the mask of elk hide which he wore in his former demonstration, he 
used a similar mask of wolf skin, wearing practically the entire hide ^ 
and carrying in his hand a bent stick somewhat resembling a bow, 
which was painted red. A duplicate of this stick made by Brave 
Buffalo for the \vriter is shown in plate 28. Brave Buffalo stated that 
he carried this and the snake in the same hand, the snake coiling 
itself around the bow. He held the snake close to its head during the 
demonstration and let it go after the demonstration was closed. The 

' Cf. tho wearing of a wolf hide by warriors, p. 388. 



180 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



wolves told him that when he was making this demonstration a live 
owl would alight on his back. Brave Buffalo said that this actually 
happened. After this dream and its demonstration he " prayed to the 
wolves" when he wanted to locate game, and they always told him 
where to secure it. 

The following song, which was taught Brave Buffalo in this dream, 
is one which he afterwards used in treating the sick. He said that it 
was his custom to sing this song every night. 

No. 47. "Owls Hooting" (Catalogue No. 607) 

Sung by Brave Buffalo 
Voice J = 92 
Drum J = 92 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8 




Hir)-hai3 ho-tuij pe - lo hiij - haq bo - tuij pe 



hiij 



« 1 '--N 


-t^TsJ^-f r ^— ^ W f f ^ ?-> F— --f--^ r ^- 


~^~v>f L-^x — t^==i — ^^ f=- p^-^^L-i — c::^-^ 



hai) ho - tui] pe - lo hiij-haij ho - tui] pe 



liiij - hai] ho - tui] 



^t- 



S^g=^^^ 



:^E 



^5^ 



•— r# • ^ 



'^=E 



pe - lo hhj-har) ho - tuq pe 



hai]-he - pi hi - ya - ye - cin hiij 



^iLiS^^ 



^« 



haq ho - tuq pe 



-•-r^- 



;f^^^5E3? 



hiq - haq ho - tuq pe - Jo hiq-haq ho - tuq 




pe 



hiq - haq ho - tuq pe - lo hiq-haq ho - tuq pe 



WORDS 

hiqhaq^ owls 

ho'tuq ' pelo^ (were) hooting 

haqhe'pi hiya'yeciq in the passing of the night 

hiijhaq^ owls 

ho'tuq pelo' ^ (were) hooting 

' Riggs gives tlio following definition of the word lio: "the voice eitlier of a man or of any animal or thing; 
soundm general." lis exact meaning isiinderstoodfromitsuse (cf. //o^'ca^, p. 70). When 7io is used con- 
cerning an animal, it is understood to refer to the peculiar call or cry of that animal. Thus in this memoir, 
in addit ion to the present song, it appears as follows: Witli reference to wolves iu song No. 4.S, to bufliilo in 
song No. 54, to owls and wolves in No. 160, to owls and crows in No. 50, lo the'bear in No. 84, and to the 
Jiorse in Nos. 103, 111. 

2 The final syllable of this word was often omitted by the singer. 



DENS MORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 181 

Analysis. — This melody as a whole is of unusual interest. Three 
renditions were recorded on one cylinder; these show no variations. 
Three renditions recorded at a later time were found to be identical. 
The intonation is not so good as in other songs by the same singer, 
an uncertainty, or wavering of the tone, occurring at the same point 
in all the renditions. The customary "calls" or "cries" were given 
between the repetitions of the song. About one-fourth of the inter- 
vals are minor seconds which, as already noted, are found less fre- 
quently than major seconds in both Chippewa and Sioux songs. 

Some medicine-men consider the owl especially sacred among birds. 
Two reasons were given for this by an Indian, who said: 

The owl moves at night when men are asleep. The medicine-man gets his power 
through dreams at night and believes that his dream is clear, like the owl's sight. 
So he promises that he will never hann an owl. If he did so, his power would leave 
him. For this reason some medicine-men wear owl feathers. The medicine-man 
also regards the owl as having very soft, gentle ways, and when he begins to treat 
sick persons he is supposed to treat them very gently. So in night wisdom and in 
the manner of carrying itself the owl is greatly respected by the medicine-men of 
the tribe. 

Charging Thunder had three dreams of animals. The first was 
the dream of the thunderbirds, from which he received his name 
(see pp. 170, 171); the second was a dream of wolves, which is here 
described; and the third was a dream of buffalo. This last dream 
occurred about a year after his dream of the wolves. He did not 
relate the dream of buffalo, but said that because of it he was often 
sent to look for buffalo, the leaders sending him alone instead of 
a searching party as described in the account of the hunt on 
page 439. Charging Thunder said that he had faithfully fidfilled 
all the obligations of his dreams, and believed that he had received 
great benefit thereby, but that none of his dreams required him 
to engage in the practice of medicine. They required other acts, 
which he had duly performed. 

In describing his dream of the wolv(^s. Charging Thunder said: 

When I was about 22 years of age I dreamed that I c?me to a wolf den and found 
the little wolves unprotected by either father or mother. They seemed to say, "We 
are left here helpless, but our parents will soon return. "['] I learned their song, 
which was as follows: 

(I A dream similar to this is recorded by J. Owen Dorsey in Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 478-479.J 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 14 



182 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



Voice J = 56 
DnuM not recorded 
^^ ^- -0-- 



No. 48. Song of the Young Wolves (Catalogue No. 570) 
Sung by Charging Thunder 



h^^^ 
=^i 



,>_^_- - fi-fi^-^tif i_^_g. 



^^i^j^^ p^l 



A - te to - ki-ya lio ku-we - lo i- na to - ki-ya ho ku - we - lo ciij - 




e ya he wa - kaij - yaij ho a ku - we - lo 

WORDS 

ate' father 

to'ldya somewhere 

ho ' ku'welo comes home howling 

ina' mother 

to'kiya somewhere 

ho ku'welo comes home howling 

cirica' zi wai) ^ a young calf 

aku' (father) is bringing 

na and 

ina' mother 

to'kiya somewhere 

ho ku'welo comes home howling 

wana'ka now 

ku'we she is returning 

wakari'yar) in a sacred manner 

ho ku'welo she is coming home 

Analysis. — The final tone of this song is indistinct on the phono- 
graph cyhnder, as it evidently was below the natural range of the 
singer's voice. It is interesting to note the uncertainty of intonation 
on G. This tone is first approached by a descent of a minor third^ 
wliich is an interval frequently sung too small, and in its next occur- 
rence it alternates with F, constituting a repeated major second. 
A repetition of small intervals appears to be difficult for Sioux or 
Cliippewa. (See analysis of song No. 100, Bulletin 53.) The time 



1 See p. 180, footnote. 



2 This word is elided with the following and sung as waku. 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



183 



in this, as in many similar songs, was not rigidly maintained. Three 
renditions were recorded, the repetitions being without a break in 
the time. 

Kesuming the narrative of his dream. Charging Thunder said: 
Soon I saw the old wolf returning and behind him came a buffalo calf. This old 
wolf told me how to make a pipe, telling me to smoke it when I was on the warpath 
and saying that the smell of the pipe would be so strong that the enemy would not 
detect my approach and thus I would be able to steal their horses. The old wolf said 
that )>y the aid of this pipe I would ))e able to outwit the wisest and craftiest of my 
enemies. I made the pipe as he directed and carried it on the warpath and had good 
success. It did not look any different from an ordinary pipe, but it had been "made 
sacred" by a medicine-man. ['] The following song was taught me by the old wolf: 

No. 49. Song of the Old Wolf (Catalogue No. 568) 

Sung by Charging Thunder 

Voice J r= 72 
Drum not recorded 

^' ^ -0-' -^ -^ -m- 




Wa - kaij-yaij mi - ca - ke - lo wa - kaij-yaij mi - ca - ke 



lo ca 




gl i ksa - pa a 



wai] ma 



ka - he - e - wa - ye wa - 



pa 



^ — •^HP— r 



4^-^— -i 



3t«=M: 



^ — f- 






kaij -yaijmi- 1 - <■ - ca-ke - lo ko -la waij-ma-a - a-yaij-ka yo 

WORDS 

wakag^yai) in a sacred manner 

mica'kolo he made for me 

^anori'pa wag to^keca a pipe that is different 

wakaij'yai) in a sacred manner 

mica'kclo he made for me 

nagi ksa'pa wag a wise spirit 

maka^howaye I met 

wakari'yai] in a sacred manner 

mica'kelo he made (it) for me 

kola' friend 

wagma'yaijka yo l)ehold me 

[> The abilityto make objects "sacred," thus giving them mysterious power, was said to belong only to 
men who had the ability to talk with such objects and to understand what they said. (Cf. section on 
Sacred Stones, pp. 218, 230. 2.31, 234, 236, 238, in which men talk with the stones and receive their mes- 
sages.) When making a pipe "sacred" the medicine-man filled it, incensed it with burning sweet grass, 
and offered it to the sky and the cardinal points.] 



184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, with an 
interruption of the time between the repetitions. In this, as in 
many similar songs, the time was not strictly maintained. From 
the beginning of the song to the fifth measure before its close the 
melody is framed on the chord F sharp-A-C sharp-E, a minor triad 
with minor seventh added. Other tones occur, and the descending 
fourth C sharp-G sharp is noted, but this chord is felt as a frame- 
work. The song closes with a repetition of the descending minor 
third E-C sharp. The song is melodic in structure, and about two- 
thirds of the intervals are descending progressions. 

See plot of this melody on page 204. 

DREAM OF THE CROW AND OWL 

Siya'ka in his youth dreamed of a crow and an owl. His nar- 
rative as here given reveals the manner in which a dream was sought 
and also the importance attached to it: 

All classes of people know that when human power fails they must look to a higher 
power for the fulfillment of their desires. There are many ways in which the request 
for help from this higher power can be made. This depends on the person. Some 
like to be quiet, and others want to do everything in public. Some like to go alone, 
away from the crowd, to meditate upon many things. In order to secure a fulfillment 
of his desire a man must qualify himself to make his request. Lack of preparation 
would mean failure to secure a response to his petition. Therefore when a man makes 
up his mind to ask a favor of Wakag^taqka he makes due preparation. It is not fitting 
that a man should suddenly go out and make a request of Wakari'taqka. UTien a 
man shuts his eyes, he sees a great deal. He then enters his own mind, and things 
become clear to him, but objects passing before his eyes would distract him. For 
that reason a dreamer makes known his request through what he sees when his eyes 
are closed. It has long been his intention to make his request of WakaQ^tagka, and 
he resolves to seek seclusion on the top of a butte or other high place. \\Tien at last 
he goes there he closes his eyes, and his mind is upon Wakag^taijka and his work. 
The man who does this usually has in mind some animal which he would like for pro- 
tection and help. No man can succeed in life alone, and he can not get the help he 
wants from men; therefore he seeks help through some bird or animal which Wakaij^- 
tagka sends for his assistance. Many animals have ways from which a man can learn 
a great deal, even from the fact that horses are restless before a storm. 

When I was a young man I wanted a dream through which I could know what to 
depend upon for help. Having this desire, I went to a medicine-man ['] and told 
him about it. He instructed me what to do, and I followed his instructions in every- 
thing. He told me to get four well-tanned robes, with one for my own use, also a 
decorated pipe and offerings of tobacco, and to appear before him on a certain day 
prepared to seek my vision. I prepared the articles as he directed and went to him 
on that day. He painted my face white, and before leaving him we went together 
into the sweat lodge, and while we were there he told me of his own dream and gave 
me an idea of what a dream was like. I had already selected a hill on which to await 
my dream, and after leaving him I went to this hilltop to follow his instructions. [^] 

[1 In a similar manner Lone Man consulted a medicine-man in his youth. (See p. 214.)] 
[2 Of. Old Buffalo's fasting vigil on a hilltop, pp. 274-275.] 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 185 

1 was not required to fast before seeking the Adsion but of course took no food with 
me when I went to the hilltop. In the middle of this hilltop I dug a hollow about 

2 feet deep and large enough so that I could crouch against its side when weary with 
standing. At each of the four points of the compass I placed one of the robes and 
some of the tobacco. These offerings were to show that I desired messages from the 
directions of the four winds and was Avaiting anxiously to hear the voice of some bird 
or animal speaking to me in a dream. 

Having placed these offerings in position, and according to the advice of the medi- 
cine-man, I stood facing the west and watched the sun disappear. As soon as the sun 
was out of sight I closed my eyes and turned my face toward the east, standing thus 
for awhile, then facing the north and the south. So I stood, wrapped in a buffalo 
robe. I was not exactly singing, but more nearly lamenting, like a child asking for 
something. [Cf. p. 96.] In the crying or lamenting of a young man seeking a vision 
two things ai'e especially desii'ed: First, that he may have long life, and second, that 
he may succeed in taking horses from the enemy. 

Beside me, at the north, was placed a buffalo skull, the face of which was painted 
with blue stripes. ['] The openings of the skull were filled with fresh sage, and it was 
laid on a bed of sage. The skull was placed with its face toward the south. The 
reason for this was that when the buffalo come from the north , traveling toward the 
south, they bring news that Wakai) ^tag ka has provided food for the Indians and there 
will not be a famine. During part of the time I rested my pipe against the buffalo 
skull, with the stem pointing toward the north. Part of the time I held the pipe in my 
hands, with the stem away from me. The pipe was filled, but not to be lighted until I 
returned to the medicine-man after my dream. [Cf. sealed pipe in Sun dance, 
pp. 149, 150.] 

As I still faced the west, after the sun had set and when it was almost dark, I heard a 
sound like the flying of a bird around my head, and I heard a voice saying, "Young 
man, you are recognized by Wakag'tagka." This was all the voice said. 

All night I stood with my eyes closed. Just before daybreak I saw a bright light 
coming toward me from the east. It was a man. His head was tied up, and he held a 
tomahawk in his hand. He said, "Follow me," and in an instant he changed into a 
crow. In my dream I followed the crow to a village. He entered the largest tent. 
When he entered the tent he changed to a man again. Opposite the entrance 
sat a young man, painted red, who welcomed me. When I was thus received I felt 
highly honored, for as this was the la,rgest tent I knew it must be the tent of the 
chief. The young man said he was pleased to see me there. He said, further, that all 
the animals and birds were his friends, and that he wished me to follow the way he had 
used to secure their friendship. He told me to lift my head. I did this and saw 
dragon flies, butterflies, and all kinds of small insects, while above them flew all kinds 
of birds. As soon as I cast down my eyes again and looked at the young man and at 
the man who had brought me tliither, I saw that the young man had become trans- 
formed into an owl, and that my escort had changed again into a crow. The follow- 
ing is the song of this part of my dream. 

[1 It will be recalled that the stripes on the buffalo skull used in the Alo'wagpi ceremony and in the Sun 
dance were red, and that in the Hurjka ceremony the skull was laid facing the west and in the Sun dance 
facing the east. In both these instances the skull was laid on a bod of fresh sage. In a narrutive con- 
cerning the "calling of the V)Uffalo " by a inodicinc-man it is stated that a buffalo skull was painted with 
both red and blue stripes. (.See pp. 72, 127, 444.;] 



186 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

No. 50. Song of the Crow and Owl (Catalogue No. 473) 

SlUlg by SlYA^KA 



Voice J = 69 
Drum not recorded 



ri±-3 



PS 






p — ^ 



^ ^ ^ ^ ^, .fL ^ 



ni hai) - ye - tu ma - wa - ni nuij 




ma - wa - ni naij 



SH 



i=p= 



we haij-ye-tu ma-wa-ioa-ni hiq - 







IeT^ 



4: 



4-^ 



haq ioa lio 



toq-liaij ma-wa - ni nuq 



he 



{First rendilion) 

haijye^tu at night 

mawa^ni nugwe^ may I roam 

tato' heya^ against the winds 

mawa^ni nugwe^ may I roam 

haqye'tu at night 

mawa^ni (may) I roam 

highag^ , (when) the owl 

ho^toghag (is) hooting (see p. 180, footnote) 

mawa'ni nug we^ .' may I roam 

(Second rendition) 

ag'pao at dawn 

mawa'ni nugwe''. . . : may I roam 

tato' heya'' against the winds 

mawa'ni nugwe' may I roam 

ag'pao at dawn 

mawa''ni (may) I roam 

kaggi' (when) the crow 

ho'toghag (is) calling 

mawa'ni nugwe' niay I roam 

Analysis. — This melody contains only three intervals larger than 
a minor third, about haK the intervals being major seconds. It is 
mmor in tonality and lacks the sixth and second tones of the com- 



densmorb] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



187 



plete octave. In structure it is melodic, and the trend is steadily 
downward from the eleventh to the tonic. The subdominant is 
more prominent in tliis than m many of the songs mider analysis. 

Siya'ka continued: 

The owl said, "Always look toward the west when you make a petition, and you 
will have a long life. " After this the owl commanded me to look at him. As soon as I 
did this he was changed to an elk, and at his feet were the elk medicine and a hoop. 
[See pp. 17S, 295.] Aa soon as I saw him changing, I began to wonder what marvel 
would be next. Then I heard a song. I tried to learn the song, and before I realized 
what I was doing I was singing the song. 

The following is the song taught me by the elk in my dream. 

No. 51. "Where the Wind is Blowing" (Catalogue No. 474) 

Sung by Siya'ka 

Voice J =r 54 
Deusi not recorded 




limuij-yaq na - wa - ziq 



ye 




wi - yo-hpe - ya - ta ta - te u - ye 



108 



ta - te i - ca-limuij-yaij na-wa - ziij 

r 



ta - te to - ki u - ye 




ta - te i - ca - hmuij-yaij na - wa - zii) 



to^ki where 

tate' the wind 

uye' ciij is blowing 

tate' the wind 

ica'hmui) yaq is roaring 

nawa'zig ye I stand 

wiyo'Hpeyata westward 

t'lte^ the wind 

uye' (5ig is blowing 

tate' the wind 

ica'hmurjyag is roaring 

nawa'ziij ye I stand 



188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Analysis. — Two renditions of this song were recorded, the prin- 
cipal difference between them being that in the second rendition 
the half note at the end of the third measure was sung a quarter 
note and the last note of the following measure a half note, thus 
comprising five counts in the two measures, but distributing them 
differently. The intonation was wavering throughout the ren- 
ditions, making the song especially difficult of transcription. This 
was undoubtedly due in part to the presence of the accidental. 
It was clearly the intention of the singer to differentiate the tones 
transcribed respectively as D sharp and D natural, but the interval 
between the two was not always an exact minor second. As 
already stated, the minor second is not of frequent occurrence. 
It is frequently sung too small, but not with sufficient uni- 
formity to justify the belief that a definite interval smaller 
than a semitone is in the mind of the singer. The measure trans- 
cribed in 3-8 time was uniformly sung in all the renditions. The 
melody tones are those of the second five-toned scale with the fourth 
raised a semitone as an accidental. The song is melodic in struc- ' 
ture and has a compass of 12 tones. 

6iya'ka said further: 

The hilltop where I had my dream was quite a distance from the camp. My friends 
knew I had gone there, and in the early morning they sent a man with my horse. I 
came home, and the first thing I did was to take a sweat bath. In the lodge with 
the medicine-man I. told him my dream. 

I was a young man at that time and eager to go on the warpatli and make a name 
for myself. After this dream, my stronghold was in the east, but the west was also 
a source from which I could get help. All the birds and insects which I had seen in 
my dream were things on which I knew I should keep my mind and learn their ways. 
When the season returns, the birds and insects return with the same colorings as the 
previous year. They are not all on the earth, but are above it. My mind must be 
the same. The elk is brave, always helping the women, and in that way the elk 
has saved a large proportion of his tribe. In this I should follow the elk, remembering 
that the elk, the birds, and the insects are my helpers. I never killed an elk nor 
ate its flesh. The birds that continually fly in the air I would not kill. I may kill 
water birds and grass birds if suitable for food, but only these. 

Siya'ka was deeply affected by the telling of this dream and the 
singing of the songs. Shaking hands with the writer, he said that 
he had given her his most cherished possession.^ 

Two Shields related the following dream, which is a tradition in the 
tribe, and sang the song which is said to have been received in the 
dream : 

Many years ago a war party were in their camp when they heard what they believed 
to be the song of a young man approaching them. They could hear the words of the 
song and supposed the singer was one of their party, but as he came nearer they saw 
that he was an old wolf, so old that he had no teeth, and there was no brush on his tail. 

' Siya'ka's narrative was given in November, 1912; he died in March, 1913. 



densmoee] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



189 



He could scarcely move, and he lay down beside their fire. They cut up their best 
buffalo meat and fed liim. Afterward they learned his song, which was the beginning 
of all the wolf songs (war songs) . After this, too, the warriors began the custom of carry- 
ing a wolf-skin medicine bag. 

The writer was told by Looking Elk and others that the wolf-skin 
medicine bag carried by warriors had been known to "come to life" 
and walk about the camp, and it had been heard to sing this, the 
first wolf song of the vSioux : 



Voice J^= 168 

Drum J= 138 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 



No. 52. "I Made It Walk" 

Sung by Two Shields 



(Catalogue No. 533) 




ma - ui wa 



kaq - yai] 



ma - ni wa - ye 



wakag'yag by my supernatural power 

ma'ni waye^ I made it walk 

^iig^ka oya'te wag a wolf nation (see p. 162, footnote) 

wakaq'yai) by my supernatural power 

ma^ui waye' I made it walk 

Anah/sis. — The same pecuharities of rhythm occur in all renditions 
of this song. The time is exactly maintained throughout. The 
melody tones are those of the major triad and second — an unusual 
tone material. The ascent of a sixth at the opening of the song is 
also unusual. The song has a compass of 13 tones. Two-thirds of 
the progressions are major seconds, and a majority of the other inter- 
vals are fourths. 

Weasel Bear related the following incident, which he said took place 
when liis father was a yomig man. His father, whose name was 



190 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Metal Knee (Hu'pahu-ma'za), was with a number of men on the war- 
path. On stoppmg beside a hill, they heard what they beheved to be 
a man singing. Thoy counted their party, but all were there. One of 
them chmbed the hill and, looking over, saw a wolf sitting with Ms 
back to the hiU. The woK was looking away off and singing. The 
words of the four renditions suggest the change from enthusiasm to 
caution, and are interesting as being sung by an old wolf to the 
young warriors. The warriors hstened and learned the song, which 

was as follows: 

No. 53. Song of a Wolf 

Sung by Weasel Bear 
Voice J= 100 
Dkum JbrSS 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 



(Catalogue No. 650) 



Aij - pa 



6aij - na o 



ye 



ka - to - na 



:9it5»Sa=t-— ^-?"-^_-1^=;='-*z:^-r-^:r|'--f=^: 


_^LJlfl-iT4_J ^???=_ ^*^! ^1 — J — f ,^«-' 1 U__| L 



oijk 



ma - wa - ni 



ye 



^^g^g 



:2rf: 



^£^=£r 



Ar-0 « •- 



{First rendition) 

ag'pao ('•ag^na at daybreak 

oma'wani ye I rpam 

kato'naoqk galloping 

omaVani ye I roam 

{Second rendition) 

ag'pao (f^ag'na at daybreak 

oma'wani ye I roam 

ka^aq'^ai) trotting 

oma'wani ye I roam 

( Third rendition) 

ari'pao caq'na at daybreak 

oma'wani ye I roam 

napa'pa in a timid manner 

oma'wani ye I roam 

( Fourth rendition) 

ag'pao caij'na at daybreak 

oma'wani ye I roam 

wakta'kta watching cautiously 

oma'wani ye T mom 



DENSMOREJ 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



191 



Analysis.— -An interesting peculiarity of this song is the difference 
m tempo of voice and drum, the latter being slightly the slower. 
The song showed no differences in the several renditions. The melody 
tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale. Of the intervals 
52 per cent are major seconds and 35 per cent miiior thirds; the 
remaining tlu-ee intervals are upward progressions of a major third, 
a fourth, and a fifth. The character of the song is lively and entirely 
unlike the earlier songs of this group. 

The following song concerning a dream of a buffalo w-as sung by 
Old Buffalo. In this and the four succeeding numbers the song 
remains, but the story of the dream is lost. 

No. 54. "Toward Them I Walk" (Catalogue No. 639) 

Sung by Old Buffalo 
Voice J= 176 
DRf M not recorded 
(1) 






0) 



m 



^z^ 

£ 



-' -f^ -fi- 



-m- 



^ 



ii 



,9 • -S*- • -«>- 



Ta - taq - ka ca ho - ye 



wa - ye 



lo 



ta - taij - 



^^ 






■2zrzi 



S-i^i 



ka ca ho - ye 



wa - ye 



r'S'-^ 



« ^ 



tr- 



^m 



lo nuq - we 
(2) 




wa - hpa -taq - ka o - ya 
(2) 




ye - ya ma 



wa 



m ye 



WORDS 

(First rendition) 

tatag'ka a buffalo 

^a it was 

ho'ye a voice (see p. 180, footnote) 

wa'yelo I sent forth 

nuQwe' be it so 

wa'hpetagka oya^te a Blackbird nation (see p. 162, footnote) 

<5a it waa 

itoye'ya toward them 

mawa'ni ye I walk 



192 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

{Seco7id rendition) 

tatari'ka a buffalo 

6a, it was 

ho'ye a voice 

wa''yelo I sent forth 

nugwe' be it so 

upi^zata oya'te a Swallow nation 

6a, it was 

itoye'ya toward them 

mawa'niye I walk 

Analysis. — The tones comprised in this song are those of the second 
five-toned scale, A being the keynote. The chord of A minor forms 
the framework of all the melody except the closing measures, which 
consists of the minor third E-G. Throughout the melody the minor 
third is prominent, comprising 41 per cent of the entire number of 
intervals. Two rhythmic units are found in the song. The time of 
the sustained tones was uniform in all the renditions. In this, as in 
a majority of such instances, the long-sustained tones contain an 
uneven number of counts. 

In explanation of the words of the following song Siya'ka said: 

The reference to the deer and the scarlet object is because A-enison is red and is the 
bait used to catch the eagle. The reference to blue is because when trying to catch 
an eagle we look at the sky so steadily that everything appears blue. 



DEXSMORE] 



TETOjST SIOUX MUSIC 



193 



No. 55. "An Eagle Nation is Coming" (Catalogue No. 472) 

Sung by 6iya'ka 

VoiCR J— 132 
Drum not recorded 



^ 



^ 



-1 ^ r 



s . ^ ih 



^S 



i-^: 



144 



132 



r #* f^ . . Frr# r^>H> 



-i^ : r 1 4-1- 2 kj I r ^r ~ ^ ^ p » m p c m i 



i.,^ 






[A r:^: 



144 



FgT-T-rT=R|->! U* 1* riL' r ^ir- r ir-rir??''-^ 


---' b i^ -1^ ■"■' — ^-1— 1~J — 1 i^- 1 '^-\ [_}-| 1 — 



132 



^' 



Jt 0~- 



n- L^^ ^=i^F 



•— #-• 



1 1 1 i -f h- 

d i \i ^ — ^ 



^ 



4^ S S rj - 



^ 



:4: 



^53 



-f- '\r- -\- -P- -P- -P- -P- -•- -•- - - _ -•- -•- 

Fr: ^- ,^,— ^H-> 1 M L^F=fL^ 1 II : '~'~'^T r-T~1 


^!-i?J i^ 1 u— \ ■ — -.. -- L_a "^ 



Ta - lica o - ya - te waq a - u we-lo wa - lu - 



J= 144 



g^r^^=£ ^ 



^ — p- 



? r 



:s^e 



-I ^- 



ta wai] e j/a a - u we wa - yaij - ka yo 



132 



=9^ 



\ P P #-^-[-#— f-»-v4=H 



-M^iizt^ 



^t nrM 



^SE^SI^^ 



WORDS 

(First rendition) 

ta'Ti<$a ^ oya'te wai] a Deer nation (see p. 162, footnote) 

aii' welo' is coming 

walu^ta wag a scarlet object 

aii'' we is coming 

wayag^ka yo behold it 

> According to Riggs ta'hia is a contraction ol t'Rir^ia, meaning "the common deer, Cervtis capreolusJ 



194 



BUREAU OF AlVJERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



{Second rendition) 

wagbli' oya^te wag an Eagle nation 

aii' we is coming 

maka'to wag a blue object 

aii' we is coming 

wayag'ka yo behold it 

Analysis. — The compass of this song is 17 tones. Among the 
Chippewa no songs were recorded which had a compass of more 
than 14 tones, but three songs in the present series have a compass 
of 17; the others are Nos. 196 and 202. The final tone is faint, but 
discernible on the phonograph record. The rapid tempo and wide 
mtervals cause more uncertamty of intonation than is usual in these 
songs. However, in this, as m No. 58, the exactness of the smaller 
intervals is of less importance than the fact that 27 of the mtervals 
(37 per cent) are larger than a major third. An equal number of 
mtervals are major seconds, and the remaining 15 intervals are 
mmor thirds. Changes of time occur as mdicated. (See song No. 5.) 

No narrative was given with this song. Four dream songs con- 
cernmg deer were recorded among the Chippewa — Nos. 95-98 in 
BuUetm 53. 

See plot of this melody on page 204. 



No. 56. "A Blacktail Deer" 

Sung by Charging Thunder 



(Catalogue No. 564) 



Voice J = 84 
Drum not recorded 



££ 



^ A ^ 



m$ 



#= f r r 



AVa- kai] mi - ca - ge 



wa- kaq mi - ca - ge 



sii] - te 



L^ii 



=i=p= 






^ 



:fef^i 



pe - la wai] wa - kaq mi - ca 



ge 



wa- kaq mi -ca - ge 



^aa^s 



^ 

& 



=:£ 



w 



:^ 



■^A 



• d 



-Ji=^ 



-<&-r- 

hl 



he-na - ki - ya waq - la - ka - pi koq 



yo 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 195 

WORDS 

wakar)' sacred 

mi'dage he made for me 

wakaq^ sacred 

mi'<?age he made for me 

sigte' sa'pela waq a blacktail deer ^ 

wakag' sacred 

mileage he made f i >i me 

hena'kiya those 

wagla'kapi kog you had seen 

Analysis. — The interval of the minor third characterizes tliis 
melody and constitutes 41 per cent of the entire number of intervals. 
The trend of the melody is steadily downward, about two-thirds of 
the intervals being downward progressions. The compass of the 
melody is 14 tones, lacking only 1 tone of 2 octaves. Three rendi- 
tions were recorded; these show no points of variation. 

See plot of this melody on page 204. 

SONGS CONCERNING THE BEAR 

Two Shields said: 

The bear is the only animal which is dreamed of as offering to give herbs for the heal- 
ing of man. The bear is not afraid of either animals or men and it is considered ill- 
tempered, and yet it is the only animal which has shown us tliis kindness; therefore 
the medicines received from the bear are supposed to be especially effective. 

In somewhat similar strain Siya'ka said: 

The bear is quick-tempered and is fierce in many ways, and yet he pays attention to 
herbs which no other animal notices at all. The bear digs these for his own use. The 
bear is the only animal which eats roots from the earth and is also especially fond of 
acorns, June berries, and cherries. These three are frequently compounded with other 
herbs in making medicine, and if a person is fond of cherries we say he is like a bear. 
We consider the bear as chief of all animals in regard to herb medicine, and therefore it 
is understood that if a man dreams of a bear he will be expert in the use of herbs for 
curing illness. The bear is regarded as an animal well acquainted with herbs because 
no other animal has such good claws for digging roots. 

1 This animal was mentioned by Lewis and Clark in the account of their journey on the upper Missouri. 
In September, 1804, Clark wrote, "I walked on Shore Saw Goats, Elk, BufTalow, Black tail Deer I'c the 
Common Deer. " (Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark E.xpedition, vol. 1, p. 155.) A footnote on this 
passage in the Coues edition is as follows: " Cariacus macrotis, also called mule deer. The tail is mostly 
white, but tipped with black." (History of the E.xpedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark, 
edited by Elliott Coues, vol. 1, p. 122, footnote, 1893.) The common deer is mentioned in Siya'ka's song, 
No. 55. 



196 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

(Catalogue No. 581) 



No. 57. "A Bear Said This,"i 

Sung by Shooter 



Voice J = 88 
Drum not recorded 
(1) 



0) 



(2) 



tz -^ 



I^'A -42-. -/t ^t. ^-. 



-ft. -IS2-. 



-^ ^ 

fc^ 



£r^-r-^-- 



§±* 



E^s; 



:^ 



:p=P= 



(2) 



(3) 



0) 



1 1 : II 1 


^. ^^^ ' 


^y r rx-fcti 


-i' — -i — 1 — i — • — t— 


-1 


-i — ^ 


^ r-» 


-«5>-= — 


-^^^— P 


E^£s^3 


3 


-I 


-1 — 1 


^-WJ 


L[— J 





(3) 




0) 

1 

— -• — 






-4^ 


(4) 










^H 


1 

! , -. 1 


1 

— *^l — ! — 





Pe - zi - hu-ta 




wai) ya-tin kte ka han - tu e na - ziij - ye 



W 



Itl^LL 



^ 



to he-ma - ki - ye a 



e 



=^=F» 



pezi^iuta wan a medicine (root of herb) 

yatin' kte you will eat (to live) ^ 

kahau^tu at that place 

na'zigye it stands 

mato' a bear 

hema^kiye said this to me 

Analysis. — The complex rhythmic form of this song, together with 
its clearness in repetition, suggests that it is an old song and was cor- 
rectly sung. Four rhythmic phrases are found in the song. It will 
bo noted that the opening of the first and second are alike, and that 
the opening of the third and fourth also have a resemblance to each 

' other dream songs of the bear (Nos. 87-89) are used by Eagle Shield in his practice of medicine. 
(See also No. 58.) 

2 This is an expression used by medicine-men. When giving medicine to a sick person they said, " You 
will eat this in order to live, or to recover." (Cf. words of Song No. 83.) 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



197 



other, the remainder of each phrase being individual. The melody 
tones are those of the second five-toned scale. There are 52 pro- 
gressions in the song, 37 (71 per cent) of which are major seconds. 
Many of the accented tones were given with a peculiar attack, much 
used by this singer, which consisted in sounding first a tone slightly 
above the principal tone and immediately sliding downward to that 
tone. 



No narrative was given with this song. 

No. 58. "He Comes to Attack" 

Sung by Charging Thunder 
Voice J_: 84 
Drum not recorded 



(Catalogue No. 562) 







^M 



116 



^ 



:?c3=jt 






s 



^^^ 



^-^ 1< 9 ^—^ 



84 



Wa- zi - ya - tai] na-taij hi- na - pe lo e 



^ia 



1 3 ! I — =F=a 



^^F^l 5^ 



^^ s s ^ — ^— # 



kta 



toij - wiij ye ye ye ma-ka we - C013 na carj 



^^ 



-i*-^-^ — *— ^ 



s s s 



d d 



A jL 



te 



to 



ke 



ca he wa - u we he ye - lo yo yo yo 



WORDS 

wazi'yatag from the north 

natag^ hina^pe lo he comes to attack 

ekta^ in that direction 

e'togwig ye behold him 

maka^ dust 

we^dog I threw upon myself 

na and 

<5ai)te^ (with) a heart 

to'keda that is different > 

wa^u we — I came 

he yelo' he'said 



1 In the usace of the medicine-men this phrase indicates anger. (See footnote, p. 120.) 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 15 



198 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



Analysis. — ^Two renditions of this song were recorded, in both of 
which the intonation, especially in the first part, was wavering. 
This was probably due in part to the difficulty of the progressions 
and in part to the fact that it was the first song recorded by Charging 
Thunder. The transcription of such a song should be regarded as 
approximate, so far as many of the smaller intervals are concerned. 
This, however, does not affect the broad lines of the melody. Thus 
in the present instance we note that 17 (45 per cent) of the intervals 
are larger than a major third. The fourth is especially prominent in 
this melody, though 15 (39 per cent) of the intervals are minor thirds. 
The change of tempo occurs in both renditions of the song. (See 
song No. 5.) 

See plot of this melody on page 204. 

The analyses of two other groups of dream songs are on pp. 239, 278. 

Old Songs ^ — (2) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams 
Melodic Analysis 

TONALITY 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Major tonality 
Mino) tonality 

Total... 



9 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 48, 52,. 53, 5.1 
13 j 37,40,41,45,46,47,49,50,51,54,56,57,58 



FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 




Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Beginning on the— 


1 

2 
4 

4 
1 
5 
2 


40 


Twelfth 


37,51,56 




46, .50 


Tenth 


38,39,43,48 




41,45,55,58 


Sixth 


54 


Fifth 


42, 44, 4;i,52,53 


Fourth 


47, .57 






Total . 


22 









LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Ending on the 

Fifth 

Third 

Key note . 

Total... 



39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54 

38,57 

37, 40, 45, 46, 47, 50, 51, 55, 56, 58 



1 A majority of these songs are believed to be 50 to 150 years old. 



r>KXSMOUE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



199 



Old Songs — (2) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams — Continued 
Melodic A nalysis — Coiit inued 

LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 



Number 
of songs. 




Serial J^ OS. of songs. 



Songs in which final tone is lowest tone in song 

Songs containing a majorthird below the final tone 

Songs containing a minor third below the final tone . . 

Total 



37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 

50,51,52,53,54,55,56,58 
47 
57 



NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 



Compass of — 

Seventeen tones 
Fourteen tones . 
Thirteen tones . . 
Twelve tones . . . 

Eleven tones 

Ten tones 

Nine tones 

Eight tones 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



55 

40, 43, 56 

39, 48, 52 

37,51 

46,50 

41,49 

53,54,57 

38,42,44,45, 47,58 



TONE MATERIAL 



Second fl ve-toned scale 

Fourth five-toned scale 

Major triad and second 

Minor triad and fourth 

Octave complete 

Octave complete except seventh 

Octave complete e.xcept seventh and sixth . . 
Octave complete except seventh and second 

Octave complete except sixth 

Octave complete except sixth and second . . . 

Octave complete except fourth 

Octave complete except second 

First, fourth, and fifth tones , 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial No.s. of songs. 



51,. 54 

:iS,3<t, 43,44,53, 57 

52,55 

45 

40 

37, 47 

46 

.')S 

n, 56 

50 
4S 
fl 
42 



200 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BOLL. 61 



Old Songs — (^) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams — Continued 

Melodic Analysis — Continued 

ACCIDENTALS 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing— 
No accidentals. 



Fourth raised a semitone. . . 
Sixth lowered a semitone... 
Fourth lowered a semitone. 

Total 



37, 38, 33, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 4G, 4S, 4'J, 50, 52, 

53,54,55,56,57,58 
51 
44 
47 



STRUCTURE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 




IJ 

2 
1 


37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, i'J, 50, 




51,52,53,55,56,57 
33,54 




58 






Total 


22 









FIRST FROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Downward. 



Upward 

Total . 



37, 3S, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44. 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 

54,. 57, 58 
41,43,52,53,55,56 



TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 




420 
215 












Total 


635 









INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval of a — 
Minor sixth. . . 

Fifth... 

Fourth 

Major third... 
Minor third. . 
Major second. 
Minor second . 

Total... 



5 
4 
46 
31 
109 
130 
35 




DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 201 

Old Songs — (2) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Interval of a — 

Tenth 

Ninth 

Octave 

Major sixth. . 
Minor sixth. . 

Fifth 

Fourth........ 

Major third . . 
Minor third. . 
Major second. 
Minor second. 

Total... 



AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN EACH INTERVAL 



Total number of intervals 

Total number of semitones 

Average number of semitones in each interval. 




KEY 



Key of^ 

-\ major 

B llat major. . . 
B flat mmor . . 

B major 

B minor 

C minor 

D flat major... 

D major 

D minor 

E major 

F major 

F minor 

F sharp minor. 

G major 

G minor 

G sharp minor 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



22 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



37,51,54 

48 

46 

38 

50 

58 

39, 42 

44,52 

57 

53 

55 

41 

45, 49 

43 

56 

40,47 



202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Old Songs — (2) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis 
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Begmning on unaccented part of measure 


14 

S 


3/ , 39, 40, 43, 44, 46, 47, 4S, 4J, .50, .52 .53, 




54,55 
38, 41, 42, 45, 51, 56, 57,, 58 






Total 


22 









RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



First measure in- 

2-4 time 

3-4 time 

4-8 time 



12 37,38,39,42,44,47,48,49,50,53,56,58 
9 ■ 40,41,43,45,46,51,54,55,57 
1 ! 52 



Total. 



22 



CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS) 




Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 




2 


39,47 




20 


37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, •<9, 50 


Total 


51,52,53,54,55,56,57,58 


22 





RHYTHM OF DRUM 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Eighth notes accented in groups of two 


1 

5 
1 
15 


46 


Eighth notes unaccented . 


39, 44, 47, 52, ,53 


(Juarter notes unaccented 


41 


Drum not recorded 


37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 45, 48, 49, 50, 51, 54, 55 




56,57,58 


Total 


22 









RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing— 

No rhythmic unit 

One rhythmic unit. . 
Two rhythmic units. 
Four rhythmic units . 

Total ..*... 



38,45.46,48,49,53,55 

37, 40, 41, 42. 43, 44, 47, 50, 51, 52, 54, 56, 58 

39 

57 



DENS.MOKEl 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



203 



Old Songs — (2) Songs Concerning Personal Dreams — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 

METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO) 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Metronome — 

54 

53 

60 

63 

69. 

72 

76 

Hi 

8S 

92 

10:i 

132 

168 

176 

208 

Total . . 



1 


51 


1 


48 


2 


45,46 


1 


37 


2 


44,50 


2 


39,49 


2 


40,43 


2 


56,58 


1 


57 


2 


42,47 


2 


38,53 


1 


55 


1 


52 


1 


54 


1 


41 





METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 




Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metrjnome — 

63 


15 


44 


88 


53 


92 


47 


120 


46 


138.. 


52 


144 


41 


152 


39 


Drum n;)t recorded _ 


37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 45. 48, 49, 50, 51 , 54, 55, 56, 
57,58 






Total... 




22 





COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM (TEMPO) 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Drum and voice having the same metric unit 


2 


44 47 


Drum faster than voice 


2 


39,46 


Drum slower than voice 


3 

15 


41,52,53 

37 38 40 42 43 45 4S 4') 50 51 54 55 


Drum not recorded 




56,57,58 


Total 


22 





204 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHKOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



PLOTS OF SONGS (DREAMS ABOUT ANIMALS) 

From among the plots of the preceding gi'oup of songs four are 
herewith presented. No 56 is an example of Class A (see fig. 19) 
and contains no ascending intervals. No, 49 resembles it but con- 
tains short intervals which frequently occur in songs concerning 
animals or suggesting motion, as shown in Class D. We note that 
the title of this song is ''Song of the old wolf," but that no suggestion 
of motion is found in the words. No. 55 has the wide compass and 
"rambhng" outhne which characterize songs of Class D, The title 



i: 



:5: 



:s;-. 



■s;;; 



1 



■B 



■X 



m 



m 



No. i9 



No. sn 




No. 55 





' 


, I 


































~j~ 


■~ 




~ 


~ 






\ 






















' 


1 










11 














•\ 
























\ 










/\ 






































\ 










/ ^ 






























; 






















^ 






























/ 
















/ 






\ 


























\ 


/ 


















/ 
































\ 


/ 












\ 






/ 
















_ 












L. 




Jl 


_ 












'."., 















No. .")8 
Fig. 24. Plots, Group 2. 



of this song is "An Eagle nation is coming." No. 58, while said to 
have been received in a dream of an animal, is a song used in the 
treatment of the sick, and in it may be observed the emphasis on 
the keynote, which characterizes Class C, as well as the divergence, 
which characterizes Class D. 



The -Sacred Stones (Tuijkaij'') 

Songs relating to the sacred stones constitute the second group 
of songs received in dreams. ' To, dream of a small stone was regarded 
by the Teton Sioux as a sign of gi*eat import, indicating that the 



DENSMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 205 

dreamer, by fulfilling the requirements of his dream, would become 
possessed of supernatural power, in the exercise of which he would 
use the sacred stones. This power would be shown in an ability to 
cure sickness, to predict future events, and to tell the location of 
objects beyond the range of his natural vision. The stones were 
the native brown sandstone, usually spherical in shape, though 
oval stones and stones slightly flattened were also used, the prin- 
cipal requirements being that they should be regular in outline and 
untouched by a tool. The symbolism of the stones was given by 
Chased-by-Bears * as follows : 

The outline of the stone is round, having no end and no beginning; like the power 
of the stone it is endless. The stone is perfect of its kind and is the work of nature, 
no artificial means being used in shaping it. Outwardly it is not beautiful, but its 
structure is solid, like a solid house in which one may safely dwell. It is not com- 
posed of many substances, but is of one substance, which is genuine and not an 
imitation of anything else. ^ 

The term used by the Sioux in speaking of these stones is tuTjTcay', 
said to be an abbreviation of tutjka'sila, 'grandfather.' The word 
tuyTcay' is an example of the "sacred language" mentioned on p. 120. 
Riggs (in the Dakota Dictionary) gives the meaning of this word 
as, "In the sacred language, a stone, and tlie moon.'' Thus is it seen 
that the term "sacred stones," used in the present work, is not a 
translation of tuylcay', but is a term expressing more nearl}^ the idea 
in the mind of the Sioux. (Cf. footnote, p. 88.) 

It is said that a medicine-man, in demonstrating his power to acquire 
information by means of the sacred stones, sends them long distances. 
After a time the stones return and give him the desired informa- 
tion, lie is the only person who can understand what they say, 
a«d therefore he repeats their message to the man who requested 
him to make the inquiry. During a demonstration for the curing 
of the sick it is said that the stones, fl3nng through the air in the 
darkened tent, sometimes strike those who have refused to believe 
in them. This power of the sacred stones to move through the air 
is connected in the mind of the Sioux with Ta'TcuskaysTcay' , this term 
being composed of ta'Tiu, 'something', and skaySkarj' (defined by 
Riggs as "v. red. of skai] ; to stir, move about, change place''). Several 
of the writer's most reliable informants, after consultation, expressed 
the opinion that Ta'kuskar)skai)' could correctly be said to be one of 
the native Dakota gods. Pond regards this as one of the native 
gods, and writes: "The significance of the term 'Takuskarjskai]' is 
that which stirs. This god is too subtle in essence to be perceived 

' See Chased-by-Bears' account of the meaning of the Sun dance, p. 9.5. Other symbolisms are noted 
on p. V7, footnole. 
' .\n emphasis on penuinene.ss is found also on pp. 17.3, :i;i(). 



206 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

by the human senses. . . . His symbol is the bowlder. ... He 
lives, also in what is termed 'the four winds.' " * Dorsey writes: 

Taku^kagskai), the moving deity ... is the most powerful of their [the Dakota] 
gods; the one most to be feared and propitiated, since, naore than all others, he in- 
fluences human weal and woe. He is supposed to live in the four winds, and the 
four black spirits of night do his bidding.^ 

Miss Alice C. Fletcher uses the term "Something that moves," 
and a connection between this mysterious power and the small 
stones appears in her article on "The religious ceremony of the 
Four Winds." ^ Miss Fletcher says: 

An intelligent Santee Indian said to me: . . . "The Four Winds are sent by 
' the Something that moves '. There is a ' Something that moves ' at each of the ' Four 
Directions or Quarters'. . . . Among the Santee (Sioux) Indians the Four Winds 
are symbolized by the raven and a small black stone, less than a hen's egg in size. 

The desire for a dream of this small black stone and the manner of its 
treatment, as described by this author, are similar to those connected 
with the sacred stones which form the subject of the present dis- 
cussion. 

Distinct from these small stones, which were carried on the person j 
were the large stones or rocks in the field which were " objects of wor- 
ship." Riggs says, "Large bowlders were selected and adorned with 
red and green paint, whither the devout Dakota might go to pray and 
offer his sacrifice."* iVn int'Cresting account of such a stone, known 
as Eyay Shah, "Red Rock," is given by Hovey. This stone was 
situated near the site of- St. Paul, Minn., and was last visited by the 
Sioux shortly before their outbreak in 1862.^' Many stones on the 
Dakota prairie are said to have been similarly regarded by the Sioux. 

To talk of these stones is "sacred talk" to the Sioux, and the ma- 
terial comprised in this chapter was treated with the same reverence 
as that relating to the dream of the thimderbird or the ceremony of 
the Sun dance. 

Songs and information concerning the sacred stones were secured 
from men who, in their relation to these objects, may be said to repre- 
sent five difi"erent standpoints, as follows: 

(1) Men who have dreamed of the sacred stones, possess one or 
more of them, and have used them successfully in treating the sick or 
in locating lost articles. Those of this class who furnished informa- 
tion were Brave Buffalo (Tatar) 'ka-ohi'tika) and Goose (Maga'). 

(2) Men who possess sacred stones, and believe they have been 
helped in various ways by their presence. Chased-by-Bears (Mato'- 

'Pond, G. H., Dakota Superstitions, Colls. Minn. Hist. Sor. for 1867, vol. 2, pt. 3, pp. 43-44, St. Paul, 
1S67. 

2 Dorsey, James Owen, A Study of Siouan Cults, in Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 445. 

3 In Peahody Mm. Rep., ra, pp. 289-90, Cambridge, Mass., 1887. 

* Riggs, Stephen R., Tl^ogony of the Sioux, Amcr. Antiq., n, No. iv, p. 208, Chicago, 1880. 

i Hovey, 11. 0.,D.D., Eyay Shah: A Sacrificial Stone near St. Paul, ibid., ix, No. i, pp. 35-3G, 1887. 



DKNSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 207 

kuwa) had in his possession more than 40 years a sacred stone, 
which ho acquired by purchase. He appeahxl to it when in danger 
and anxiety, but nev(^r attempted to secure through its use benefits 
for others than his immediate family. Lone Man (Isna'la-wica') 
possesses one stone, and beheves he has been greatly helped by 
wearing it on his person. 

(3) A man who possesses a stone but does not use it. Charging 
Thunder (Wakiij'yaq-wata'kpe) has had a sacred stone for many 
years, but has not been able to command it as the medicine-men do. 
He attributes this lack of efficiency to the fact that he "does not 
place his faith wholly upon it, but believes in the help of many other 
agencies." The stone was given him at a time when he was sick, 
in the belief that it would restore him to health and also act as a 
charm. His father was skilled in the use of the stones, and Charging 
Thunder recorded songs which he said were composed by his father. 

(4) A man who has not used the sacred stones, but who was one of 
the singers when White Shield (Waha'caqka-ska) gave his wonderful 
demonstrations with them. It was customary for six or eight singers 
to sit at the drum and sing with the man who was giving the demon- 
stration. Two Shields (Waha'curjka-noij'pa) recorded two songs of 
White Shields's which had been used on such occasions. Two Shields 
is a close adherent of the the old beliefs, the missionaries having made 
no impression on him (pi. 47). 

(5) Men who have witnessed demonstrations with the sacred stones 
in the camp, on the hunt, and on the warpath and were familiar with 
songs used at such times. Songs were recorded by Gray Whirlwind 
(Wamni'yomni-ho'ta), Shooter (Oku'te), Teal Duck (Siya'ka), and 
Bear Eagle (Mato'war)bli). Additional information, as well as cor- 
roboration and personal reminiscence, was furnished by Buffalo Head 
(Tatar) 'ka-pa) and Standing Soldier (Aki'cita-na'zii)'). 

Among the above-mentioned informants the man whose us3 of the 
sacred stones is most open at the present time is Brave Buffalo, a 
prominent medicine-man of the Standing Rock Reservation. He was 
})orn near the present site of Pollock, N. Dak., and at the time of giving 
liis information was about 73 years of age. His father (see p. 250) was 
a leading medicine-man of the tribe. In describing his dream of the 
sacred stone Brave Buffalo said : 

When I was 10 years of age I looked at the land and the rivers, the sky above, and 
the animals around me and could not fail to realize that they were made by some 
great power. I was so anxious to understand this power that I questioned the trees 
and the bushes. It seemed as though the flowers were staring at me, and I wanted 
to ask them "Whc made you?" I looked at the moss-covered stones; some of them 
seemed to have the features of a man, but they could not answer me. Then I had a 

1 Died March, 1915. 



208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

dream. ?.nd in my dream one of these small round stones appeared to me and told me 
that the maker of all was Wakag'tagka, and that in order to honor him I must honor 
his works in nature. The stone said that by my search I had shown myself worthy 
of supernatural help. It said that if I were curing a sick person I might ask its' assist- 
ance, and that all the forces of nature would help me work a cure. 

Soon after this dream Brave Buffalo found on the top of a high butte 
his first sacred stone, which is still in his possession. About a month 
later he found several others, one of which is in the possession of the 
writer (pi. 29). This is almost a perfect sphere. On one side is a 
number of dots, the groupmg of which suggests a tiny face, a charac. 
teristic pointed out by Brave Buffalo. The stone is dyed red with 
native dye. The color, which is a favorite color of Brave Buffalo, 
has no significance. The stone, surrounded by eagle down, is kept 
in a wrapping of red cotton cloth. It was said that '' there is some- 
thing between the eagle down and the stone, because when sur- 
rounded by eagle down, it can not get away." The stone can be 
sent on errands of observation by its owner, and when not in use is 
imprisoned by the downy eagle feathers. 

Brave Buffalo said that he had cured many illnesses by means of 
this stone, which he said is "a brother of the first stone" he found. 
He said further that he ''had no authority to secure its sisters, but 
that it was good to have several brothers of the original stone to 
cooperate with it. " He " can feel if he is near a relative of the origi- 
nal stone" and always secures it. These relatives he may give 
away if he so desires, but the original stone has been seen by very 
few except the sick persons in whose treatment it has been used. 
(Seep. 211.) ■ 

Concerning the nature of the sacred stones, Brave Buffalo said: 

It is significant that these stones are not found l>uried in the earth, but are on the 
top of high buttes. They are round. Like the sun and moon, and we know that all 
things which are round are related to each other. Things which are alike in their 
nature grow to look like each other, and these stones have lain there a long time, 
looking at the sun. Many pebbles and stones have been shaped in the current of 
a stream, but these stones were found far from the water and have been exposed only 
to the sun and the wind. The earth, contains many thousand such stones hidden 
beneath its surface. The thunderliird is said to be related to these stones [see p. 158] 
and when a man or an animal is to be punished, the thunder) )ird strikes the person, 
and if it were possible to follow the course of the lightning, one of these stones would 
be found embedded in the earth. Some 1 elieve that these stones descend with the 
lightning, but I believe they are on the ground and are projected downward by the 
])olt. In all my Life I have Ijeen faithful to the sacred sto.nes. I have lived according 
to their requirements, and they have helped me in all my troubles. I have tried to 
qualify myself as well as possilile to handle these sacred stones, yet I know that I 
am not worthy to speak to Wakag'tagka. I make my request of the stones and they 
are my intercessors. (See p. 88, footnote.) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 29 





UNWRAPPED 




PARTIALLY WRAPPED 
SACRED STONE OWNED BY BRAVE BUFFALO 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



209 



No. 59. "May You Behold a Sacred Stone Nation" (Catalogue No. 602) 

Sung by Brave Buffalo 
Voice Jr-80 
DRniM J__ 168 

Drum-rhjnhm similar to No. 19 
(1) 




Ko - la - pi - la le 
(2) 



haijl ko - la waij - la 






ka iiui]-we o tuij-kai] le o - ya - te waq ko - la waq-la 
(1) 




ka nuij - we le - na si - to - mni- yaij le 

(2) 



la wai]-la 



haijl ko - 




ka nuij-we o tuq-kai] le o - ya 



>4*? 



m 



^- 



=s 



te waq ko - la wai] - la - ka nuij- we o - he 



kola'pila friends 

lehagl' now 

kola' friend 

waqla'ka nugwe' may you behold 

tuqkag' le oya'te wag a Sacred-stone nation (see p. 162, footnote). 

kola' friend 

warila'ka nugwe' may you behold 

lena' these 

sito'mniyag all (the stones) 

lehagF now 

kola' friend 

wagla'ka nugwe'. .^ may you behold 

tuijkai)' le' oya'te wag a Sacred Stone natiofi 

wagla'ka nugwe' may you behold 



210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

Analysis. — This melody is minor in tonality and contains all the 
tones of the octave except the seventh and second. In structure it 
is classified as melodic with harmonic framework, the E flat in the 
third and the eleventh measures being the only accented tones other 
than those of the tonic triad. The major second and major third 
constitute 80 per cent of the intervals, though the tonality of the 
song is distinctly minor. The drum-beat is so rapid as to be practi- 
cally a tremolo. The form of the melody is regular, consisting of four 
periods. One rhythmic unit occurs in the first and third phrases and 
a second rhythmic unit in the second and fourth phrases. These 
units show a similar division in the opening measure, followed by 
slightly different divisions. It is as though the second were an "an- 
swering phrase," the two combining to form a satisfactory whole. 

See plot of this melody on page 245. 

Goose, a prominent medicine-man, also dreamed of the sacred stones- 
(See p. 251.) He said that he had two of these stones in his possession 
some time before he tested his power over them. One day a fur trader 
ridiculed the medicine-men in his hearing. This white man said 
that all the medicine-men did was by sleight of hand, and that he 
would have to see an instance of their power before he would believe 
it. Goose entered into conversation with the trader on the subject, 
who offered him 10 articles, including cloth and blankets, if he would 
call a buffalo to the spot where they were standing. Goose sent 
both the sacred stones to summon a buffalo. The trader brought 
his field glasses and looked across the prairie, saying in derision, 
' ' Where is the buffalo you were to summon ? ' ' Suddenly the trader 
saw a moving object, far away. It came nearer until they could see 
it without the aid of the glasses. It was a buffalo, and it came so 
near that they shot it from the spot where they stood. 

At a subsequent time Goose found a rifle which had fallen into the 
water. This occurred near the present site of Pierre, S. Dak. Some 
horses were being taken across the river on a ferry and others were 
compelled to swim. In the confusion a white man dropped his rifle 
into the river. The man regretted his loss, but made no effort to 
recover the rifle. After the man had gone. Goose decided to try to 
find it by the aid of the sacred stones. Accordingly he took the 
stones with him, and rowed on the river until the stones told him to 
dive. Doing so, he found the rifle on the bed of the river, a strange 
circumstance being that when he was in the water it appeared clear 
instead of cloudy as usual. Goose afterwards had an opportunity to 
restore the rifle to its owner, who rewarded him liberally. 

(2) In addition tothe stone purchased from Brave Buffalo another 
stone was transferred to the WTiter by Chased-by-Bears in July, 1912. 
This (pi. 30) is slightly larger than that of Brave Buffalo ; the surface 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 30 





SACRED STONE OWNED BY CHASED-BY-BEARS 



DEN.s.MoitEl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 211 

is smooth and not dyed. The stone was wrapped in a piece of 
deerskin and surrounded by the finely powdered root of an herb. 
Chased-by-Bears said that he used tliis licrb as a ''charm" and also 
took it internally. When parting with the stone he refused to give 
the writer any of this herb, but it was secured and identified later. 

This stone had been in the possession of Chased-by-Bears 40 years, 
and during that time he had faithfully fulfilled its requirements of 
character and action. Throughout this period, moreover, he had 
not lost one of his childi"en, illness was almost unknown in his family, 
and he had suffered no gi-eat misfortune from any cause. In time of 
anxiety, either through fear of sickness or disaster, he had carried 
the stone in his medicine bag. Chased-by-Bears was 64 years old 
when he gave this information and seemed to be in perfect health. 
He said that the stone formerly belonged to a very powerful medi- 
cine-man named Wliite Shield, who then lived at Standing Rock 
but had since moved to Poplar Creek, Mont. He warned the 
writer that the stone was still subject to a summons from Wliite 
Shield and that at some time it might disappear from its WTappings, 
but that if such were the case she need feel no anxiety, as it would 
return. He said that White Shield had many such stones, one of 
which was for his pei-sonal use; this was always worn in a buckskin 
bag around his neck. The others were the "helpers" of this stone, 
and he could sell them, though ho retained fhe right to recall them if 
he so desired. White Shield had di-eamed of the sacred stones, had 
qualified himseK to use them in treating the sick and in other ways, 
and had composed many songs concerning them. 

White Shield's stone came into tlie possession of Chased-by-Bears 
in the following manner: About 40 years previous to giving this in- 
formation a daughter of Chased-by-Bears was ill, and he sent for 
^'VTiite Shield to treat her. White Shield showed him the sacred 
stone, then it disappeared and the tent was darkened. After a 
time the light was restored, whereupon the stone was found on the 
person of the girl, who at once began to recover. Chased-by-Bears 
then asked for the stone which White Shield had used in performing 
the cure, and White Shield transferred it to him together with the 
song which he sang at the time and which he said should always be 
sung when any request was made of the stone. In exchange for these 
Chased-by-Bears gave a horse. The song, which follows, is believed 
to have been composed by Wliite Shield. 



212 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



No. 60. "The Sacred Stones Come to See You" (Catalogue No. 675) 

Sung by Chaskd-by-Bears 
Voice J = 60 
Drum J— 168 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 






B: 



±z^ 



-P 




He wai]-ni - yaijk a - u w 


e 






II II 




^t=^-^ 




^^ 


il 



^a 



=^-?4=F= 



:p=F- 



:^=^ ^ 



igTH r? | |-^-J^=d=q=i 



^ 



^ 



^ • — ft — ^ 



tuij-kai] 

. P - 



kiq si - to - mui - yai] wai] - ni - yaijk a - u we 




;§i£ 



^EfeSsBg 



as 



:»=(« 



eS 



t=t=^ 



±5: 



^: 



atni: 



ip^ 



he wagui^yagk to see you 

aii' we they come 

tugkag'' kig sito'mniyag all the sacred stones 

wagni'yagk to see you 

aii^ we they come 

Analysis. — This melody consists of 32 measures, which group 
them-selves in 4 periods of 8 measures each. The first and third of 
these periods are based on the triad of F minor, and the second and 
fourth periods on the minor third C-E flat. The song is transcribed 
and analyzed in the key of C minor, though the fifth of that key 
does not occur. The rhythm of the first and second halves of the 
song is alike except for slight changes in the part containing the 
words. The rhythmic unit is short and occurs frequently. Two ren- 
ditions, on separate cylinders, show no material points of difference. 

In parting with the sacred stone and in singing its song, Chased-by- 
Bears seemed actuated by a sincere desire that his grandchildren 



DExsMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 213 

should understand tho native religious ideas wnich had governed his 
life, and that the white man might better know the mind of the Sioux. 
But misfortune followed his action. After a few weeks the writer on 
returning to the reservation was informed that Chased-by-Bears had 
suffered a stroke of paralysis,* which was attributed to his sale of the 
sacred stone and its song. Mr. Higheagle was requested to visit 
Chased-by-Bears and ascertain whether the report were correct. It 
was found that Chased-by-Bears seemed to be in danger of death. 
Mr. Higheagle was then instructed to tell him that the stone would 
be returned to him as soon as it had been measured, weighed, and 
photographed. Every effort was made to allay the nervous tension 
under which the aged man was suffering. After a time Chased-by- 
Bears was well enough to come and camp near the agency. He walked 
heavily, leaning on his cane. Food was sent to his camp, and when he 
was able to come to the writer's office she played for him the phono- 
graph records of sacred-stone songs which others had sung, endeavor- 
ing to impress him with the idea that he had not transgressed more 
than they. At length the subject of the herb used with the stone was 
broached, and it was suggested that if the stone were to be returned 
perhaps he would be willing to loan a portion of the herb for identifi- 
cation, which, together with the stone, would subsequently be given 
him by Mr. Higheagle. After several conferences Chased-by-Boars 
brought the plant, which was identified at Washington as Aster sp. 
With this he had in his medicine bag a root which, he said, he pow- 
dered and mixed with the root of the first plant. It was a pithy root, 
iaut as none of the upper part of the plant was available it could not be 
identified. Chased-by-Bears was encouraged to be present when other 
Indians were recording songs, and it was observed that his health 
steadily improved. When the writer left the reservation a f?w weeks 
later he had almost regained his strength, and a year afterwards he 
appeared to be in his usual health. ^ Both tho stone and tho herbs 
were returned at the earliest opportunity, but it is interesting to note 
that the man's physical recovery began before these were actually 
restored to his possession. Chased-by-Bears' misfortune did not seem 
to arouse any antagonism toward tho writer or her work. In conver- 
sation with those who were considered authorities on the subject it was 
said that he "should have known better than to sell a stone when he 
had only one.'' A medicine-man could sell the "helpers " of his special 
stone, but even a medicine-man would not part with the stone which 
was the center of his power. 

' It is tho belief of the Chippewa that those who offend the "manido" are punished by paralysis. Thus 
the writer saw at a remote Chippewa village on the northern shore of Lake Superior a man who had suffered 
paralysis of one side of his face and body, and whose personal record was not good. It is said by the Chip- 
pewa that many offending members of the MldS'wlwIn become paralyzed. 

2 Chased-by-Bears died in February, 1915, more than two years after the paralytic stroke. 

4840°— Bull. 61—18 16 



214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBULL. 6i 

As an introduction to his narrative concerning the sacred stones, 
Lone Man said: 

Ever since I have known the old Indians and their customs, I have seen that in any 
great undertaking it is not enough for a man to depend simply upon himself. Most 
people place their dependence on the medicine-men, who understand this life and 
all its surroundings and are able to predict what will come to pass. They have the right 
to make these predictions. If as we sit here we should hear a voice speaking from 
above, it would be because we had the right to hear what others could not hear, or we 
might see what others had not the right to see because they were not properly qualified. 
Such are some of the rights and privileges of the medicine-men, and those who desire 
to know mysterious things must seek their aid. If a man desires success in war or the 
hunt, or if he wishes to make the greatest of all requests, which is the request for long 
life, he should make it through a medicine-man, who will give him a charm, probably 
a root of herb wrapped in buckskin, and he will wear this charm. [See p. 161.] It 
is not enough for a man to make known his request. There is a way which it has been 
found best to follow, and that is to make an offering with the request. 

When I was a young man I went to a medicine-man for advice concerning my future. 
The medicine-man said: "I have not much to tell you except to help you understand 
this earth on which you live. If a man is to succeed on the hunt or the warpath, he 
must not be governed by his inclination, but by an understanding of the ways of animals 
and of his natural surroundings, gained through close observation . ['] The earth is large, 
and on it live many animals. This earth is under the protection of something which at 
times becomes visible to the eye. One would think this would be at the center of the 
earth [see p. 120], but its representations appear everywhere, in large and small forms — 
they are the sacred stones. The presence of a sacred stone will protect you from mis- 
fortune. ' P] He then gave me a sacred stone which he himself had worn . I kept it with 
me wherever I went and was helped by it. He also told me where I might find one 
for myself. Wakag'tagka tells the sacred stones many things which may happen to 
people. The medicine-man told me to observe my natural surroundings, and after my 
talk with him I observed them closely. I watched the changes of the weather, the 
habits of animals, and all the things by which I might be guided in the future, and I 
stored this knowledge in my mind. 

The medicine-man also told me that the sacred stone may appear in the form of a 
person who talks and sings many wonderful songs. Among these was the following song, 
in which the sacred stone says that all living creatures look to him for protection. This 
and the song next following were composed and used by Ite'-oksai)-lu^ta [Red-Streaked- 
around-the-Face], a man who dreamed of the rainbow and therefore painted his face 
with an arch of color. He used red for this arch, as red was his favorite among the colors 
of the rainbow. 

[ ' In this connection it is interesting to note the following statement by Father De Smet, a native of Bel- 
glum, who came to .\merica in 1S21 and for many years labored as a Jesuit missionary among the Siou.\, 
writing extensively of their conditions and needs. He says: '' Some writers have supposed that the Indians 
are guided by instinct, and have even ventured to assert that their children would find their way through 
the forests as well as those further advanced in age. I have consulted some of the most intelligent Indians 
on this subject, and they uniformly told me that they acquire this practical knowledge by long and close 
attention to the growth of plants and trees, and to the sun and stars. . . . Parents teach their children 
to remark such things, and these in their turn sometimes add new discoveries to those of their fathers.'' 
(Life, Letters, and Travels of Father Pierre-Jean De Smet, S. J., edited by Hiram Martin Chittenden and 
Alfred Talbot Richardson, ni. p. 1016, New York, 1905.)] 

[ - Tlie carrying of a sacred stone in order to secure a benefit from its presence is, in the mind of the Sioux, 
on an entirely different plane from the wearing of a "charm" (ico'tahe). This is one of many instancesin 
which tlie English language lacks a brief equivalent for the shades of meaning in an Indian language.) 



DENSMOKE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



215 



Voice J rz: 84 



No. 61. "I Sing for the Animals" (Catalogue No. 489) 
Sung by Lune Man 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 



A -ft- -(*- 




^^^:^i 



Ma- ka taij-haij wa - ki - lo-wai) ye - lo he 



yo ma 




ka taq-haijwa-ki-lo-waq ye - lo he guy - . ka-wa-ka.j o - ya 



^ 



^^m 




te wa-ki-lo - waij lo he ma - ka taij-ha.j wa - kT'^b-wa.j 

g^^ 

ye - lo he yo ma - kas - ka.j wa - ki - lo - wa.j 





ye - lo he ^uij - ka - wa - kaq o - ya - te wa - ki - lo 



waij lo he ka^-kaij wa - ki - lo-waij 



ye - lo he 



WORDS 



maka' taijhai)' out of the earth 

waki'lowag yek/ I siug for them 

«u,jka'wakai) oya^te a Horse nation (see p. Wl, footnote) 

waki lowaQ yelo' > I si„g for them 

muka' taghag^ out of the earth 

waki'lowag yelo' I ging for them 

wama^ka^kag ^ ^j^^ ^^^^^j^ 

wakiaowai) yelo I si„g for them 

Analysis.~This melody comprises the tones of the fourth five- 
toned scale be^nning on the dominant above the tonic and ending 
on_the^thii^^ a somewhat unusual melodic out- 

> TJi- first syllable of this word was omitted by the inger 

» One or two syllables of this word were omitted by the singer. 



216 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



line. The rhythmic unit occurs three times, and there are two other 
phrases in the melody which closely resemble it. One of these 
appears at the close of the song. Three renditions were recorded. 
Throughout these the time was less steadily maintained than in a 
majority of the songs under analysis. 

After singing this song Lone Man bowed his head and reverently 
made the following prayer. It was not his expectation that this 
and the prayers which preceded two other songs (Nos. 53, 55) would 
be recorded, but as he was seated at the phonograph it was possible 
to secure the records without attracting his attention, and the records 
were afterwards translated. His prayer was as follows: 

Maka^taghai) wica'^a wag wi<5o'hai) wag awa^hiyaya tka hena^ og og^simala yo, 
tuwa^ wagka'taghag iu'itagcag he'cina. 

( Translation) 

A man from the earth I am, I have sung concerning an event, for which have 
compassion on me, whoever from above, yon [who are] the supreme ruler. 

Continuing his narrative, Lone Man said: 

Another instruction given me by the medicine-man was that all herbs and roots 
are made for the benefit of animals or man. Some herbs and roots vary in color accord- 
ing to the season of the year, and others do not. All are carefully tested, and if one 
is found to be a cure for a certain disease, it should be regarded as a gift from Wakag'- 
tagka, and intended especially as a remedy for that disease. It should be rever- 
enced, and this reverence should be closely observed, as without it the herb will have 
no effect. Because of the reverence due to these medicinal herbs certain songs are 
used expressing this feeling. This, like the preceding song, was used by the man 
who dreamed of a rainbow. It may have been used when painting a horse on the 
warpath. [See pp. 350, 353.] 

No. 62. "My Horse" (Catalogue No. 490) 

Sung by Lone Man 
Voice J_ 104 

Drum J- 104 " 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 



-M—3 



:9W=g=^ 



:p=P= 



-g* — 



4: 



Mi - ta - ^uq - ke 



kiq - yaij ye wa - ye - lo he 



pe 



;igt 



-* — •■ 



u3£ 



^^ 



Ei 



zu - ta wag ko - yag wa - ki ye - lo kig - yag ye wa - ye 




ffii-t?i. - ini) 



kiij - yaij ye wa-ye 



DEXSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSiC 2l7 

WOKDS 

mita^Bnqke my horse 

kigyag' flying 

ye along 

wa'yelo I have caused 

pezu'ta war) a mediciiu' 

koyag' to wear 

waki' yelo' I caused my own 

kigyag' flying 

ye along 

wa'ye I have caused 

mita'^ugke my horse 

kigyag' flying 

ye along 

wa^'yelo I have caused 

Analysis. — Four renditions of this song were recorded. In the 
first and fourth renditions the word pezu'ta was sung, as indicated in 
the transcription. This is an abbreviation of pezi'Jiuta, "a root of 
herb," but commonly used in the sense of ''medicine," the herb having 
either a curative or (as in this case) a mysterious power to benefit by 
its presence. In the second rendition this word was replaced by 
mald'gl, "brown earth," and in the third by maka'to, "blue earth." 
Both these earths were used in the making of paint, which was used 
on horses as well as the bodies of men and on their possessions. (See 
p. 1 l(i.) This song begins with an upward progression of a fifth, which 
is somewhat unusual, yet only about one-fourth of the progressions in 
the song are upward. The song is minor in tonality and melodic in 
structure. The seventh and second tones of the octave are not 
found in the melody. A rhythmic quality is somewhat lacking in 
the song, which contains no rhythmic unit. 

In closing, Lone Man said: 

After the medicine-man had given me this advice and instruction and had taught 
me the songs, he told me how to act in various emergencies, after which I realized 
that I must depend on myself, and that if I failed I must seek help from other sources, 
as he did not expect that I would return to him. 

(3) Four songs concerning the sacred stones were recorded by 
Charging Thunder, who does not use the stones himself, but who 
learned the songs from his father, Bear Necklace (Mato'napin), a 
prominent medicine-man. The first of these songs was received in 
a dream of the sacred stones. 

Charging Thunder said that his father, while on a buffalo hunt, was 
thrown from his horse, falling on a pile of stones and injuring his 
head. He lay unconscious almost all day and was found in the even- 
ing. His wound was dressed, and when he regained consciousness 
he said that all the rocks and stones "were people turned to stone." 



218 BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

After this he found some stones (similar to those in pis. 29 and 30). 
He could talk to them and depended on them for help. Once a war 
party had been gone two months; no news of them had been re- 
ceived, and it was feared that all were killed. In their anxiety the 
people appealed to Bear Necklace, asking him to ascertain, by means 
of the sacred stones, what had become of the war party. Bear 
Necklace requested them to tie his arms behind him, then to tie his 
fingers and toes, interlacing them with twisted sinew. He was then 
wrapped in a buffalo robe and tied with ropes. His medicine drum, 
medicine bag, and a bell were hung high on the tent poles, and he was 
laid on the ground beneath them. The tent was darkened, he sang 
the following song and told his dreams. Then the tent began to 
tremble, the articles hanging from the pole dropped to the ground, 
his cords loosened, and he stood entirely free. As soon as the 
medicine articles fell to the ground there appeared a row of four or 
five small round stones ready to teU him what he wanted to know. 
Sitthig Bull was present and made an offering of a buffalo robe to the 
sacred stones and asked that he might become famous.^ Bear Neck- 
lace wrapped one of the stones in buckskin and gave it to him. Sit- 
ting Bull wore it in a bag around his neck to the time of his death, 
and it was buried with him. 

Bear Necklace then gave correct information concerning the 
absent war party. At that time he proved his power to give informa- 
tion by the help of the sacred stones, and afterwards the stones 
always told him the names of those who were killed in war, the names 
of the survivors, and the day on which they would return. This in- 
formation was always correct. 

The following song was composed by Bear Necklace at the time he 
was hurt, and was sung by him when demonstrating his power. The 
words refer to the passing of the stones through the air in the dark- 
ened tent while an exhibition of his power was in progress. It is said 
that a person who did not believe in the power of the stones was fre- 
quently struck by them, or by other objects hurtling through the air 
in the spirit-filled darkness. 

' See account of Sitting Bull, p. 458; also songs Nos. 91, 92. 



PENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



219 



Voice 



No. 63. "Worthy of Reverence" (Catalogue No. 563) 

Sung by Charging Thunder 



69 



Drum not recorded 




Wi - yo - lipe-ya - ta ■ ta - tu ye 



cir) na tuq-kaij 



--^ 



iMp=f=^ 



iB^ — •- — t 



^ 



mi - me me - ya kiq - yaq ki - yu 



ze waq-yai) 



1 



^ 



zfi: 



j} -^ 



±=t 



4-^ 



zMi-zM: 



-g—^ 



^=i 



ki - ye 



niyo^hpeyata. 

tate'2 

uye^<5ig 

na 

tuqkag'' le 



mime 

me'ya 

kigyagi 

kiyu'ze 

wagyag'kiye. 



WORDS • 

{First, rendition) 

in the direction df tho suusot 

. . . the wind 
. . . is blowing 
. . . and 

. . . these stones 
. . . one round 
. . . another round 
--- flying 



continuing to fly 
behold them 



wazi^yata 

tate/ 

uye'cii] 

ta'ku 

wakaq' 

kigyai)'' 

aii^ we 

waijyag^kiye. 



(Second rendition) 

in the direction of the home of the giant 

... the wind 
is blowing 

. . . sometliing 

. . . worthy of reverence 

. . . (the stones) flying 

. . . toward us 

. . . behold them 



wiyo^liii) yag pa'ta . 

tate^ 

uye'dii) 

tugkag^ 

mime'' 

me^ya 

kiijyai]' 

aii' we 

wagyag'kiye 



( Third rendition) 

. . . in the direction of the sunrise 

. . . the wind 

. . . is blowing 

. . . stones 

. . . one round 

. . . another round 

--- flying 

. . . toward us 

. . . behold them 



« Cf. cong No. 24. 

« The smper elided the final r, substitutinj,' therefor the first letter of the foil )\vin),' word, singinK /(ilii. 



220 



BUEEAtJ or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



{Fourth rendition) 

ito^kagata in the direction before us 

ta'ku sometliing 

wakag' worthy of reverence 

o''ta many (of the stones) 

kigyai)' fl>'ing 

kiyu''ze continuing to fly 

wagyag^kiye behold them 

Analysis. — This melody comprises the tones of the fourth five- 
toned scale with the sharped second as an accidental. The descend- 
ing interval of an augmented second was clearly given. This interval 
occurs also in songs Nos. 106 and 225. Four renditions of tliis song 
were recorded, the repetitions beginning without a break in the time. 
About 75 per cent of the intervals are downward progressions. 

The three songs following were also composed and used by Bear 
Necklace. 

No. 64. "A Sacred Stone Nation Is Speaking" (Catalogue No. 566) 

Sung by Charging Thunukk 
Voice ^ - 168 
Drum ^ = 168 
See drum-rhythm below 




Tu - wa to 



ki - ya ta 



ke - ye - l6 




tu-wa 



to 



ki - ya ta 



ke - ye - lo 





\^-^ . -« \}—A—j^i i_.-^^_^5M.jp_ 



wa-zi - ya-taq tuij-kaq o - ya - te waq i - S, na - ya - hoq-pi 



^^5g^E;=bzg==^-^ 






hz=t 



d d ^ 



kte 
Drum-rhythm 

F=^ p=q F=q p=5 

04dddd00 



tu-wa to - ki - ya ta - ke - ye - lo 



DBNSMOUEl 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



221 



tu''wa some one 

to^kiya somewhere 

take^j'elo is speaking 

wazi^yatai] from the north 

tur)kai]' oya'le wai) a Sacred-stone nation 

ia^ is speaking 

naya^oijpi kte you will hear 

tu''wa some one 

to^kiya somewhere 

take^yelo is speaking 

Anali/sis. — This melody is major in tonalit}^, and contains all the 
tones of the octave except the seventh. One accidental occurs — the 
fourth raised a semitone. The 5-8 time is clearly given in all the ren- 
ditions. This is the only song in the entire work which begins in 5-8 
time, but this measure-division is found also in Nos. 41, 68, 125, 169, 
and 223. Only 19 progressions are fomid in the song — an unusually 
small number in a song of tliis length. About two-thirds of the 
intervals are downward progressions. 

No. 65. "They Move With a Purpose" (Catalogue No. 507) 
Sung liy Charging Thundek 

Voice J— 84 
Dru.m not recorded 



Le - na - ke wa - ku - wa-pi kte 



E^^^ 



2^^ 



le - na - ke 









wa - ku - wa-pi kte-lo e yo tuij - kaij o - ya - te wai} 




wa-toa-ku - wa-pi kte 



le-na - ke wa-ku-wa-pi kte-lo he 



lena^ke all these 

waku^wapi kte move with a purpose 

lena^e all these 

waku^wapi ktelo^ move witli a purpose 

tugkaq^ oya^te Avai] a Sacred-stone nation 

waku^wapi kte moves with a purpose 

lena^ke all these 

waku^wapi ktelo^ move with a purpose 



222 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



Analysis. — This song, like the preceding, is major in tonality and 
contains all the tones of the octave except the seventh. The repeti- 
tions begin without a break in the time. In this, as in numerous 
other instances, the tone marked •) was similarly shortened in all the 
renditions. The song is melodic in structure, yet we note that the 
first six measures are based on the minor triad of F sharp; tlie 
melody then ascends to E, and the tonic chord appears in the down- 
ward progression. A prominence of the submediant triad (minor) at 
the opening of a song in a major key was observed in the Chippewa 
songs and is of frequent occurrence in the present series. 

No. 66. "From Everywhere They Come" (Catalogue No. 565) 

Sung by Charging Thunder 
Voice J — 76 
Drum J ^ 76 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 




To-ki-ya - ta - a - aij ke - ya a - u we ki'.j - yaij 




ta 



i - ^as - na ya kiq - yai^ a - u we 




c a - u we 



to - ki - ya 



ta - a - ai] 



=9^^^ 



^ 



^^: 



^ 



^;i 



ke - ya 



hi 



a hi 



yo 



to'kiyatai) keya^ from everywhere 

ail'' we they come 

kigyai)^ flying 

wazi'yatai) (from) the north 

tatu^ye the wind is blowing 

maka'ta to earth 



DENSMORR] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 223 

i(5as''na rattling 

kigyai)' ..,.•.•.. flying 

ati' we they come 

aii' we they come 

tf/kiyatai] k<'ya' from everywhere 

aii'' we they come 

Analysis. — Almost two-thirds of the intervals in this song are minor 
thirds. In the first part the descending minor third E flat-C forms 
the hasis of the melody. In the eighth measure the descending minor 
third D flat-B fiat is introduced and continues for several measures, 
followed by the minor third A flat-F, the song ending with D flat-B 
flat, making a satisfactory close on the tonic. All the tones of the 
octave are present in this song and the feeling of a keynote is weU 
established, yet it is noted that the tones are not grouped along the 
lines of triad chords, but of single intervals. This "interval forma- 
tion" was given extended consideration in Bulletin 53, pages 7-8. 

(4) In giving a complete demonstration of the sacred stones, it was 
customary for the man who was proving his power to tell his dreams 
and sing the songs of the dreams, these being in the nature of creden- 
tials. The two following songs were used in this manner by Wliite 
Shield and recorded by Two Shields. Tlie words are ol^scure, as in 
the majority of dream songs. 

In songs Nos. 70, 71, and 72 the sacred stones address their owncT 
as "father," or "grandfather." 



224 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



No. 67. "A Wolf Nation Called Me 'Father' " (Catalogue No. 541) 
Sung by Two Shields 
Voice J =; 92 
Drum J^rlSS 
Drum- rhythm similar to No. 10 




lo §ui] - ka o - ya - te waij a - te e - ma - ki ye - 



Sg^^ 




lo 



tu-wa he - ma - ki ye - lo Sui]-ka o - ya - te waij 



m^^^^^ m 



^ 



a - te e - ma 



ki ye 



lo 



-^*iiir 



-s^- 



tu - wa he 



^ 



ma - ki ye- 



Pl^ 




lo §uq- ka 



te waij a - te 



ma - ki ye - lo 



ti/wa some one 

hema^ki yelo^ told me 

^ug'ka oya^te wag (that) a Wolf nation (see p. 162, footnote) 

ate' ema'ki yek/ called me "father" 

Analysis. — It is not unusual to note a song in a major key begin- 
ning with the submediant chord, which is minor. In this instance, 
however, a song in a minor key begins with the submediant triad, 
which is major. The eighth measure introduces the descending 
minor third A-F sharp, which forms the framework of the melody to 
the sixteenth measure. This is followed by a return to the subme- 
diant triad, the song closing with the descending minor third A-F 
sharp. If these tones (F sharp-A-C sharp-E) were used consecu- 
tively, it might be said that the melody is based on the minor triad 
with minor seventh added, but this chord relation is not suggested by 
the framework of the melody. This song is melodic in structure and 
lacks the sixth and second tones of the complete octave. The 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



225 



rhythmic unit is well definod, and its repetitions comprise the entire 
song except the closing measm*es of each section. 

Two Sliields stated that he had frequently sung at the drum when 
White Shield nsed this song, the singers at the drum carrying the 
song with him. In the second rendition the words "Wolf nation" 
were used instead of those for ''Stone nation." It was said that on 
more than one occasion when the words " WoK nation" were used a 
wolfskin medicine bag became alive and walked around. * 



No. 68. "I Have Caused Them to Roam' 

Sung by Two Shields 



(Catalogue No. 539) 



VoirE ^ — 160 
Drum J^ = 138 
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 19 



--§3 



^ 



ft^ 



SFB: 



1 r 



^ 






S: 



5= 



-#-• -#- -•- 



& 



^ 



i^: 



Wa- kaq- yaij ma- ni wa-ye wa - kai]-yaq ma - ni wa - ye 



-•--#- -^ -#-• -#- -#- 



=is= 



tuij - kiuj o - ya - te waij wa - kaij - yaij 



ma - ui wa 



m 



-42- 



ye 



kaij - yaij 



ni wa - ye 



kaq - yaq 



:^t5-J j- 






F5: 



I 



ma - ni wa - ye 



kaij - yaij 



ma - ni wa - ye 



wakag^yar) in a sacred manner 

ma^ni waye^ lug kaq' oya'te wag . I have caused a Sacred-stone nation to roam 

(see p. 162, footnote i 

wakag''yag in a sacred manner 

ma'ni waye' I have caused them to roam 

Analysis. — Tliis is one of the comparatively few songs containing 
5-8 measures. (See song No. 64.) The frequent occurrence of the 
descending fourth recalls the observation among Chippewa songs that 
the interval of the fourth seems to characterize songs concerning 
animals, especially men and animals m motion. (See Bulletin 53, pp. 



226 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



99-101.) This progression is especially noted in the descent C-G-D, 
in the seventh and eighth measures from the end. Two-thirds of the 
intervals in the song are major seconds. The metric unit of the drum 
is slightly slower than that of the voice and is steadily maintained. 
See plot of this melody on page 245. 

(5) Gray Whirlwind also sang a song, which was used by Wliite 
Shield in his demonstrations. 



VoicK J = 92 
Drum J =132 
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 19 



No. 69. "These Are My Spies" 

Sung by Gray Whirlwind 



(Catalogue No. 667; 




He-na mi-ta toij - we - ya i ya i yo kiij-yaq a-ku we he 



^ ^ A 







^^ 



na mi - ta toq- we - ya ya ya kiq-yaij a- ku we tuij 



^f=Q= 



5ESS3 



Kaij o - ya - te kiij a-ku he - na mi-ta toij- we - ya kiij - yai) 



he'na these (are) 

mita^ my 

toi)v."e''ya spies 

kigyag^ flying 

a^ku we retm'ning 

tugkag' oya^te kig the Sacred-sloue nation (^see p. .162, footnote) 

a^ku returning 

he'na these (are^ 

mita' my 

toi)we''ya spies 

kigyag' flying 

Analysis. — This song contains only three tones — those of the tonic 
triad — and therefore is necessarily harmonic in structure. Only 
four Chippewa songs (1 per cent) in a series of 340 contained this 
tone material, and it is found in only about 1 per cent of the present 
series. Only two upward progressions are found in the song. Throe 
renditions were recorded. Between the renditions the singer gave 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



227 



prolonged cries or culls. In one of these instances the drum was 
continued, and in the other it was silent. The usual custom is for 
the drumbeat to be continued during these cries or calls. 

In the following song the stone addresses its owner as "grand- 
father": 

No. 70. "I Am Required to Roam" (Catalogue No. 668) 

Sung by Gray Whirl wiiND 
Voice J:^69 
Drum J— 132 
Druin-rhythm similar to No. 19 



s-#i3^ 



I*: 




Tuij - ka - Si - la raa-ko - ce kin i - ye - ki - ya 
AAA • A ^ ^ ^ ^ 



ma - ni ma-si ye 
AA-A 




A^t. 



AA: 



Q=P= 






A^-^-ASqc 



^^Pl 



tuqka'^ila grandfather 

mako^de kii) the world 

iye^kiya observing 

ma'ni roaming 

ma^§i ye (this) I am required (to do) 

Analysis. — This is one of the songs in which a single change in the 
time seems to give a certain "swing" to the entire rhythm of the 
song. This rhythmic pecuHarity was frequently observed among the 
Chippewa songs. Thus, in two of three renditions of this song the 
fourth measure was sung as transcribed, while in the other rendition 
an additional measure was inserted, the first two counts of the fourth 
measure forming a measure in double time, followed by B flat (final 
count of the fourth measure) prolonged into a triple measiire. An 
additional measure does not seem to trouble an Indian singer, as 
the form of a song as a whole seems to be less definite among Indians 
than among musicians of the white race. 

This melody is major in tonality and harmonic in structure. The 
tonic triad forms the framework of the first four measures, after 
which the descending minor third B-G sharp appears, the song closing 
with a descent to the third of the key. This melodic outline is 
unusual and interesting. The opening of the song has force and 
definiteness, and the prominence of the fourth in the latter portion 



228 



BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



reminds us that this interval frequently characterizes songs con- 
cerning motion. The upward and downward intervals are more 
nearly equal than is commonly the case. See plot of this melody on 
page 245. 

In this and the following song the sacred stones are addressing 
their owner. These songs were recorded by Shooter (Oku'te), a 
man who is familiar with the ancient customs of his people. (See 
pp. 157-158, 172, 173.) 



No. 71. "Father, Behold Me' 

Sung by Shootkr 



(Catalogue No. 574) 



Voice ^ = 69 
Drum J=; 160 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 




^m^- 




^ag 



A - te ma-kakii] o-\va-ki-yiij kte 



te war)-ma-yaij 



v' — P**^ 



P=P= 



i 



ka yo 



a - te ma -ka kii] o -wa - ki-yiij kte 



m 



:P«S 



:i=^ 






te 



war) - ma - yaij 



ka yo 

WORDS 



yo 



yo 



ate^ father 

maka^ kig the earth 

o^'wakiyig kte I intend to help 

ate' father 

wagma'yagka yo behold me 

Analysis. — This melody begins on the octave of the tonic and ends 
on the dominant below the tonic — a somewhat unusual outline. 
The first progression is upward, but the trend of the melody as a 
whole is downward, the tonic being more strongly emphasized than 
in most of the songs under analysis. The division of the first count 
in the first measure characterizes the entire song, but there is no 
recurrent phrase which can be considered a rhythmic unit. 

See plot of this melody on page 245. 



dexsmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



229 



No. 72. "I Was Ordered to Return" (Catalogue No. 582) 
Sung by Siiootkr 



Voice J =72 
Drum J =152 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 



-^•-^--#- 



:f:f:f::ft *. 




Tui] - ka - si-la e - ya ku ma-yaij pe- 



Ej^pE^ BsE^^la^ ^tl^fEp^l 



lo 



tugka'sila grandfather 

e'ya ku to return 

mayag^ pelo' I was ordered 

Analysis. — All the accented tones in this song are those of the 
tonic chord, showing the song to be strongly harmonic in structure. 
The melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale. The 
interval of a fourth is prominent in both ascending and descending 
progression, as has frequently been noted in songs concerning motion. 
About two-thirds of the intervals in this song are downward pro- 
gressions. 

Siya'ka (see pi. 1 and pp. 184 et seq., 439 et seq.) sang three songs of 
the sacred stones and related instances in which he had heard of their 
use in locating buffalo and finding the enemy. He first described a per- 
formance by Crooked Foot (Siha'Iimin), who died in 1877. Crooked 
Foot was asked to ascertain by means of the sacred stones where buf- 
falo could be found. The stone which he used was egg-shaped, and 
he was said to have found it on top of the highest butte near his home. 
When giving this performance Crooked Foot had the stone encased 
in a bag. He said: ''The stone has now gone to look for the buffalo, 
but when it comes back you will see it. " The people then prepared 
a place on which it was expected that the stone would appear. This 
was done by pulverizing the earth for a space about a foot square 
and covering this place w^th buffalo hide or with part of a red blanket. 
All watched this place, and after a time the stone appeared upon it. 
Crooked Foot questioned the stone concerning the location of the 
buffalo, and the tribe, acting on his advice, found the herd as he 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 17 



230 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



had indicated. If he had been employed by an individual to locate 
horses or other property which was lost, the man employing him 
would have lighted a pipe and offered it to the stone as soon as it 
appeared. Before passing the pipe to the assembly this man would 
have questioned the stone. The replies would have been given 
by the owner of the stone, as he was supposed to be the only person 
present who understood what the stone said. He repeated what 
the stone said to him, and the man who employed him received it 
as the message of the stone. In the words of Crooked Foot 's song 
the stone is represented as speaking to its owner, calling him "father" 
and asking that he will not require of it anything unreasonable. 

No. 73. "Father, Sing to Me" (Catalogue No. 462) 

Sung by Siya^ka 
Voice J - 126 
DruxM not recorded 




te ma-ki - lo-waq yo wa - na hi-bu we he ta-ku a - i - 



^^^. 



-ff- P P • P 



te 



-4r- L 



ye 



cii] a - te ma-ki - lo - waq yo wa - na hi - bu we a 




te ma-- ki - lo - waq yo wa - na 



hi - bu we 




^m 



he ta-ku a ^ i - ye - ciq a - te ma - ki - lo-waq yo wa - na 






^i 



:it=i= 



^i^ill^^^ 



s?5^ 



fciHfeif± 



hi- bu we a - te ma-ki - lo-waq yo wa - na hi-bu we 



DENSMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 231 

WORDS 

ate' father 

maki'lowag yo sing to me 

wana' now 

hibu' we I come 

he in this 

ta'kxi tiling 

a'iyc'(5ir) be reasonable 

Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality and lacks the seventh 
and fourth tones, of the complete octave. (See song No. 26.) The 
rhythmic unit is lengthy and continuously repeated, giving little 
opportunity for taking breath. Between the renditions of the song 
were given the high calls which frequently interrupt Indian singing, 
but in these calls, or cries, the tempo of the song was maintained, so 
there was ho break in the time during the entire performance. This 
song begins on the twelfth and progresses steadily downward to the 
tonic at the close. 

When ^iya'ka was on the warpath the sacred stones were invoked 
by Helia'ka-na'zir) (Standing Elk), who sent them on their cus- 
tomary search, and then said to the warriors: 

In the early morning you will meet one man and kill Mm. You will meet a wolf 
coming from the north before you see tliis enemy. Let each man pray to the wolf, 
calling liim "grandfather" and asking that he may get a count.' You will also meet a 
large crow fl^^ing toward you from the north. Let each man make the same prayer to 
the crow. After seeing the crow you will see one enemy coming also from the north. 

Everything came to pass as the stone had predicted. They met 
the wolf and the crow; then they saw one man and killed him. The 
man was a scout, but the Sioux did not know this. The war party 
of the enemy, following the scout, made a charge on the Sioux. There 
were 19 in tlie enemy's party and 4 brave Sioux stood against 
them and drove them back. The enemies were Ai'ikaree and Mandan. 
After peace was established the Sioux talked with, them a])out this 
battle and learned that the name of the scout was One Feather, 
^iya'ka was one of the four men who drove them back and won a 
coinit at that time. Pie said that the following song was used by 
Standing Elk in making his request of the stones. No drum was used 
with tliis song. 

1 The right to wear a war-honor feather in the hair. 



232 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[boll. 61 



No. 74. "A Spirit Has Come" (Catalogue No. 461) 

Sung by Siya'ka 



Voice J = 100 
Drum not recorded 



g^ 



-• -•- -•- -«-. 



^ 1^- 



->9 ^ P y -^^^-(t-# 



SE=^ES 



-i^ 



m 



^£ 



Ta - te i- ca- ge - ya na - gi hi ye - lo ta - te i - ca -ge - 



m 



te 



^ 



=^^ 



ya na - gi lii ye - lo he - ta - ku a - i - wa - ye - ciij ta • 



/Si-^-T-r» •- 



TT^i — r:^ [—IP 1 



asEE^ 



4""^ 



#^ 



[j^l^t 



te i-ca- ge - ya na - gi hi ye - lo ta - te i^ca - ge - ya 



gg 



SEf^=:^!^53|# 



fe 



t^ 



^- 



I 



^— ^ 



na -gi hi ye-lo ta - te i-6a-ge - ya na - gi hi ye-lo 



tate'' ida^geya with the wind 

nagi' a spirit 

hi yelo^ has come 

heta^ku , something 

ai^waye'dig I foretold 

Analysis. — ThreiB renditions of this song were recorded; these were 
not continuous, but were separated by cries and short spoken sen- 
tences. Repetitions of the rhythmic unit comprise the entire song 
except two measures, in the second of which the time was retarded to 
permit a clear enunciation of the words. It will be noted that the 
rhythmic unit occurs five times, and divides the song into five peri- 
ods. This irregularity in the number of periods is of frequent occur- 
rence in Sioux and Chippewa songs. This melody begins on the 
twelfth and ends on the tonic, two-thirds of the progressions being 
downward. 

See plot of this melody on page 245. 

At another time Siya'ka was with a war party, the leader of which 
was Warjbli'-wica'sa (Eagle Man), who was also a medicine-man. 
Eagle Man had an assistant named He-lu'ta (Red Horn). They started 
out and had gone some distance when Eagle Man said he would ask 
the sacred stones for news of the enemy. He told his followers to pre- 
pare a spot of ground and to bring him a small pebble. Having painted 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



233 



the pebble n^d, he laid it on the rod blanket which had been spread 
over the prepared earth. He then sang the following song: 

No. 75. "From Whence the Winds Blow" (Catalogue No. 463) 

Sung by Siya^ka 
Voice J— 100 
Drum not recorded 




To-pa - ki - ya i - na- zii] ma-ye to-pa - ki - ya i - na - ziij ma- 



1 

1 ,-^. , "f^ — ^ — ^ — p p p ^p — « — ^__^ — 9 — « — »_^ _, 


EgE^^?=^— ^-' =^...' =' — b^^-F=; |^?=s-=i — r-= 



ye ta - te o - u - ye to - pa - ki - ya he - na waq-yaqk ya lie 






^ 



na waij-yaijk ya to - pa - ki - ya i - na - ziq ma 

— I 



PPSf 



-• m- 



■^ » » # 1 



^^^t 



ye ta - te o - u - ye to - pa - ki - ya lie - na waij - yaijk 



=9^^ 



^m 



£=E 



i*=t 



itiziz ii=Mt=ji 



4: 



ya he-ua waij-yaqk ya to-pa - ki - ya i - na- ziq ma- ye 



to''pakiya .- at the four places 

ina^zig to stand 

maye'' I was required 

tate^ oti^ye the places from which the winds blow (see p. 

120, footnote) 

to'pakiya at the four places 

he'na waqyagk^ ya behold 

to'pakiya at the four places 

ina^ziq to stand 

maye' I was required 

tate' cu^'ye the places from which the v/inds blow 

to'pakiya at the four places 

he'na waqyagk' ya behold 

to'pakiya at the four places 

ina'^iq to stand 

maye'' I was ro([uired 

Analysis. — This song is unusual in that it contains only two upward 
progressions. The molotly descends from the dominant above the 



234 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLX)GY 



[bull. 61 



tonic to the dominant below the tonic, which is the final tone, 
every instance the entire rhythmic unit is sung on one tone. 



In 



Red Horn then offered the pipe to the little red stone and asked it 
to go before them as a scout. Eagle Man sang his song again, and the 
stone disappeared. The war party went on and made a camp for the 
night. Toward morning Eagle Man said that the stone had returned, 
and that, on being questioned concerning the enemy, the stone had 
stated that they would meet the enemy the next day, but did not 
name the hour, adchng that there would not be more than 10 men in 
the enemy's party. The stone was left on the red blanket where it 
appeared after its quest. 

That morning the war party went on again, and Siya'ka and another 
man were chosen to act as scouts. They found six men drinking at a 
water hole, whereupon they immediately returned and reported this 
to the war party. They tried to surround the men but failed, and the 
six escaped. However, they met one man — an Omaha — coming to 
join this party and killed him. Red Horn shot him, thus securing the 
first "count", and Si^^a'ka secured the fourth count. 

Eagle Man sang the following song during tliis demonstration by 
the sacred stones: 



Voice J— 100 
Drum not recorded 



No. 76. "Something I Foretold" (Catalogue No. 404) 
Sung by Siya^ka 







He tu - wa wa-koij - za ti - ya - ta hi - na ■ ziq wa - ye 



^- —J 1 L._l , 4 1 4 L-iJ L.^ 


1 
-^ 



he tu-\va wa- koi] - za ti - ya 



ta 



hi - na - ziq wa - ye 



# y P 



-m^A 



i*»: 



:a^_=r?l- a-f- r r f 

-AJ- — ^t t^A ! — I 



hu noq-pa wa-koij - za ti - ya - ta hi - na - ziij wa - ye 




he tu-wa wa- key- sua ti - ya - ta hi - na - ziij wa - ye 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC , 235 

WORDS 

he tu''wa one whom 

wakog^za I pretend to be 

tiya'ta hina'ziij waye^ stands at the place where I have caused him (to 

stand j 

hu nog^pa ' a man 

wakog^za I pretend to be • 

tiya^ta hiua^zig waye'' fhe who) stands at the place vrhere I have caused 

him (to stand) 

he tu'wa one whom 

wakog^za I pretend to be 

tiya''ta hina^zig waye^ stands at the place where I have caused him ('to 

stand) 

Analysis. — The rhythmic unit of this song consists of five measures, 
and, as in the preceding song, its repetitions comprise the entire 
melody. The first note in the second measure of the unit was inva- 
riably shortened, as indicated. Four renditions were recorded, sepa- 
rated by calls or short spoken sentences. In tonality the song is 
minor, the melody tones being those of the minor triad and fourth. 

See plot of this melody on page 245. 

A remarkable demonstration of the sacred stones by Wliite Shield 
was related by Siya'ka. Three of White Shield's sacred-stone songs 
have already been given. (See Nos. 67, 68, 69.) Siya'ka said 
that on one occasion he had lost two horses and asked Wliite Shield 
to locate them. Before being bound with sinews (see p. 218) White 
Sliield asked, "What sign shall the stone bring to show whether 
your horses are by a creek or on the prairie?" ^ij^a'ka replied: 
"If they are by a creek, let the stone bring a little turtle and a piece 
of clamshell, and if they are on the prairie lot the stone bring a 
meadow lark.'' 

White Shield then sent the stone on its quest. While the stone 
was absent the people prepared a square of finely pulverized earth 
as already described. It was evening when the stone returned. 
The tepee was dark, as the fire had been smothered, but there was 
dry grass ready to put on it when White Shield ordered light. At 
last the stone appeared on the place prepared for it, and beside it 
was a little turtle with a small piece of clamshell in one of its claws. 
Thereupon White Sliield said to Siya'ka: "Your horses are 15 miles 
west of the Porcupine Hills at a fork of the Porcupine Creek. If 
you do not want to go for them there is a traveler coming that way 
who wiU got them and bring them in for you." This proved true. 
A neighbor of Siya'ka's had been out looking for wild fruit and on 
his way home he saw the horses at the fork of the Porcupine Creek; 
recognizmg them as Siya'ka's, he brought them back. 

> The full form of thLs expression is wahu' noy'pa, " two-legged object ' ', used by the medicine-men to desig- 
nate a man. (See p. 12i), lootnotc.) The full form occurs in song No. 78. 



236 



, BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY 



ruri.L. 61 



Mato'-waqbli' (Bear Eagle) said that he was once leader of a war 
party against the Crows. One member of the party was Pagke'- 
ska-napin' (Shell Necklace), who could inquire of the sacred stones. 
One night in the camp Eagle Man asked Shell Necklace to secure 
news of the enemy. A place on the ground was prepared and covered 
with a red blanket. Wlien the stone returned Shell Necklace covered 
himself with a buffalo robe, head and all, and asked what news it 
brought. When the usual pipe was offered to the sacred stone a 
wolf was heard howling in the distance. Shell Necklace said the 
stone reported that the next day they would meet two men on horse- 
back and see a large camp of the enemy. The stone told the men 
to be ready, and they would kill the enemy, who would fall on "pre- 
pared" or soft ground. Then the stones said that they wanted a 
buffalo as a reward in the morning, that the men would kill the buffalo 
with an arrow, and that it would fall with its head toward the south. 
The next morning the men killed a buffalo as the stone had predicted 
and put fresh sage in the wound. Beside the prepared ground 
where the stone had lain was a painted gift-stick with tobacco tied 
at the top. (See pi. 15.) They laid this stick at the head of the buf- 
falo they had killed, leaving it on the prairie as an offering. That 
day they met two enemies and killed them both. 

The two following songs were said to have been sung by Shell 
Necklace while giving this demonstration. The first concerns 
liimself, setting forth his qualifications to ask favors of the sacred 
stones. The second concerns his power as a medicine-man, which 
enables him to control persons at a distance. 



No. 77. "In a Sacred Manner I Live" (Catalogue No. 632) 
Sung by Bear Eagle 



Voice J= 100 
Drum not recorded 




Wa - kai) - kaq yai] wa - oq %ve wa - kaij - kaij yaq wa 






_# — ft- 



013 ve ma-lipi-ya ta wa-ki - ta 

1 



ye 



wa - kaij 



^^ 



WPP 



'n- 



^ 



#-•-•—• 



9^ 



a:f±=t 



ts 



^a 



kaij yaij wa-oij we mi - ta - ^uj] - ke o - ta ye - lo he 



DEXgMOKE] 



TETOlSr STOUX MUSIC 



237 



wakag^kar) yaq in a sacred manner 

waoij' I live 

mahpi'ya ta to the heavens 

wa'kita ye I gazed 

wakaij'kaij yaij in a sacred manner 

waog^ I live 

mita'siiijke my horses 

o^ta yelo^ are many 

Analysis. — The structure of this song is interesting. With one 
exception all the accented tones are those of the minor triad B flat- 
D flat-F, and the song is accordingly analyzed as being in the key of 
B flat minor, yet the progressions in the last four measures are such 
as to suggest the relative major chord. Sixteen intervals occur in the 
song, only five of which are upward progressions. 



Voice J =92 
Drum not recorded 



No. 78. "A Voice I Sent" 

Sung by Bear Eagle 



(Catalogue No. 633) 



^^ 



£>.^3 t?£^-ri# Fi 



4L ^ ^ ^.^ 



;^^r^ 






ta - wa- ye 



ai] -pe - tu kii] mi 




ta"-wa-ye wa-hu noij - pa wat] ho - ye 



wa -ki- ye coij a 



^^^m 



^ 



n^-~^— ^- 



^ 



^=43 



^^5^ 



ma - ya - ku we - lo 



a: 



aij-po - tu le mi - ta-wa - ye wa 



t4: 



hu uoij-pa waq ho - ye wa - ki-ye Ciq wa - na hi ye - lo 



agpe^tu kir) to-day 

mitaVaye is mine (I claimed) 

wahu' noi]''pa wag (to) a man 

ho^ye a voice 

waki^ye " I sent 

•'•og maya'ku welo' you grant me 

aqpe'tu le this day 

mitaVaye is mine (I claimed) 



238 BUREAU OF AMEETCAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

wahu' noq 'pa wag ( to) a man 

ho'ye a voice 

waki'ye c^ig I sent 

wana' now 

hi here 

yelo^ (he) ia 

Analysis. — This song begins on the dominant above the tonic and 
ends on the dominant below the tonic, two-tliirds of the progressions 
being downward. All the tones of the octave except the seventh are 
present in the melody. One accidental appears — the fourth raised a 
semitone. 

The following account of a performance by White Shield differs 
from preceding narratives in that it took place in a house, and the 
stone was held in White Shield's hand instead of being laid on the 
ground. The narrative was given by Bull Head, who witnessed the 
performance. He said it occurred when the Government first issued 
harness and wagons to the Indians. At that time the old people 
"kept close track" of everything which was issued to them by the 
Government and prized it very highly. One old man lost part of a 
harness. Knowing that Wliite Shield often recovered lost articles by 
the aid of the sacred stones, he appealed to him, asking him to find 
the missing part of his harness and also a handsome tobacco bag and 
pipe. Wliite Shield came, and in giving the performance held the 
stone in the palm of his hand, saying, ''This will disappear." Bull 
Head said that though he watched it very closely, it suddenly van- 
ished from before his eyes. The length of time that a stone is absent 
depends on the distance it must travel in finding the lost object. In 
this instance the stone was gone a long time. At last a rattle was 
heard at the door. White Shield stopped the smging, and said, "The 
stone has returned; be ready to receive it." He then opened the 
door, and the stone was found on the doorstep. Wliite Sliield 
brought it in and heard the message. The stone said that the 
missing articles had been taken by a certain man who, for fear of 
detection, had thrown them into the river. The stone said further 
that the articles would be brought back that night and left where 
they had been last seen. The next morning all the missing articles 
were found in the place where they had been last seen. Their appear- 
ance indicated that they had been under the water for several days. 

The following is the second analysis group of dream songs, com- 
prising those concerning the sacred stones (Nos. 59-78, inclusive). 
The aid of the sacred stones was invoked to locate the camp of an 
enemy (p. 348); also in finding a missing pian (p. 496). Other 
analyses of dream songs are on pages 198 and 278. 



DENfSMOREl TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

Old Songs — (3) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones 

Melodic Analysis 
tonality 



239 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Major tonality . 
Minor tonality . 

Total 



61, 63, 64, 65, 68, 70, 71, 78 

59, 60, 62, 66, 67, 69, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77 



FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Beginning on the— 
Twelfth .... 


6 

1 
2 
3 
1 

7 


63, 67, 69, 73, 7-1, 76 


Eleventh 


66 


Tenth 


64, 65 ■ 


Octave 


60, 62, 71 


Sixth 

Fifth 


59 

61 , 6S, 70, 72, 75, 77, 78 






Total 


20 









LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Ending on the — 

Fifth 


5 

2 
13 


68, 71, 75, 77, 78 

61,70 

59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 72, 73 




Third 






,74,76 






Total 


20 









LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs in which final tone is — 


18 

1 
1 


59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69,70,71, 

72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77 
65 
78 


Immediately preceded by semitone below 

Song containing a minor third below the final tone 


Total . 


20 









240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [nnLi-. ei 

Old Songs — (5) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Compass of— 


1 
3 
8 
5 
3 


67 


Thirteen tones 


59, 65, 68 


Twelve tones 


62, 63, 66, 69, 71, 73, 74, 76 


Ten tonas 


60, 61, 64, 70, 72 




75, 77, 78 






Total 


20 









TONE MATERIAL 



Fourth five-toned si'ale 

Minor triad 

Minor triad and seventh 

M inor triad and fourth 

Octave complel e 

Octave complete except seventh 

Octave complete except seventh, sixth, and fourth 

Octave complete except seventh and fourth 

Octave complete except seventh and second 

Octave complete except sixth and second 

Octave complete except fifth and second 

Octave complete except fourth 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



61, 63, 72 

69 

77 

74, 75, 76 

66 

64, 65, 78 

68 

73 

59,62 

67 

60 

70,71 



ACCIDENTALS 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs containing— 

No accidentals 


16 

3 

1 

20 


59, 60, 61, 62, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 


Fourth raised a semitone 


74, 75, 76, 77 
64, 65, 78 




63 


Total 









STRUCTURE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Melodic 


13 

4 
3 


61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 6S, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 


Melodic with harmonic framework 


78 
59, 60, 63, 77 


Harmonic 


69, 70, 72 






Total 


20 









TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



den.smobe] 

OU Songs— (3) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



241 



Number 
of songs. 



Downward. 



Upward 

Total. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



59, fiO, f)l, tW, 64, t)5, 66, 6'J, 70, 73, 74, 75, 

76, 78 
62, 67, 68, 71, 72, 77 



TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



Downward. 
Upward 



Total. 



324 
162 



INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 



Intervals of a— 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third 

Minor third 

Augmented second. 

Major second 

Minor second 



Total. 



2 

23 
30 
106 
1 
144 
18 



INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 



Intervals of a— 

Tenth 

Octave 

Major sixth . . 
Minor sixth.. 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third . . 
Minor third . . 
Major second. 
Minor second. 



Total. 



162 



AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL 



Total number of intervals 

Total number of semitones 

Average number of semitones in an interval . 



486 

1,435 

2.9 



242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Old Songs — (3) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

KEY 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Key of— 

A major 

B flat major... 
B flat minor . . 

B major 

B minor 

C major 

C minor 

D flat major... 
E flat major. . . 

F major 

F minor 

G flat major. . . 
F sharp minor 

G major 

G minor 

Total 



65 

78 

69, 73, 77 

70 

59,66 

68 

60 

72 

64 

63 

67, 75, 76 

61 

74 

71 

62 



Rhythmic Analysis 

PART OF measure ON WHICH SONG BEGINS 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Beginning on unaccented part of measure 


16 

4 


59, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 




73, 74, 75, 78 
60, 62, 76, 77 






Total 


20 









RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


First measure in— 


12 
6 
1 
1 


59, 60, 63, 66, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77 


3-4 time 


61, 62, 65, 67, 72, 78 


4-8 time 


68 


5-8 time 


64 






Total '. 


20 









DENgMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 243 

Old Songs — {3) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 

CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE LENGTHS) 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs containing no change of time 


None. 
20 






59, 60, 61, 62 63 64 6.5 66 67 68 69 "0 




71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78 


Total 


20 









RHYTHM OF DRUM 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Sixteenth notes unaccented 


1 

8 

. 2 

1 

8 


64 


Eighth notes unaccented 


59, 60 67 68 69 70 71 72 


Quarter notes unaccented 


61,62 


Each beat preceded by an unaccented beat correspond- 
ing to third count of a triplet. 
Drum not recorded 


66 

63, 65, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78 






Total 


20 









RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing — 
No rhythmic unit. . 
One rhythmic unit. 

Total 



60, 62, 63, 65, 66, 69, 71, 72, 78 

59, 61, 64, 67, 68, 70, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77 



20 



METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO) 





Number 
of songs. 


erial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome — 
60 


1 
3 
1 
1 
1 
2 
2 
1 
4 
1 
1 
1 
1 


60 


69 


63 70 71 


72 


72 


76 


66 


80 


59 


84 


61, 65 


92 


67, 78 


96 

100 


69 

71, 75, 76, 77 


104 


62 


126 


73 


160 


68 


168 


64 






Total 


20 





244 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Old Songs — (3) Songs Concerning the Sacred Stones — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 

METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome — 

76 


1 
1 
1 
2 
2 
1 
2 
2 
8 


66 


96 


61 


104 


62 


132 


69, 70 


13S 


67,68 


152 


72 


160 


59, 71 


168 


60,64 




63, 65, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78 






Total 


20 









COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT (TEMPO) 


OF VOICE AND DRUM 




Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 




3 

8 
1 
8 


62, 64, 66 




59, 60, 61, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72 




68 


Drum not recorded 


63, 65, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78 






Total • 


20 









PLOTS OF SONGS (tHE SACRED STONES) 

The songs concerning the sacred stones contain no examples of a 
song without ascending progressions. (Class A, fig. 19.) Song No. 
59 is the nearest to this type and contains one ascending interval. 
No. 71 has a strongly descending trend but contains three ascending 
intervals. No 68 is an example of Class B, and Nos. 76 and 74 have 
the same general outline. No. 70 suggests Class D, though having 
the descending trend which characterizes Class A. The title of this 
song is ''I am rec[uired to roam." It will be recalled that songs of 
Class D concern animals or contain the idea of motion. 

Treatment of the Sick 

This is the third of the groups of songs received in dreams. All 
treatment of the sick was in accordance with dreams. No one 
attempted to treat the sick unless he had received a dream telling 
him to do so, and no one ever disregarded the obligations of such a 
dream. Each man treated only the diseases for which his dream 
had given liim the remedies. Thus Shooter said : 

In the old days the Indians had few diseases, and so there was not a demand for a 
large variety of medicines. A medicine-man usually treated one special disease and 



DENSMOKE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



245 



treated it successfully. He did this in accordance with his dream. A medicine-man 
would not try to dream of all herbs and treat all diseases, for then he could not expect 
to succeed in all nor to fulfdl properly the dream of any one herb or animal. He 
would depend on too many and fail in all. That is one reason why our medicine-men 
lost their power when so many diseases came among us with the advent of the white 
man. 

Tliree methods of treating the sick were used by the Sioux — by- 
means of the sacred stones, ''conjuring," and the giving of herbs. 
The first kind of treatment might be given by a wakay'Jiay. This 
term was applied to the highest type of medicine-men — those quaU- 
fied to command the sacred stones, to })ring fair weather, or to fill 




m 



11 



m 



No. 71 



"^m^-. 



;5; 



;s=; 



No. G8 



No. 76 



'^%ii. 



M. 



i 



-ST,: 



-S: 




No. 74 No. 70 

Fig. 2.5. I'lots, Group 3. 

such important ceremonial positions as that of Intercessor in the 
Sun dance. A man who "conjured" the sick was called wapi'ya, 
"one who repairs," and a man who treated the sick by means of 
herbs was called pezu'ta wica'ku, "one who places his confidence in 
roots of herbs." It was not unusual for the same man to use more 
than one of these methods, but he was best known by the one which 
he employed the most. 

Treatment of the sick by means of the sacred stones and by con- 
juring has been forbidden by the Government in recent years, but 
certain of the old men are allowed to continue treating the sick by 
administering herbs. Four such men described the method they 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 18 



246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

were using at the time of giving tlie information; one (Used-as- 
a-Shield) gave an account of ''conjuring" from the standpoint of 
the patient; another (Old Buffalo) narrated his fasting prayer for 
a sick relative; and additional information was received from other 
informants. 

When a man skillful in the use of the sacred stones was called to 
attend a sick person he was expected to give a demonstration of his 
supernatural power. Many were invited to witness this exhibition, 
and it is said that harm would come to those who did not "beheve 
in the sacred stones." The sick person filled a pipe, which he gave 
to the medicine-man. After smoking it the man was tightly bound 
with thongs, even his fingers and toes being interlaced with sinews 
like those of wliich bowstrings are made, after wliich he was firmly 
tied in a hide. The tent was dark, and the medicine-man sang songs 
addressed to the sacred stones; he sang also his own dream songs. 
Strange sounds were heard in the darkness, and objects were felt to 
be flying through the air. Voices of animals were speaking. One 
said, "My grandchild, you are very sick, but I will cure you." Fre- 
quently a buffalo came, and those who did not beheve in the sacred 
stones were kicked by the buffalo or struck by a flying stone or bundle 
of clothing. At last the medicine-man called, "Hasten, make a 
fight!" Dry grass, which was ready, was placed on the fire. In its 
fight the man was seen wedged between the poles near the top of the 
tipi, mth all the restraining cords cast from him.' 

Brave Buffalo said that in treating a person by means of the sacred 
stones he rolled a stone on the person's body "to locate the ailment," 
and that if the sick person wished to hold the stone in his mouth he 
was allowed to do so, as this produced an internal effect. 

In many instances of treating the sick by "conjuring" no medi- 
cines were given, the conjuror claiming that he removed the disease 
from the person's body by sucking it out. A performance of this 
kind was described to the writer by Mrs. James McLaughlin, who 
witnessed it on the Devils Lake Reservation, in North Dakota, Mrs. 
McLaughlin said, concerning this Santee demonstration: 

I saw a conjuror named Sip'to (Beads) give a performance in an attempt to cure a 
boy who was suffering from hemorrhages of the lungs. Sip'to was an old man. He 
wore nothing but his breechcloth, his whole body was painted red, his face also was 
painted red, and his hair was short and loose. The boy lay in a tipi. If a conjuring 
performance were held in a log house it was necessary to take up a portion of the floor, 
as the conjuring must be done on bare ground. I have seen a house in which a large 
portion of the floor had been cut away for this purpose. 

When I entered the tipi the conjuror was in the place of honor, opposite the door. 
This place was clean of turf, and the bare ground had been made very smooth. The 
boy lay with his head near the conjuror. In the middle of the lodge was a fire with 
many red coals. A young girl brought water and placed it beside the conjuror. When 

1 Similar demonstrations were made by the medicine-men of other tribes. A description of the custom 
among the Chippewa is given in Bulletin 45, pp. 123-25. (Of. also p. 218 of this work.) 



DEN-SMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 247 

this had been done, the conjuror rinsed his mouth, put a piece of root in his mouth, 
and chewed it. Removing a coal from the fire with a stick, he took it up in his hands 
and put it in his mouth. He then dropped on all fours and began to tear up the ground 
with his fingers and toes, as though they were claws. He made a cry like an animal 
and approached the boy as though he were a wild beast. With the coal still in his 
mouth he stooped over the boy's chest and sucked so violently that the blood came 
to the surface. Then he gave a whistling, puffing sound [see p. 254] and spit into a 
dish which was partly filled with water. When this performance was completed 
he sat down in a dripping perspii-ation and immediately the boy had a hemorrhage 
from the lungs. 

The same performance was enacted four times and after each time the boy had a 
hemorrhage. Then the boy complained that the treatment was making him worse, 
and the boy's father asked the conjuror not to work over the boy any longer. The 
boy's father gave the conjuror a horse, as it is the belief of the San tee that sickness 
will return if the "doctor" is not paid. 

The following is an account of a somewhat similar treatment, 
which included the administering of medicine. This account was 
given by Used-as-a-Shield, a reliable informant, who sang a number 
of songs in the present work and took part in several discussions 
of serious topics by the old men. He described his own experience in 
receiving treatment by a conjurer, saying: 

The first thing done in summoning a medicine-man to treat a sick person was to put 
black paint on the stem of a pipe. Charcoal was ordinarily used in making this paint, 
which was smeared on the stem of the pipe, an eagle feather being tied next the mouth- 
piece. A messenger took this painted pipe to the medicine-man's lodge, carrying it 
with the l)0wl next him. li the medicine-man were at home, the messenger entered 
the lodge, tui-ning toward the left. Without speaking he handed the pipe to the medi- 
cine-man, who smoked it in token of his assent. A reqviest to visit a sick person was 
never refused unless the medicine-man were physically unable to go. If the man 
were not at home the messenger left the pipe in the place of honor, with the bowl 
toward the door.['] The relatives of the medicine-man then made an effort to find 
him soon as possible. 

It was in this manner that many years ago, I sent for a medicine-man to treat me. 
When he entered my lodge he seated himself back of the fire. After a time he came 
and sat by my head, looking me over. He then took up a lock of hair on my forehead 
and tied a wisp of grass around it, letting the rest of my hair hang loose. Then he had 
me placed so that I lay facing the east and he began his preparations for the treatment. 
Opening a bundle, he took from it a whistle [si''yota'ijka], a small drum [cay'cega], and a 
rattle [wagvm''ha] which he used in beating the drum. He also took out a black 
cloth, which he tied over his eyes. Then he dropped on one knee, facing me, holding 
the drum in his right hand and the rattle in his left hand. Beating the drum rapidly 
with the rattle, he said: "Young man, try to remember what I tell you. You shall 
see the power from which I have the right to cure sicknesses, and this power shall be 
used on you this day . ' ' Then he told the dream by which he received his power as a 
medicine-man. When he rose to Ms feet I noticed that a horse's tail hung at his side, 
being fastened to his belt. Standing, he offered his drum to the cardinal points, then 
beat it as hard as he could, sometimes louder, sometimes softer. A wooden bowl which 
he carried was placed next my head. Then he came toward me, still beating his 
drum. As he came near me his breath was so forcible it seemed as if it would blow 
me before it. Just before he reached me, and while blowing his breath so strongly, he 
struck his body on the right side and on the left side. He was still telling his dream 



[Cf. position of the pipe, pp. 72. 127, 185.] 



248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

and singing, but when he paused for an instant I could hear the sound of a red hawk ; 
some who were there even said they could see the head of a red hawk coming out of his 
mouth. He bent over me and I expected that he would suck the poison from my 
body with his mouth, but instead I felt the beak of a bird over the place where the. 
pain was. It penetrated so far that I could feel the feathers of the bird. The medi- 
cine-man kept perfectly still for a time; then he got up with a jerk to signify that he 
had gotten out the trouble. Still it was the beak of a bird which I felt. A boy stood 
near, holding a filled pipe. It was soon apparent that the medicine-man had swal- 
lowed the poison. He took four whiffs of the pipe. Then he must get rid of the poison. 
This part of the performance was marked by great activity and pounding of the drum. 
At times he kicked the bare ground in his effort to get rid of the poison; he paced back 
and forth, stamped his feet, and used both rattle and drum. Finally he ejected the 
poison into the wooden bowl. Then he told the people that he had sucked out all the 
poison, that none remained in my body, and that I would recover. 

Opening his medicine bag, he took out some herbs and placed them in a cup of cold 
water. He stirred it up and told me to drink it and to repeat the dose next morning, 

and that in less than ten days I would 
l)e well. I did as he told me, and in 
about 10 days I was entirely well . 

Brave Buffalo is considered 
one of the most powerful 
medicine-men on the Standing 
Rock Reservation, and was 
actively engaged in the practice 
of native medicine when he 
lield his conferences with the 
writer. In describing his treat- 
ment of the sick he said : 





Fig. 26. Drawing on mirror used in treatment of 
the sick. 



Some people have an idea that we 
medicine-men, who get our power from 
different sources, are the worst of human beings; they even say that we get our power 
from the evil one, but no one could disregard such dreams as I have had, and no one could 
fail to admire the sacred stones. Wakag^tagka is all-powerful, and if we reverence 
his work he will surely let us prove to all men that these things are indeed his doing. 
It is a very strict requirement that a medicine-man shall act out his dream [see p. 157], 
and that he maintain absolute integrity of character. If he fails to do this he will 
be punished and will not live long. I am not required to fast, only to smoke, showing 
that I am at peace with all men. Dreams come to me now in a natural way. Often 
during the day when I am alone on a'journey, and my mind is on many things, I stop 
to rest awhile. I observe what is around me, and then I become drowsy and dream. 
Often I see the sacred stones in my dreams. 

Brave Buffalo's conference with the writer was interrupted by a 
call to visit a sick person many miles away. On his return, several 
days later, he said that he left his patient recovering. He had with 
him a bag containing articles which he had used in treating this sick 
person, and on his hat he wore a bone about 5 inches long instead of 
a feather which had been fastened to his hatband on his previous visit. 
In descri])ing his treatment he said that he "sucked out the disease" 
through the bone, and ejected it from his mouth into a bowl of water. 
Opening his bag, he took from it a small mirror inclosed in a fiat frame 



dexsmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



249 



of unpainted wood, the whole being about 4 by 6 inches. On the 
mirror was a drawing of a new moon and a star. This design was 
copied by Brave Buffalo and is shown in figure 26. He said: "I 
hold this mirror in front of the sick person and see his disease 
reflected in it; then I can cure the disease." 

Concerning the drawing on the glass Brave Buffalo said: ''The 
new moon is my sign. I am strongest when the moon is full; I 
grow weaker as the moon wanes, and when the moon dies my strength 
is all gone until the moon comes back again. '' 

One of the songs used by Brave Buffalo in treating the sick was 
recorded. Before singing this he said: "Some diseases are affected 
by the day and others by the night. I use this song in the cases 
which are worse at night. I composed it myself and always sing 
it at night, whether I am treating a sick person or not. I offer smoke 
to the four mnds and sing this song." This song was received by 
Brave Buffalo in his dream of a wolf. (See Song No. 47.) 

The following song also was used by Brave Buffalo, but the occa- 
sion of its use was not designated. 



No. 79. ''The Sunrise" 

Sung by Brave Buffalo 
Voice J — 84 
Drum J = 72 
Prum-iiiythm similar to No. 19 



(Catalogue No. 603) 





r^ — — — 1 


^ ^ M-. 


1 


-»- -0- -ff--#-* -^- 



Wi Ixi-na- pe wai}-la - kanuij-we wi lii - iia - pe waq-la - ka 



m^^ 



^t 



ISE 



-^9- 



^ 



nuq 



lo 



hi 



pe wai}-la - ka nuij 



i-A: 



d±i 



lo 



lii 



pe wan-la - ka nuij - we o lie 



I 



WORDS 

wi hina'pe sunrise 

wagla'ka nugwe^ lo may you behold 

Analysis. —This is one of the few songs in wliich a rest occurs. 
Other songs of the present series containing rests are Nos. 117, 123, 
144, 159, 188, 203, 208, 206, 207, 230. The lack of a rest, or seeming 
breathing place, is noted in Chippewa as well as Sioux songs, this 
feature occurring in only 13 of the 340 recorded from the Chippewa. 
In the song under analysis the rest is short, but clearly defined. Two 



250 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



renditions were recorded; these are uniform except that the intona- 
tion is more wavering in the second than in the first rendition. In 
both, the repeated part begins with the tliird measure, the opening 
bars not containing the rhythmic unit. Observation of recorded 
songs shows that the rhythmic unit is usually found at the beginning 
of the song. See plot of this melody on page 283. 

Brave Buffalo sang also one of his father's medicine songs. Crow 
Bear (Kaqgi'-mato), the father of Brave Buffalo, was a famous singer 
and medicine-man, who lived to the age of 80 years. In one of his 
dreams he saw a bear, ai d a majority of the songs he composed 
concerned or were addressed to the bear. The song recorded by 
Brave Buffalo was not O' this number, but was a song which his 
father sang every mornin ,, as required by one of his dreams. In a 
dream it was required also that anyone who passed him, even though 
he were smoking or eating, must pass in front of him. If anyone 
accidentally passed behind him the physical effect was immediate. 
His teeth chattered and he became unconscious, much effort being 
necessary to restore him. 



No. 80. "Behold the Dawn" 

Sung by Brave Buffalo 



(Catalogue No. 610) 



Voice J = 138 
Drum J ~ 138 
Drum-rliythm similar to No. 6 




^^ 



:*=hC 



W=W=W^^ 



X^^ 









Aij - pa 




o war) hi - na - pe - lo wai] - yaij - ka yo 



^^ 



^-•-# 



-b-W- 



W=W=W=i^W 



=s 



WORDS 

ag^pao wag a dawn 

hina^pelo appears 

wagyag'ka yo behold it 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 31 




Ised by permission. 



DEXSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 251 

Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, and 
show no points of difference. Between the renditions the singer 
gave ghssando ''calls'' or "cries," but the repetition began on the 
the same tone as the original rendition. No change of time occurs 
in the song — an unusual feature — and the rhythmic unit is more 
continuously repeated than in a majority of the songs. The first 
tone of the rhythmic unit was strongly accented. The only tones 
are those of the minor triad and fourth, and the structure of the song 
is melodic with haraionic framework, the accented G precluding its 
classification as harmonic in structure. Two-thirds of the progres- 
sions are do^^^lward, the melody descending steadily from the tenth 
to the tonic. 

See plot of this melody on page 283. 

Goose (pi. 31), a mdely-known medicine-man, is what might be 
termed a specialist in the treatment of consumption and is said to 
have had no small degree of success in his work. Information con- 
cerning the Sun dance and the sacred stones was also given by him. 
(See pp. 90, 210.) Goose narrated the dream by which he felt him- 
seK authorized to undertake the treatment of the sick. It was 
impossible to record the songs when the story of the dream was 
given, and unfortunately another opportunity did not occur. In 
describing the dream Goose said: 

When I was a young mau I was an excellent marksman with bow and arrows. 
After coming in contact with the Army I was given a rifle and cartridgfes and never 
missed my aim. One morning I arose before daybreak to go on a hunting trip. As 
I went around a butte I saw an antelope, which came toward me and stood still a 
short distance away from mo. The antelope looked at me and then began to graze. 
I took my rifle and fired several shots with no effect. I fired IG cartridges and won- 
dered what could be the matter. I put in four more cartridges and fired again, but 
with no effect whatever. Then the animal stopped grazing and began to move slowly 
away. Then I heard a voice speaking three times, then a fourth time, and the voice 
said it was going to sing something, and I must listen. The voice was above me and 
commanded me to look at the sun. I looked and saw that the rising sun had the face 
of a man and was commanding all the animals and trees and everything in nature to 
look up. In the air, in front of the sun, was a booth made of boughs. In front of the 
booth was a very bright object and between this and the booth was a man, painted 
and wearing an eagle-down feather, while around him flew all kinds of birds. The 
bright object was a sacred stone, and it was heated red hot. After seeing this I heard 
another voice telling me to look and receive what would be given me. Something 
in the form of a bird came down, and where it touched the ground an herb sprang up. 
This occurred three times. The voice above me said that I was to use these three 
herbs in the cure of the sick. - The fourth time the descending obje'ct started in the 
form of a bird, but a human skeleton came to the ground. Then the voice above me 
told me to observe the structure of the human body. I then saw blood run into the 
skeleton, and a buffalo horn appeared on the back, between the shoulders, and drew 
the blood out of the skeleton. The voice above me said this was a sign that I would 
have power more than any other to cure diseases of the blood. The voice came from 
the sacred stone and said I must use the buffalo horn in curing diseases of the blood, 
a practice which I have followed ever since. I do not consider that I dreamed this 
as one dreams in sleep; it appeared to me when I was early on the chase. 



252 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 6i 

One of the greatest things it taught me is that the first thing a sick person should do 
is to take a sweat bath, to take out all the impurities, so that the body will respond to 
remedies. The booth showed how the sweat lodge must be constructed, and the hot 
stone showed the use of heated stones in the lodge. The hot stone is taken into the 
lodge, and water is sprinkled upon it. The oftener this bath is taken, the healthier a 
person will be. In case of illness, the sick person must take this bath the first thing, 
and as often afterward as the medicine-man directs. I always prescribe the sweat 
bath the first thing. I also claim that a sick person can not recover unless the diet is 
changed. Certain kinds of food and of wild fruit are bad in certain illnesses, and 
certain kinds of game or venison are injurious to a sick person. The food must be 
lighter than usual, and the person must avoid unnecessary exertion. My require- 
ments are the sweat bath, light diet, and rest. I have treated consumption, and if the 
disease is not too far advanced the person usually recovers. The treatment depends 
on the seriousness of the case. All three herbs which I saw in my dream were pre- 
pared in a certain way and were intended for use in consumption, which is caused by 
improper circulation of the blood. I do not want the patient to make any undue 
exertion, but I try especially to keep up his circulation. The sweat bath makes the 
circulation better. In the old days a person did not take cold after a sweat bath. The 
sick person did not jump immediately into cold water, as is sometimes stated, but was 
covered with furs and allowed to cool off gradually. 

Many years ago there lived among the Sioux a medicine-man 
named Ceha'ldr) (Carry-the-Kettle), who was said to have walriy' 
power in a remarkable degree. A gourd rattle ^ (pi. 32) used by him 
in treating the sick became the possession of the writer. 

Such a rattle is called by the Sioux wagmu'ha.^ This is, however, 
not the only type of rattle used among the Sioux in treating the sick, 
the form of rattle depending on the choice of the medicine-man. 

Every medicine-man had a bag or case in wliich he kept his supply of 
herbs and the articles used by him in treating the sick. In some in- 
stances the outer case was of decorated rawhide. A man's medicine 
bag was hung on a pole outside the lodge and usually brought in at 
night; it was often " incensed" with burning sweet grass. It was be- 
lieved that the presence of "the wrong kind of person" in the lodge 
would affect the efficacy of the medicine, and that if it were exposed to 
such influence for any considerable time its power would be entirely 
destroyed. The writer secured three of these medicine bags. One 
'(pi. 33) belonged to a medicine-man named Waqbli'iyo'take (Sitting 
Eagle), who hved many years ago. The bag is made of four ante- 
lope ears. When Sitting Eagle died the medicine bag and its contents 
passed into the possession of his niece, who emptied most of the 
small bags contained in the pouch, but kept the pouch and two of the 

> This specimen is described as follows by Mr. E. H. Hawley, curator of musical instruments, U. S. 
National Museum: "Total length, 10 inches; body length, 6 inches; diameter, 5J^ to 6 inches. An irregular 
gourd shell with a short neck. A wooden handle enters the neck and comes out at the blossom end. Three- 
sixteenth-iach holes are made in the neck and a strip of leather sewed to the neck tlirough these holes; this 
leather is brought down over the handle and bound to it by a strip of bright cloth. This gives a firm attach- 
ment between the gourd and handle. Near the outer end of the handle a groove is cut; in it is tied a sfjip 
of twisted cloth so it can be worn on the arm or hung up. The gourd incloses pebbles.'' 

2 A rattle similar to this is pictured by Skuiner as part of a charm used by the Menomini to call the buffalo. 
(Skimier, Alanson, Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., 
Antlir Papers, xm, pt 1, p. 157, New York, 1913.) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 32 




GOURD RATTLE 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 33 




MEDICINE BAG WITH ARTICLES USED BY OWNER IN TREATING THE SICK 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 34 




MEDICINE BAG OF BADGER PAWS 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



ULLETIN 61 PLATE 35 




MEDICINE BAG OF MINK HIDE 



DF.N.sMOKi.] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 253 

remedies. The niece's name was Maka'-pezu'tawiq (Earth-medicine 
Woman). One of her songs (No. 146) is contained in this work. In 
the pouch were seven empty medicine bags, the entire foot of an eagle, 
and a small piece of bone of an elk. On the inner edg(> of each medi- 
cine bag was a small mark by wliich the contents could be identified. 
Earth-medicine Woman said that her uncle used the eagle claw in 
treating scrofulous sores, especially on the neck. For this purpose 
he scraped the surface of the claw, mixed a small quantity of the 
scrapings with hot water, and apphed the mixture to the skin. The elk 
bone was said to be an effective remedy for broken bones. It was 
prepared in the same way as the eagle claw, but the mixture was taken 
internally. 

A medicine pouch made of badger's paws is shown in plate 34 ; this 
was secured among the Teton Sioux, but its history is unknown. 

Eagle Shield said that he received his knowledge of herbs from the 
bear and the badger, the former giving him instruc- 
tions concerning most of the remedies which he used 
for adults, and the latter teUing him of remedies for 
cliildren. As already noted, those who dreamed of 
the bear were supposed to have particularly effec- 
tive remedies. (See p. 195.) Like others who gave 
valuable information, Eagle Shield at first hesitated, 
but afterwards became interested, expressing a desire 
to make his part of the work as complete as possible.^ 
For this reason he sold his medicine-bag and four 
small bags containing herbs wliich he always took 
with him when visiting the sick. He also secured ^'«-27- Ben- ciaw used 

., . « 1--111 T-ii "1 treatment of the sick. 

iresh specimens oi many medicmal herbs wmch he 
used in his practice. These were sent to Washington for identification, 
wdth a view to ascertaining whether any of them are used in the med- 
ical practice of the white race. Further, Eagle Shield permitted the 
photographing of a bear claw which he said had been in his posses- 
sion 48 years and was constantly used by him in treating the sick. 
(Fig. 27.) 

Eagle Sliield's medicine-bag (pi. 35) was made of the entire skin 
of an animal called by the Sioux i'husana, 'white cliin.' ^ He said 
that he killed this animal 44 years ago, on the present site of Fort 
Keogh, Mont. He was hunting large game in the autumn, after the 
leaves had fallen, and had two antelope on his horse when he killed 
tliis Uttle creature near the water. Ever since that time he had 
used the hide as a medicine pouch. The matted fur around the neck 
shows the manner in wliich it was carried. In tliis pouch were placed 

• The material furnished by Eagle Shield and ^^'hite-paw 15ear in this section was interpreted by Mrs. 
James McLaughlin. 

» On examination of this specimen at the U. S. National Museum the animal was identified as a mink, 
subspecies Mustela vison lacuslrh. 




254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill, ei 

small buckskin packets of herbs, the large supply being in a 
bundle which was placed outside his lodge during the day and 
brought inside every night, being treated with great respect. The 
number of small packets in a medicine-pouch varied according to 
the man who used them. Thus the medicine-pouch belonging 
to Sitting Eagle contained seven small packets, wliich were 
said to be only part of the remedies used by him. Eagle 
Shield had four principal remeches, the most important of which 
was contained in a beaded case. This herb is described in connec- 
tion with song No. 81. His four medicine -packets, together with 
a small spoon of white bone used in giving medicine to children, 
are shown in plate 36. 

As already stated, an Indian doctor in the old days did not pretend 
to have a remedy for every disease. Thus Eagle Shield said that if 
an Indian were suffering from a malady he would go to a doctor and 
say, "Have you a remedy for such and such an ailment?" The 
doctor had no hesitation in saying he lacked the remedy if such were 
the case, as he was not expected to have any remedies except such 
as various animals had revealed to him, unless he may have ac- 
quired a few from other medicine-men. 

The herb kept by Eagle Shield in the decorated bag (pi. 36) was 
called tad''pi jjezu'ta, 'herb for the wounded.' Many remarkable 
cures are said to have been wrought by Eagle Shield tlirough the use 
of this remedy. A fresh specimen of the herb was secured and identi- 
fied as Achillea lanulo^a Nutt. (yarrow). It was said to "grow on 
hills and in the Bad Lands. " The entire plant was dried, and instead 
of being prepared as a tea the patient was required to chew it. Eagle 
Shield said that he had treated men shot through the body and they 
had recovered. One man thus treated was personally known to 
the wiiter. The man had attempted suicide by shooting liimself in 
the left side, the bullet passing tlirough the body and breaking 
the edo;e of the shoulder blade. As a result of the wound his arm 
was paralyzed, and two doctors of the white race said that it must 
be amputated. Eagle Shield undertook the treatment of the case 
and did his work so effectually that the man appears to have as 
free use of one arm as of the other. For this treatment Eagle Sliield 
received a fee of $100, a new white tent, a revolver, and a steer. 

Eagle Sliield said that he sang the following song when treating 
wounded persons with this herb. Between the rencUtions of all these 
songs he gave deep groans, like those of a man in extreme distress, 
frequently interspersing these with a hissing exhalation of the breath. 
(See Bulletin 53, p. 264; also p. 247 of this work.) 



DF.N.SMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



255 



No. 81. "Behold All These Things" (Catalogue No. 511) 
Sung by Eagle Shield 



Voice J — 66 
Drum not recorded 






I: 



-^ -0- -9- 






p p p 



-p-^ 



-P- -#-•-•--#- 



£: 




-aasS 



^—0—0 



JL_^-P^-^ 



i^^ 



.-^ 



i=Lit 



p-f p p 



e^ 



-ji — 0- 



p p p p 



jp- A -»- 




I - ho le - na waij-yaq- ka yo i - ho le - na wai]-yai]-ka yo 



^ P- 



:i!^^ 



~ p p r 



;^=^ 



±: 



^ P P 



[isie 



ta - ku vYaij he - lia - ka - se waq - la - ke ehj 

P^ 



-P P -p- 






on va - ni pi kte - lo 



( First rendition) 

iho^ lena' wagyag'ka yo behold all these tilings 

ta^ku wag sometMng 

halia'kase elklike 

wagla^ke din you behold 

yani' pi ktelo^ you will live 

{Second rendition) 

iho' lena' waijyag'ka yo behold all these things 

ta'ku wag something 

tatag^kase buffalolike 

waglake dig you behold 

yani' pi ktelo' vou willHve 



256 



BUREAIT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BDLL. 61 



Analysis. — More than 60 per cent of the intervals in this song 
are larger than a minor third. This is an unusual proportion of 
large intervals. Fifteen of these intervals are fourths, nine are 
fifths, and one is an octave. Two renditions were recorded; these 
show no points of difference. The melody is minor in tonphty and 
contains all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh. 

See plot of this melody on page 283. 

The following song was used with the same herb as the preceding 
and was sung when tlie patient began to improve. 



No. 82. ''I Am Sitting" 

Sung by Eagle Shield 



(Catalogue No. 515) 



Voice 



184 



Drum not recoidcd 




ma - to ti - pi 



kai] - yaq ma - ke lo 



i&^- 



II 



hi 



^ 



haij - ya - ke o - ma - ni - yaij he - ma - ki 



ye 



yo 



wakaq'yag in a sacred manner 

make^ lo I am sitting 

mato^ ti^pi ca at bear lodge ' 

wakag^yai) in a sacred manner 

make^ lo I am sitting 

hagya^ke at night 

oma^niyaq roaming about 

hema^kiye yo is said to me 

Analysis. — This song contains only one interval larger than a minor 
third and is an interesting contrast to the song next preceding, in 
which more than half the intervals were larger than a minor third. 

1 This probably refers to Bear Butte in the Black Hills. The Teton speak of two buttes by this name, one 
in South Dakota, and one in Montana which is higher and is probably the one mentioned by Red Fox in 
connection with his war expedition. (See p. 376.) Concerning the one which seems to l)e referred to in 
this song, Rev. J. Owen Dorsey says (Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 448): "Eight miles from Fort Meade, 
S. Dakota, is Mato tipi. Grizzly Bear Lodge, known to the white people as Bear Butte. It can be seen from 
a distance of a hundred miles. Of this landmark Bushotter writes thus: ' The Teton used to camp at a flat' 
topped mountain, and pray to it. This mountain had many large rocks on it, and a pine forest at the 
summit. The children prayed to the rocks as if to their guardian spirits. ' " 



DENSMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 257 

Th(' first half of this song is based on the triad C-E flat-G. This part 
includes the repetitions of the rhythmic unit. The latter part con- 
tahis only the tones of the minor third G-B flat, and the song is con- 
sidered to be in the key of G minor though the fifth of that key does 
not appear. The rhythmic unit of this song is longer than that of 
many of the songs and is interesting. The rhythm of the latter part 
of the song is somewhat similar but does not duplicate any of the 
count-divisions of the unit. The song begms and ends on the same 
tone, a peculiarity occurring in only 11 Chippewa songs (see Bull. 53, 
p. 222). The following other songs in the present series have this 
structure: Nos. 97, 99, 207, 212, 220, 221, 234, 238. Five renditions 
of this song were recorded. There was no break between the first 
and second rendition, but a short pause was made between the others. 
A remedy used by Eagle Shield for those suffering from loss of appe- 
tite was called loce'pi sni pezi'huta. The plant was said to grow ' 'near 
creeks and m gravel." The root only was used. This herb was 
identified as Astragalus carolinianus L. (loco weed). The following 
song was sung in connection with its use. In a short speech before 
singing the song Eagle Shield said that it was the song of a bear. 



258 



BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, gi 

(Catalogue No. 512) 



Voice J =63 
Drum not recorded 



No. 83. "We Will Eat' 

Sung by Eagle Shield 



PP3^^ 


r£d~" 1 


^=FJ^^ 


r^ ^ 

1 i 


— 


1 1 i 


-*- 


-ti^iS — CLI — 


-^ 4 

He tu- 


wa hi-yu - 


ye e - ma - ki - 


ya ce 


he tu 


- wa hi-yu - 


EgirFf-r-C^- 


-~f--f=w-^^ 


^ • /• 


f — r-i^^i-H 




=^ 


:^ 1 E 


1 




1 -l*^ 


— 1- 


— ! — i — r—H 



ye 



ki - ya he ya ce pe - zi - hu - ta 




uij - yu - tiij kta ya ye lie tu - wa hi - yu 



^i 



^- P f> \ P P VW~ -^- 



^ 



. ' : I I 



-#-T-fB. 



s^^ 



4=^#^rO#— .-^ 



^ 



ye ya e - ya ce 



yo he tu - wa hi - yu - ye e "- ma 



53^?^ 



=P=JC 



aZZjE 



E^ 



^^a 



i^_#- 



-H ^ 



±± 



ki - ya Ae ya ce lio - su - pa waij uij - yu -tiij - tka o wa 




ye he tu - wa hi - yu 



he tu^wa some one 

hiyu'ye "come here " (a command) 

ema^kiya ce said to me 

pezi'hiita medicine (herbs) 

ugyu'tig kta we will eat (together) 

he tu^wa some one 

hiyu^ye ' ' come here ' ' 

eya^ deyo' has said 

he tu^wa some one 

hiyu^ye "come here" 

ema^kiya <^e said to me 

hosu'pa wag fish intestines 

ugyu^tig tka we will eat 

he tu^va some one 

hiyu^ye "come here" 

eya' ceyo' has said 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



259 



Analysis. — This song is characterized by the interval of the foui'th, 
which constitutes 18 per cent of the entire number of intervals. It 
appears in the first part of the song as the descending progression 
E-B, and later as A-E; the ascent of an octave gives a return of the 
interval E-B, followed again by A-E, descending to the tonic. The 
melody tones are only those of the minor triad and fourth, and the 
song is harmonic in structure. The rhythmic unit is short and is a 
phrase which is not unusual in these songs. 

For those suffering from headache Eagle Shield had a special 
remedy — an herb called nasu'la yazar/pi ipi'ya, 'no appetite medi- 
cine,' which grew on the prairie. The root, dried and powdered, was 
sprinkled on hot coals, the patient inhaling the fumes. This plan 
was identified as Art emisia frig Ida Willd. (Colorado sage). 

Before recording the song Eagle Shield spoke the following 
sentences : 

Pezu^ta €\.6\V ktelo^ tka waste^ da yani^ kteU/ lena^ke waste' ke'yape. 
(Translation) Herbs I shall give you, but (they arc) good, so you shall recover, 
all these (are) good, they say.^ 

The following song was sung during the treatment. 

No. 84. "These Are Good" (Catalogue No. 513) 

Sung by Eagle Shield 
Voice J— 80 
Drum not recorded 




i^^^^^ 



Le-na-kewa.4 - te ke-ya - pe - lo ho-ye- 




ya na-ziq 

WORDS 

lena''kc all these 

wa^te' (are) good 

ke'yapelo they say 

ho'yeya ^ with a noise 

na''zig (tlisy) stand erect 



^■aa^ 



' Chippewa doctors also use strong affirmations when treating the sick (Bulletin 45, p. 92). 
2 This refers to the sounds made by a bear standing erect, preparatory to making an attack. (See 
p. 180, footnote.) 



260 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL, ei 



Analysis. — Few songs of the present series have the upward and 
downward intervals so nearly equal as this song, in which 27 pro- 
gressions are upward and 32 are downward. The major second 
occurs 11 times in upward and 11 times in downward progression, 
and the minor second is found 10 times in upward, and 10 times in 
downward progression, yet the melody is not monotonous, and the 
intonation on these small intervals was better than in a majority of 
such instances. The song begins on the octave and ends on the tonic. 
All the tones of the octave are present except the sixth. It is inter- 
esting to observe that the interval between the seventh and eighth 
is in some instances a semitone and in others a whole tone. The 
transcription is from the first rendition, which gives the entire song, 
the second and third renditions omitting the first four measures. 
This is in accordance with a custom which has been noted among 
both Chippewa and Sioux, that the first phrase of a song seems in 
many instances to serve as an introduction to the performance. 

An herb called cante' ya2ay'pi icu'wa was prepared as a tea and 
used for those suffering from "heart trouble or pain in the stomach." 
This plant was identified as Astragalus sp. (loco weed). 

Before singing Eagle Shield said : 

Te^han mawa^'ni kte ^m ecai/iii ke^yasi tc/ksa e6a^nsi iiiaya^ni ketk/. 
( Translation) A long time before I can walk you may think, but (in) only a short 
time you shall be able to walk.* 

The following song was sung as the herb was administered. 

No. 85. "You Will Walk" (Catalogue No. 514) 

Sung by Eagle Shield 
Voice J— 72 
Drum not recorded 








Ta - ku wa - kaij ya - tin kte - lo ka - hai} - tu - ke 



^iilfe^^SS 



-^— ^— #— # 



-^— • 



=^ 



I 



ma-ni ye - lo 

WORDS 

ta^ku wakag^ something sacred 

ya^tin ktelo'' you will eat 

kahag^tuke now 

tua''ni yelo you will walk 

1 Compare words of song No. 47, Bulletin 45: " Yoa will recover, you will walk again. It is I who say it. 
My power is great. Through our white shell I will enable you to walk again." 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



ULLETIN 61 PLATE 37 




SPLINT AND MATTED DEER HAIR USED IN TREATING FRACTURES 



DK.vsMoiiK] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 261 

Analysis. — The interval of a fourth is prominent in the first part of 
this melody. It appears, in the opening measures, as the descending 
interval E flat-B flat; the tone A also occurs, and the descent from 
B flat to A flat introduces the tonic chord. The fourth then appears 
as the descending interval A flat-E flat. The subdominant of the key 
occurs twice and in both instances was sung a trifle sharp, as indi- 
cated in the transcription. The song is major in tonality and con- 
tains all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh. Four 
renditions were recorded, which are uniform in every respect. 

Ejfgle Shield might be called a specialist in the treatment of broken 
bones. In this treatment he used an herb identified as Allionia 
nyctaginea Michx., and called by the Sioux Jiu'TiuweJianTian pezu'ta,^ 
which was said to grow in the woods. The dried leaves and root of 
this plant were mixed with soft grease. When treating a fracture 
Eagle Sliield covered his hands with this mixture and after holding 
them over the coals until they were warm, he rubbed the flesh above 
the broken bone. He said the patient often was so relieved by this 
treatment that he fell asleep. The treatment was repeated three 
times a day and continued "until the fracture was healed." He 
said that when an arm or leg was first broken he * ' pulled it until the 
^bone slipped into place," then covered 'it with a parfleche case, 
laced together with thongs. This case was removed for the treat- 
ment described above, but he emphasized the need of keeping the 
case firmly laced, and of tightening it whenever the thongs seemed to 
bo loosening. He said the purpose of the rubbing was to keep the 
muscles from becoming stiff. He added that he had treated four 
cases in which the large bone of the leg was broken, and that in each 
instance the patient was able to walk in a month. One was a frac- 
ture near the hip. It had been put in iron braces by a white doctor, 
but the patient, not being able to stand the treatment, came to liim. 

Eagle Sliield made a small "splint" of parfleche, 8 inches in 
length, saying this was the size he would use for a broken wrist. In it, 
with Indian accuracy, he put a piece of old, soft flannel, saying that 
was what he "woidd put next the person's arm." He sold to the 
writer a matted portion of soft hair, which he said was the shed hair 
of the deer; this was thick with grease. Eagle Shield said he had 
used this in treating fractures for more than forty years, holding it in 
his hand as he rubbed the flesh. (See pi. 37.) 

The song used by Eagle Shield in treating fractures was sung four 
times "while getting ready to apply the medicine." 

1 A specimen of the same herb was given by Bear-with-White-Paw, who said it was "good to reduce 
swelling." (See p. 270.) 

4840°— Bull, fil— 18 19 



262 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 86. Song Preceding Treatment of Fractures (Catalogue No. 516) 

Suug by Eagle Shield 
Voice J~88 
Drum not recorded 

^ ^. -fL ^. ^. ^ -^ fL^ 



^ y 



^ • -^- jf- -#- -^- 



±-. 



#^_«- 



Ko - la wa - na hi - yu - ye ma - to o - ma ki - ya 



ko - la hi - yu - ye 



:3^fta^^ 



|^=£^t=:^ 



F^=a^: 



| =^=^fc- #- 



E 



ke 




le-na wa-yaqk hi -yu - ye 



3= gs i ; i 



wa-yai}k hi-yu - ye ma - to o-ma - ki - ya - ke 



kola' friend 

wana'' now 

liiyu^ye come 

mato'' bear (who) • 

oma'kiyake told me this ' (said) 

kola' friend 

liiyu'ye ' come 

lena' wayaqk' behold all these 

hiyu'ye come 

mato' bear 

oma'kiyake told me tliis 

Analysis. — Throe renditions of this song were recorded, which are 
uniform in every respect. The melody progressions are somewhat 
pecuHar, but their exact repetition shows that the}^ were clear in the 
mind of the singer. There was a slight lowering of pitch in the sus- 
tained tone which occurs in the sixth and seventh measures. The 
song is melodic in structure and contains all the tones of the octave 
except the sixth. One accidental occurs — the seventh lowered a 
semitone. 

See plot of this melody on page 283. 

Another remedy imparted to Eagle Shield hy the bear was a remedy 
for diseases of the kidneys. This plant, which grew on the prairie, 
was called by the Sioux asuy'tJcayazay'pi ori'piyapi, and was identified 
as Laduca pulchella DC. (wihl lettuce). It was dried and prepared 
in the form of a decoction. Eagle Shield said that not more than 
three doses should be prepared at a time, as it must not be allowed 



I Referring to the manner in which the patient was being treated. 



DEXSMOIU:] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



263 



to stand overnight. This decoction was to be taken three times 
a day, and the effect was said to he better if it were taken with food. 
Eagle Shield said: ''No matter how much a person is suffering, 
as soon as this medicine reaches the spot it relieves the pain. This 
is usually done by the time six doses have been taken." 

A song was sung four times during treatment with this remedy. 
In the words of the song the bear is addressed as ''father." 

No. 87. An Appeal to the Bear (Catalogue No. 517) 

Sung by Eagle Shield 
Voice J = 84 
Drum not recorded 




A- te ho-ye - ya 



a-te ho-ye - ya i-yo-ti-ye wa-ki- 




a - te ho-ye 



ya i-yo-ti-ye wa - ki - ye yo 



ate' father 

ho'yeya send a voice 

ate' father 

ho'yeya send a voice 

iyo'tiye a liard task 

wa'kiye I am having 

ate' father 

ho'yeya send a voice 

iyo'tiye a liard task 

wa'kiye yo I am having 

Analysis. — This is a pleasing melody, with no striking charac- 
teristics. Three-fourths of the intervals are major seconds, the 
remainder comprising a fifth, a fourth, and a minor third; the song 
is minor in tonaUty and melodic in structure, contaming all the tones 
of the octave except the seventh and second. Three renditions 
were recorded, interspersed with the groans as given with songs for 
the sick. The renditions were uniform in all respects. 

The following song is that of th(^ boar, which digs roots with its 
claws. The herb used in connection with this song was identified 
as Glycyrrliiza lepidota Nutt. (wild licorice). The song and herb were 
used in the treatment of the sick. Eagle Shield said that when 
administering the herb the song was sung only three times. 



264 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BOLL. 61 



Voice 



No. 88. Song of the Bear 

Sung by Eagle Shield 



(Catalogue No. 518) 



80 



Drum not recorded 




« ^- 



E§as2^^ 



'Ms 



-m—(^ F f 



=?=P= 



M P*-! T±- 

■> *«M L -=t 



s 



t^ 



-*-: — •-=-+- 



Mi - 



J =66 




ta ye - lo ye - lo mi - na - pe kiy pe-zi - hu - ta o - ta ye - lo 



(First rendition) 

mina'pe kii] wakaq^ yelo' my paw is sacred 

pezi'huta o'ta yelo' herbs are plentiful 

(Second rendition) 

mina^pe kiq wakag' yelo' ray paw is sacred 

ta'ku iyu'ha o'ta yelo' all things are sacred 

Analysis. — The fourth constitutes 31 per cent of the intervals 
in this song. The only interval larger than this is the ascending 
eleventh, which appears with the introduction of the words. This 
interval occurs in no other song of this series and is found only three 
times in 340 Chippewa songs. The interval was correctly sung in 
the three renditions of the song. The change of time was the same 
in all renditions. (See song No. 5.) This melody contains two 
rhythmic units, both of which are found in the first part of the song. 
The rhythm of the latter part, containing the words, has no resem- 
blance to the rhythm of the unit. 

A remedy to check hemorrhages, arising either from wounds or 
from some internal cause, was supplied by an herb called by the Sioux 



densmore] 



TETON STOUX MUSTC 



265 



wiya'waziliuikay, 'root of the bur,' and identified as Ratihida colum- 

naris (Sims) Don. (cone flower). This was found in damp places, along 

creeks. For pain in the side a tea was made of the stalk and leaves 

of this plant, and for earache a decoction was made of the root and 

a drop put into the ear. The following song accompanied the use 

of this herb. 

No, 89. "Bear Told Me" (Catalogue No. 519) 

Sung by Eagle Shield 
Voice ^'=80 
(or ,^:zzl60) 
Drum not recorded 




Kan - tu - liu - wa la 



ta 



waij ma 



to o - ma 




ki - ya - ka kan - tu - liu - wa lu 



ta 



waij ma 



.^iifc 



-^ (t • ^ 



^=& 



B± 



^ 



^—m 



:^=^^=4 ^ 



to o - ma - ki - ya 



ka 



kan - tu - hu - wa lu 




yai) 



1 - ya 






-5 ^ • f = 



I' ^ =f ^ (^ I " - — "I 



kau-tu - hu-wa lu 



ta waij ma-to o - ma-ki - ya 

WORDS 



ka 



kan'tuhuwa lu^ta wuij a scarlet buckbrush 

mate' bear 

oma'kiyaka told me about 

ta'ku sito'mniyai) all things 

kola' friend 

oma'kiyaka told me about 

kai/tuliuwa lu'ta wag a scarlet buckbrush 

mato' bear 

oma''kiyaka told me about 



266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ci 

Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, and in them 
all the changes of measure-lengths occur as in the transcription, the 
time being unusually well maintained. It is impossible to indicate an 
eighth note as the metric unit of the first and similar measures, as 6-8 
time implies a group of two triplets, while the three counts in these 
measures are clearly defined. The rhythmic unit is interesting, and 
parts of it are found in parts of the song which do not contain the 
complete unit. The song is minor in tonality and lacks the seventh 
and fourth tones of the complete octave. (See song No. 26.) 

The fourth constitutes 37 per cent of the entire number of intervals 
in this song, a proportion even larger than that in the preceding song. 
In the descending fourth D-G the lowest tone was invariably sung a 
trifle sharp in this song, offering a contrast to the preceding song, in 
which the fourth was sung with good intonation. 

Eagle Shield gave the follomng narrative concerning his dream of 
the badger, from which he secin-ed his remedies for children. The 
remedies for adults, as already stated, were received from the bear. 

Eagle Shield said: 

A man appeared to me in a dream, showed me a plant, and said, "My friend, remem- 
ber this plant well. Be sure to get the right one, as tliis is good." It was a badger, 
who appeared to me in the form of a man and said this. It was the first time that the 
badger came to me, but afterward he brought me other herbs. There were no songs 
with any of the herbs which the badger brought me. In return for the kindness of the 
badger I took tobacco, cut it up fine, and dug a hole in the ground. I buried the 
tobacco and said, "Badger, I give you this in return for what you have told me." 
Wlien the badger is alive he eats this herb. Whatever herb the badger introduces is 
especially good. Some consider his medicine stronger than that of the bear, as he digs 
deeper and farther into the ground. 

Eagle Shield said that he buried a little tobacco as an offering to the 
badger whenever he dug any of these roots. He said also that before 
giving these remedies to a child he always made a supplication similar 
to the following: " Wakai)'tai)ka, you have made these herbs. We 
are going to give them to this child. We hope you will make the child 
well, and we hope nothing will come to prevent the usefulness of these 
herbs." 

The first remedy imparted to Eagle Shield by the badger was a plant 
identified as LeptUon canadense (L.) Britton (horseweed). This was 
used as a remedy for pain in the bowels and for diarrhea. As it is a 
mild remedy and the size of the plant varies, it was difficult to describe 
the amount to be used as a dose. Eagle Shield said that if a plant were 
small it would be necessary to use all the root and a few inches of the 
stalk, but that if the plant were large it would be sufficient to use half 
the root for a dose. A decoction was made, and he said it was ''well 
to smell the tea to judge its strength, as it should smell of the root to 
be right." He said it "should be taken before meals, the morning 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 38 




BEAR-WITH-WHITE-PAW 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 39 




DRUM AND DECORATED DRUMSTICK 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 40 




EAGLE SHIELD 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 41 




NECKLACE WORN WHEN TREATING THE SICK 



DEX.SMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 267 

dose being the largest. If a person should take this after a meal it 
would cause distress, but when taken before .a meal it prepares the 
stomach to receive and digest the food." A small spoon made of 
white bone was used in giving medicine to children. (See pi. 36.) 

The second of Eagle Shield's remedies for children was identified 
as CJienopodium, alhum L. (lamb's-quarters). A decoction of the en- 
tire plant was used in cases of bloody dysentery. It could be given 
from the time a child was old enough to drink water, the dose being 
increased according to the age of the clidd. 

The third remedy was for diarrhea, and was seemingly stronger 
than the others, as the dose was about a tcaspoonful and only two 
or tliree doses were usually given. The herb was not boded, but 
hot water was poured over it to make a tea. This was identified as 
Aquilegia cana'denms L. (wild columbine). 

The fourth remedy was for fever and headache. In this instance 
the herb was to be steeped. Some was given internally, and the 
child's entire body was rubbed with it. This herb was identified as 
Rumex sp. (dock). 



Mato '-nape '-ska (Bear-with-Wliite-Paw) (pi. 38) was a man who 
showed much seriousness in describing his practice of medicine. He 
said that when treating the sick he wore one side of his hair unbraided, 
as shown in the illustration. (See p. 64.) The drum which he holds is 
that which he used when singing his medicine songs. The term 
caij'cega is applied by the Sioux to all drums, the large dance drums 
as well as the hand drum. The specimen here shown (pi. 39) has 
a single head of rawhide and is held by means of two iron w^ires at 
the back, which are passed through a short section of iron tubing, 
thus forming a handle. Thongs or strips of stout cloth are also 
used for holds on these- drums, which are common to many tribes of 
Indians. (See Bulletin 53, p. 62.) Drums of this type appear in 
the hands of members of the Kai}gi'yuha in a native drawing by 
Eagle Shield (pi. 40). The drumstick used by Bear-with-Wliite-Paw 
is elaborately decorated with porcupine quills and could be used 
with a large dance drum as well as with a hand drum. Such a stick 
might be carried to a gathermg by a man who expected to sing at 
the drum. 

A "necklace" which Bear-with-Wliite-Paw said that he had worn 
for many years when attendhig the sick is shown in plate 41. He 
said that when summoned to visit a sick person it was his custom 
to put on this "necklace," consisting of a strip of hide to which are 
attached two small bags of "medicme'' and a bear's claw. He said 
further that he pressed this claw into the flesh of the patient in order 
that the medicine might enter more easOy and be more effectual. 
Eagle Shield also used a bear's claw in treating the sick (p. 253). 



268 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BrLL. 61 



Like Eagle Shield, Bear-with-Wliite-Paw received liis knowledge 
of healing herbs from the bear. He said, ''The bear is very truthful. 
He has a soul like ours, and his soul talks to mine in my sleep and tells 
me what to do." 

Six herbs were described to the writer by Bear-with-Wliite-Paw, 
and fresh specimens were furnished for identification. 

Before beginning his account of the herbs and their uses he made 
the following supplication to the bear, a supplication which he said 
he would use when treating the sick: 

IIo mita^kola og masi^ke tagyag^ ana^magoptaq yo. Agpe^tu kig lehar)!' ta^ku 
waijzi' awa'cag mi he oci'ciyakig ktelo^. Pezu'ta lena'ke slolye' mayaki^yiij na ta'ku 
ecog' maya'si na wo'yazag waij'zigziapi^ye ma'yasi na hena' iyo'kilie kta ke^he koij 
wana^ lehagF iya'lipe wa'yiij kta tka he'ce iyu^ha owa^kilii kta. Wo'yazag hena' 
lieyab^ iya^yig kte. 

Translated as follows by Mr. Higheagle: 

My friend, I am poor and needy. Listen well to me. This day I have something 
in my mind, and I wish to tell you. All these medicines you have made known to 
me, and you have commanded me to perform certain things in order to attend to cer- 
tain sicknesses, and you have told me that these medicines have certain powers in 
them. Now I wish to use them with effect. These sicknesses, I want them to go away. 

Bear-with- White-Paw said that he had only one song, which he 

sang in connection with the use of all these herbs. This song is as 

follows : 

No. 90. Song of Healing (Catalogue No. G74) 

Sung by Bear-with-White-Paw 
Voice J =66 
Drum not recorded 




i 



IS 



4 



^ 



A - te hi - yu - ye 



yo 



a - te hi - yu 



ye yo 



^^^—» m • r T— ^V^-^ • f—^^^—^ ^ P P P m \ 


:^^4=^= i^.^— ::4=t=W=L^ =L=t=l t:=t==t^^:j 



a - te hi - yu - j'^e yo hu nog-pa ma - ka - ta yug-ka ca 



\^K^-^^=^ 



?r^- 



^ — » — 0~ — * — p — •- 



^4 



pi - ya - wa-ka 



:4: 



±=k: 



--^=^ 



a - te hi - yu - ye yo 



^# P-^ 



B 



^ 



^ — F — ! — 



i - na hi - yu 



ye 



yo 



:2zt=B± 



±:^ 



i - na hi - yu - ye 



yo Im iMX)- 



Bz^^ 



pa ma-ka-ta yug-ka ca pi-ya-wa-ka - ge 



i - ua hi-yu - ye yo 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 269 



ate'' father 

hiyu^ye yo come forth 

hu nog^pa a two-legged object (see footnote, p. 120) 

maka'ta yugka^ ca lying in the earth 

piya^wakage^ I have renewed 

ate' father 

hiyu'ye yo come forth 

ina' mother 

hiyu'ye yo come forth 

hu nori'pa a two-legged object 

maka'ta yugka' ca lying in the eq-rth 

piya'wakage'. I have renewed 

ina' mother 

hiyu'ye yo come forth 

Analysis. — This is the only song recorded by this singer. It is an 
interesting melody and was sung twice. There is no difference 
between the renditions, and the singer's performance was character- 
ized by a marked degree of carefulness, like that of Brave Buffalo 
when singing similar songs. The tonic chord (D minor) is in evidence 
throughout this song which, however, is classified as melodic with 
harmonic framework because of the accented G, which appears four 
times. The last tone of the rhythmic unit was slightly shortened 
in every instance, as indicated in the transcription. The song con- 
tains 32 intervals, only two of which are larger than a minor third. 

The herbs furnished by Bear-with- White-Paw, with the directions 
for their use, are as follows: 

(1) Identified as Cheirinia aspera (DC.) Britton (western wall- 
llower). This was said to be a very rare plant among the Sioux, 
though it can occasionally be found on level ground or along a river. 
It was used as a remedy for cramps in the stomach or bowels. The 
plant has long slender seed pods, somewhat resembling pine needles. 
In preparing the medicine these seed pods are opened and the seeds 
removed and crushed. Warm (not hot) water is poured over them, 
whereupon the water becomes yellow. This mixture is taken inter- 
nally and also applied externally. It is a very strong medicine, and 
if the person has been sick only one day a single dose of the remedy 
is usually sufficient. 

(2) Identified as Heuchera hispida Fur&h (alum root). This plant 
was said to grow on high ground. The root only was used; this is 
so strong that a fragment of a small root about half an inch long was 
a sufficient dose for a child. It is a powerful astringent and was used 
as a remedy for chronic diarrhea. Only two or three doses were 
usually given. 

(3) Identified as Lithospermum linearifolium Goldie (puccoon). 
This was used as a remedy for hemorrhages from the lungs. The 



270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY rnryi,L. ei 

plant grows on the hills and has fragrant white flowers. Bear-with- 
White-Paw said, "The odor of these flowers goes to every plant that 
brings cure to men. It makes them sweeter and strengthens them 
as they grow in the field." He said also that the medicine-men keep 
this or some other fragrant herb in the bundle with their roots during 
the winter. (Compare p. 79.) 

(4) Identified as Echinacea angustifolia DC. ("nigger head"). A 
specimen of this herb was also brought by Jaw (pi. 59), who, like 
Bear-with- White-Paw, said that he used it as a remedy for tooth- 
ache. Bear-with- White-Paw gave other uses for it, saying that he 
used it also for pain in the bowels; that it would cure tonsilitis, and 
was frequently employed in combination with other herbs. Only 
the root of this plant was used. 

(5) Identified as Monarda fistulosa L. (horsemmt). This was 
said to be an "elk herb" but is not the same variety of plant as that 
called the "elk herb" in the description of Brave Buffalo's dream, 
which was identified as Monarda scahra Beck. (See p. 178.) This 
remedy was used to reduce fever, and was also said to be "good 
for a hard cold." The blossoms only were used, and Bear-with- 
White-Paw said they were so strong that "only a little" should be 
used in making the tea. 

(6) This herb, identified asAllionianyctagineaMichx. (umbrellawort) , 
is the same as that a specimen of which was furnished by Eagle Shield 
and used externally by him in the treatment of broken bones. Bear- 
with- White-Paw gave the following directions for its use: "Grate 
the root, moisten it, and rub it on the skin wherever there is a swell- 
ing." He said it grew close to the water and was adapted only for 
external use. 

Tlie narrative concerning these medicines was given at intervals 
through a period of several weeks, as considerable time was required 
for finding suitable specimens of the herbs. Bear-with-Wliite-Paw 
understood the purpose of the analysis, and the plants he brought 
were especially large and typical. When the work was completed he 
assured the writer of the sincerity with which he had done his part, 
saying again, "These are the medicines which I use for the purposes 
I have told you, and the song which I sing when I use them." 

In addition to the herbs secured from Eagle Shield and Bear-with- 
White-Paw, two plants were procured from Jaw, one mentioned above 
and another which was said to be an unfailing cure for rheumatism; 
this was identified as Parmelia sp. (a lichen). No songs were recorded 
by Jaw in connection with the use of these herbs. 

In order to ascertain whether the herbs used by Eagle Shield, Bear- 
with- White-Paw, and Jaw have a known medicinal value the speci- 
mens of plants were submitted to the United States Department of 



DENgMonE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 271 

Agriculture, from which the following report was received.^ The 
species marked (*), or, in some cases, other species of the same genus, 
were reported by the late Mrs. Stevenson as being used medicinally 
among the Zuni.- Those marked (f) have been noted among the 
Tewa.=^ 

t Achillea lanulosa Nutt Not known as possessing medicinal value (p. 254). 

*Astragalus carolinianus L None (p. 257). 

fArtemisia frigida Willd Known as Colorado sage; has considerable reputa- 
tion as a medicinal herb among miners and others 
in the Rocky Mountain region in the treatment of 
their mountain fevers (p. 259). 

*Astragalus sp Species of Astragalus in this country are best known 

for their poisonous action ujion animals (p. 260). 

Lactuca pulchella DC None (p. 262) . 

fAllionia nyctaginea Michx None (pp. 261, 270). 

Glycyrrhiza lepidota Nutt Has the taste of the true licorice root, but is not used 

medicinally (p. 263). 

*Ratibidacolumnaris (Sims) Don None (p. 265). 

*Leptilon canadense (L.) Britton Herb used for hemorrhages of various kinds; also em- 
ployed in diarrhea and dropsy. Volatile oil, 
known as oil of erigeron, obtained by distillation 
of the fresh flowering herb (p. 266). 

*Chenopodium all)um L Leaves said to have sedative and diuretic properties 

(p. 267). 

Aquilegia canadensis L Plant said to have diuretic, emmenagogue, sudorific, 

and tonic properties (p. 267). 

*Rumex sp The roots of Rumex crispus and R. obtusifoUus are 

employed medicinally for their astringent and 
tonic properties. Rumex hymenosepalus of the 
Southwestern States is used for tanning jjurposes 
. (p. 267). 

Cheirinia aspera (DC) Britlon.. None (pp. 269, 389). 

Heuchera his])i(la Pursh Root said to be employed by hunters and prospec- 
tors of the Northwest as an astringent to check 
diarrhea (p. 269). 

*Lithospcrmum linoarilolium None (p. 269). 
Goldie. 

Echinacea augustifolia DC Root used for its alterative properties (pp. 270, 

389). 

fMonarda fistulosa L Leaves and tops sometimes used as a substitute for 

M. punctata, and employed as a stimulant, carmin- 
ative, sudorific, diuretic, and anti-emetic. Fur- 
nishes a sharp and pungent oil (p. 270). 

*Erigeron pumilus Nutt None (p. 389). 

fLacinaria punctata (Hook.) None (p. 389). 
Kuntze. 

Farraelia sj) None (p. 270) . 

' ' The writer gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Mr. Paul C. Standley, assistant curator, Division 
of Plants, U. S. National Museum, who identified the.se specimens; aLsO that of Miss Alice Henkel, assist- 
ant in economic and systematic botany, Bureau of Plant Industry, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 
who reported on their medicinal properties, as here given. 

2 Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians, in Thirtieth lieji. Bxir. Amer. Ethn., pp. 101-102. 

3 Robbins, Harrington, and Freire-Marreco, Etlmobotany of the Tewa Indians, Bull. 55, Bur. Amer. 
Ethn., pp. 121-123. 



272 



BUEKAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



The two following songs are said to have been used by Sitting Bull 
in treating the sick and were sung by his nephew Tatar) 'kawaqzi' la 
(One Buffalo), HteraUy One Buffalo Bull. (PL 57.) A brief account 
of the life of Sitting Bull followed by two of his songs is given on 
page 458 and an incident in his early lifp is related in connection 
with a demonstration of the sacred stones on page 218. 

No. 91. Sitting Bull's Medicine Song (a) (Catalogue No. 654) 
Sung by One Buffalo 



Voice J =63 
Drum not recorded 




0) 



-0.^-0- 



E^ gaaa^ 



(2) 



(1) 



#— ^ 



IHi 






=§^; 



m 



;S 



:^^^ 



WORDS (not transcribed) 

Wakari^tagka Wakaq^taqka 

ta^ku wa^yelo to him I am related 

Wakag^taqka waste' Wakag'tagka (is) good 

ta'ku wa'yelo to him I am related 

wag kag 'tag hag 1 from above 

oya'te wag a tribe 

kola' wa'yelo is my friend 

wagkag'taghag from above 

helia'ka wag an elk 

kola' wa'yelo is my friend 

wagkag'taghag from above 

wi6a'sa wag a man 

kola' wa'yelo is my friend 

Analysis. — This melody is simple in form and without striking 
characteristics. It contains all the tones of the octave except the 
seventh, and is major in tonahty and melodic in structure. The first 
interval is an ascending progression of a major sixth, which is the only 
interval in the song larger than a minor third. 

See plot of this melody on page 283. 



DEN^MOKK] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



273 



VoiCK 



No. 92. Sitting Bull's Medicine Song (b) (Catalogue No. 655) 
Sung by One Buffalo 



96 



Dkum not recorded 




To - pa ki - ya ko - la ri - wa - kar) nuij - we 



to - pa - ki- 




ya 



ko - la ni - wa - kaij nuij - we 



tu - we - ni wa-kaij Sni 




ye - lo e - he - cuq to - pa ki - ya ko - la ni - wa - kaq nuq - • 



i 



i^u^ 



S=l=U 



-^-T-^ 



A: 



:i== 



i 



to - pa - ki 



ya 



ko - la ui - wa - kaij nuij - we 



to^pa kFya in four places 

kola'' friend 

niVakag nugwe'' may you be sacred 

tuwe^ni wakag'' ini yeW no one is sacred 

ehe'cug you said 

to'pa ki'ya in four places 

kola^ friend 

ni^wakaq nugwe'' may you be sacred 

Analysis. — This melody contains 23 measures, but only 11 progres- 
sions, 6 of which are dt)wnward and 5 upward. It has a compass of 
only 6 tones. Among 3-40 Chippewa songs 7 per cent have a compass 
of 6 or fewer tones, and in the present series 5 per cent have this range. 
The rhythmic unit is long and interesting, having a completeness 
which is frequently lacking in these units. Tlie melody tones are 
those of the fourth five-toned scale. Tlie tonic chord is clearly felt 
throughout the melody, which would be classified as harmonic in 
structure except for the accented C, occurring once in the song. 



274 BUEEAUOF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

NARRATIVE OF A VIGIL AND PRAYER FOR THE SICK 

By Tata>jk'-ehaij^ni (Old Buffalo) 

It was with no little hesitation that Old Buffalo told this story 
and depicted the event in a drawing (pi. 42) It is an account of 
a prayer vigil which ho kept for a niece who was very ill and w^ho, 
he believed, recovered because of this action on liis part. Such a 
vigil is called by the Sioux Jiayhle'capi, 'prayers offered standing.'^ 

This narrative is given in the present tense, as it was related, 
and the words of. the interpreter (Mrs. James McLauglilin) are fol- 
lowed as closely as possible. Old Buffalo said: 

I have a sister older than myself. We are cliildren of one father and one mother. 
As my sister's cliild is growing up to be a young girl, she is taken sick, and is so thin 
that there is no flesh on her bones. She can not rise from her bed. I sit beside her. 
She asks me to bring her a drink of water. My heart is very sad. As I see her my 
thought is, "I will call on Wakag'tagka for help." I had heard that when men 
came to helplessness in sickness they did this. I could not bear the thought of going 
many miles barefoot, but I wanted the girl to recover. 

I go on a high hill and make a vow, saying, "Wakag'tagka, I call upon you. 
Have pity on me. My niece is .on her deathbed. Have pity on her, so she can live 
on earth and see you. Give me strength to do what is right and honest. I will give 
you four sacrifices. I will smoke a fine pipe. It is a Chief pipe, so you can bless it. 
I will do tliis in your honor if you will spare her life. " 

The girl gets better. She drinks water and eats a little food. 

Now I am going to fulfill my vow to Wakag'tagka. It is July, and the weather is 
very hot. They make a lodge for me at some distance from the village. It is a lodge 
of branches. Several men take the big-leaf sage and spread it on the ground in the 
lodge, then they bring hot stones and pour water on them. As I sit in the lodge it 
is filled with steam. When I am wet with perspiration the men rub me with sage. 
They take a buffalo robe, put it around me with the fur outside, and tie it across my 
chest. The discomfort of wearing this heavy robe is part of my sacrifice, as well as 
the disgrace of being dressed like a woman. No moccasins are on my feet. So I 
start for the distant liill where I am to offer my prayer. I carry a pipe decorated with 
ribbons and mallard-duck feathers, holding the stem upward in front of me as I walk. 
The sun has not long risen as I leave the village, and I reach the liill before noon. 
There I find a buffalo skull, which a man has brought from the village. It is a large 
skull with horns on it. My friends have also prepared a soft place on the ground for 
me and covered it with sage leaves, that I may rest when I am too weary from standing. 
That afternoon I hold the pipe and follow the sun wdtli it. At night I lie face down 
on the sage. 

Now the sun has risen. I stand up again, facing the east and holding the pipe . All 
day I follow the sun with the stem of the pipe. The second night I stand up all night, 
until the daylight appears. Then I put my pipe against the buffalo skull and lie 
down with my head near it. When the sun is fully risen I stand up again and cry, 
saying "Give me strength for long Ufe, and strength to be right and honest in all I 
do." On the third day I put a piece of red cloth [ivaoy^yapi] at each of the four 
directions. 

Just as the sun is getting low on this day they come for me. I leave the buffalo 
skull, the pipe, and the four offerings of red cloth on the hill. Now I am going hack 

iCf. vigil by Siya'lca (pp. 184-188) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 42 




FASTING VIGIL (DRAWING BY OLD BUFFALO) 




OLD BUFFALO 



DENSMOUE] 



TETON &IOUX MUSIC 



275 



with my friends, still walking with bare feet. They have made a new sweat lodge 
near the old one, and I am the first to enter it. Again they bring hot stones and pour 
water on them, and again they rub me with the sage leaves. After this I put on 
moccasins and leggings, and go away. 

This is the means by which we prolonged our lives in the old days. My niece 
recovered. 

The writer then asked some question about the care given the 
girl by the medicine-man (or doctor) and Old Buffalo replied indig- 
nantly: "It was Wakar)'tar)ka who saved her life; not the doctor. 
She lived in answer to my prayer." 

This song is commonly used by medicine-men of the tribe: 



No. 93. "A Wind from the North' 

Sung by Two Shields 



(Catalogue No. 536) 



Voice 



:132 
"tUM 0^z 160 

um-rhythm similar to No. 19 




Caij - te ma - to - ke - ca - ca waij - ma - yaij - ka yo 






;F=i 



^^-^ 



r ? I ( ^ FP=;i - 



cai] - te ma -to - ke - ca - ca waij -ma-yaij-ke 
Voice J— 104 




caij-te ma-to-ke - ca - ca he - i - ya - ye wa -ye 



Voice J_:132 



-0- -0- -0- 

^ -#- - •- ^J_ ^3^ -f- -0- -t>- -0- 



% 



i^B 



-P •- 



ya - ta ta - te hi - i - yo ma a - u we 




caij - te ma-to 
Voice J_ 104 



ca - ca waij- ma - yai]-ke 



\^: ^:^^J ^^ 



^ 



'f P ^ 



-c*- 



cai] - te ma-to - ke - ca - ca he - i - ya 



ye wa - ye 



276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

WORDS 

6agte'' my beart 

mato^ke(5aca i is different (see footnote, p. 120) 

wagma''yagka yo ■ behold me 

dagte'' my heart 

mato''keca6a is different 

heiya''ye wave'' I have shown it 

wazi^yata from the north 

tate''. a wind 

hiyo'' ma aii' we comes to get me (cf. words of Nos. 41, 105; 

also footnote, p. 120). 

Analysis. — This song contains the tones of the fourth five-toned 
scale. In structure it is melodic with harmonic framework, the tonic 
chord being strongly in evidence throughout the melody. Concern- 
ing tlie change of tempo see song No. 5. In this instance the phrase 
indicated as the rhytlmiic unit of the song is long and not accurately 
repeated. Three reasons seem to justify this : (1 ) the phrase forms the 
rhytlimic divisions of the entire song; (2) the phrase in every instance 
opens with the same measure-divisions; (3) the note values of the 
phrase are in some instances necessarily changed to conform to the 
words. Two-thirds of the progressions are downward, and the song 
contains only three intervals larger than a minor third. See plot of 
this melody on page 283. 

In this song wo meet a strange phase of the life of a medicine-man. 
Two Sliields, who recorded the song, said that ''Wliitc Shield used 
to sing this song when he was worried or disappointed." Strangely 
human is tliis little melody. Two Shields said also that when sing- 
ino; the song he would mention the direction on which the wind was 
blowing that day, as "every man who performs ceremonies respects 
the various winds." 



DENSMORE] 



Voice J — 176 



TETOX SIOUX MUSIC 

No. 94. "May This be the Day' 

Sung by Two Shields 



277 

(Catalogue No. 540) 



Drum 



132 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 



^ -ft -ft- 



£ 



-0- -0- -0- -^-. 



-fi — m- 



e 



^ ^ 



mm 



Ai]-pe - tu mi - ta-wa koq le 





- '^-^S , - - ,--4' -^-[— J — L_rzxiJ 



ta - wa koq le - tu nui] - we 



wa - zi - ya - ta 



FR^: 






:2: 



4: 



ta - te u - ye ciq aq - pe - tu mi - ta-wa koq le 



^grfte 



-•- -0- -19-. 



-ft ^(Z. 



«*^ 



T=?=F=F^ 



tu nuq - we 



aq - pe - tu mi - ta - wa koq le 



^9#i#f=f=ti^-3?^p=^^ 



^^ 



p- 



'— *-=^ s d — ^-^^1^ 



tu nuq -we 



aq-pe - tu mi - ta-wa koq le - tu nuq- 



m 



^S^ 



r-^- 



±^ 



-• — •- 



^ 



^^z 



-4r- » •— 1-6- 



;0 



aq-pe - tu mi - ta- wa koq le 

WORDS 



tu nuq- we 



aqpe'tu mitaVa koq le'tu may this be the day which I considered 

nuqwe^ mine 

wazi'yata from the north 

tate' uye' diq the wind is blowing 

agpe'tu mita^wa koq le^tu may this be the day which I considered 

nugwe^ mine 

Analysis. — In this song voice and drum are entirely independent 
in tempo, the drum beating unaccented eighths in a tempo J = 132, 
while the tempo of the voice is J = 176. Both are steadily main- 
tained. The song is distinguished by the number of major seconds it 
contains, this interval forming 16 per cent of the progressions. The 
melody has a compass of 10 tones and is on the fourth five-toned scale. 
The rhythmic unit is interesting and is continuously repeated. Three 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 20 



278 



BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



renditions were recorded, the repetitions being separated by shrill 
cries during wliich the drumbeat was steadily continued. 

This is the third analysis group of dream songs and comprises those 
used in treating the sick. In this, as in the songs analyzed on pages 
198 and 239, a large majority of the songs were recorded by those 
who themselves received them in dreams. The numbers of these 
songs are 79 to 94, inclusive. 

Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Siclc 
Melodic Analysis 

TONALITY 





Number 

of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 




6 
10 


85, 86, 91, 92, 93, 91 




79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 8S, 89, 90 






Total 


16 









FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Beginning on the— 

Tentli 

Ninth 

Octave 

Fifth 

Third 

Keynote 



79, 80, 86, 94 

81 

83, 84, 87, 90 

85, 89, 91, 93 

92 

82,88 



Total. 



LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Ending on the — 

Fifth 


3 
2 
11 


85, 88, 89 


Tliird 


91,93 




79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 90, 92, 94 






Total 


16 









LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs in which final tone is — 


14 

1 
1 


79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, SO, 90, 91, 


Immediately preceded by whole tone below 

Songs containing a fourth below the final tone 


93, 94 
85 
92 


Total 


16 









DExsMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 279 

Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Sick — Continued 

Melodic Analysis — Continued 

NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Compass of— 


1 
6 
2 
5 
2 


88 




79, 80, 84, 86, 93, 94 


Nine tones 


81,85 


Eight tones 


83, 87, 89, 90, 91 




82,92 






Total 


16 









TONE MATERIAL 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Fourth five-toned scale 

Minor triad and fourth 

Octave complete except seventh 

Octave complete except seventh and sixth 

Octave complete except seventh, fifth, and second 

Octave complete except seventh and fourth 

Octave complete except seventh and second 

Octave complete except sixth 

Total 



92, 93, 94 
80, 83, 90 
91 

81,85 



87 

79, 84, 86, 



ACCIDENTALS 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs containing— 

No accidentals 


13 

1 
1 
1 


79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 87, 89 90 91 92 


Seventh raised a semitone 


93,94 
88 


Fourth and seventh raised a semitone . ... 


84 


Seventh lowered a semitone 


86 






Total 


16 









STRUCTURE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Melodic 


5 
8 
3 


79, 86, 87, 91, 94 




80, 81, 82 85 88, 90 92 93 


Harmonic 


83, 84, 89 






Total 


16 









280 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Sick — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



Downward. 
Upward . . . 



Total. 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



79, 80, 81, 83, So, 86, 87 
82, 84, 88, 91 



0, 92, 93, 94 



TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



Downward. 

Upward . . . 



Total. 



292 
186 



478 



INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval of a— 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third . . 
Minor third . . 
Major second. 
Minor second . 

Total 



3 
53 
13 
68 
135 
20 



INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval of a— 

Eleventh 

Tenth 

Octave 

Maj or sixth . . 
Minor sixth . . 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third . . 
Minor third . . 
Major second. 
Minor second . 

Total 



AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL 



Total number of intervals 

Total number of semitones 

Average number of semitones in an interval . 



478 
1,461 
3.05 



DEXSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 281 

Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Sick — Continued 

Melodic Analysis — Continued 

KEY 



Key of— 

A major 

B flat major. 

B major 

D minor 

E flat minor 

E minor 

G minor 

A flat major. 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



93 

91,92 

86,94 

79, 80, 84, 90 

87,88 

81,83 

82,89 

86 



Rhythmic Analysis 

PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


■ 
Beginning on unaccented .part of measure 


8 
8 


79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 88, 91, 92 




80, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 93, 94 






Total 


16 









RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


First measure in— 


10 
5 

1 


79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 90, 91 


3 4 time 


86, 89, 92, 93, 94 


4-8 time 


82 






Total 


16 









CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS) 



Songs containing no change of time. 
Songs containing a change of time. . 



Total. 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



79, 91, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 
92, 93, 94 



282 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BDLL. 61 



Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Sick — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 

RHYTHM OF DRUM 



Eighth notes unaccented . . 
Quarter notes unaccented . 
Drum not recorded 



Total. 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



79, 93, 94 
80 

81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92 



RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing — 

No rhythmic unit.. 
One rhythmic unit. . 
Two rhythmic units. 

Total 



79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94 
88,91 





METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO) 






Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome — 

63 


2 
2 
1 
2 
2 
2 


83,91 

81,90 

85 

84,88 

79,87 

86,89 

92 

93 

80 

94 

82 




66 .. 




72 




80 




84 




88 




96 




132 




138 




176 




184 - - 










Total 


16 











METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome— 

72 


1 
1 
1 
1 
12 


79 


132 


94 


138 


80 


160 . .. . 


93 


Drum not recorded 


81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, S8, 89, 90, 91, 92 






Total 


16 









dexsmore] 



TETON" SIOUX MUSIC 



283 



Old Songs — (4) Songs Used in Treatment of the Sick — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 

COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICK AND DRUM (TEMPO) 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Drum and voice having the same metric unit 

Drum faster than voice 

Drum slower than voice 

Drum not recorded 

Total 



80 

93 

79,94 

81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92 



PLOTS OF SOXGS USED IN TREATMENT OF THE SICK 

Among the plots selected from those of the preceding group may 
be noted three which resemble Class A (see fig. 19) but contain 
ascending progressions; these are Nos. 79, 86, and 91. Examples 




M 




;i 



m 



No. 79 



No. 86 



No. 91 




No. SO 




No. 81 




No. 93 



Fig. 28. Plots, Group 4. 



of Class C are shown in Nos. 80 and 81, the recurrence and dwelling 
on the keynote suggesting the confidence which the medicine-man 
felt in his own power and which he wished to impress on the mind 
of his patient. The outline of song No. 93 suggests Class C in its 
repeated tones but bears also a resemblance to Class D. The title 
of this song is ''A wind from the north." 



SOCIETIES (OKO'LAKICIYE) 

Two classes of societies existed among the Sioux — dream societies 
and military societies. Both classes are mentioned by Hayden, one 
of the earliest writers on the Indians of the upper plains. Haydcn 
enumerates the Sioux societies as the "Bull Head, Elk, and Bear" 
(the first being properly translated ''buffalo" and all being dream 
societies); also the ''Scalp, Strong Heart, Fox, Big Owl, and Sol- 
dier." ^ In every instance the Sioux equivalent is given, identifying 
the societies with organizations of comparatively recent times. 

Societies based on dreams (known as "dream societies") were 
composed of men who, in their fasting visions, had seen the same 
animal. The common experience of the vision bound the men 
together and societies were thus formed. These societies had their 
meetings, to which were admitted only those who had dreamed of 
the animal for which the society was named. Concerning these so- 
cieties Miss Fletcher writes: 

Among the Siouau family of Indians there are societies, religious in character, 
which are distinguished by the name of some animal. . . . Membersliip in these 
societies is not confined to any particular gens, or grouping of gens, but depends upon 
supernatural indications over which the individual has no control. The animal 
which appears to a man in a vision during his religious fasting determines to whicl 
society he must l:)elong.2 

Among the Teton Sioux there are some societies which belong 
unmistakably to one of these groups and others wdiich, according ' 
the writer's informants, probably had their origin in a dream 
the name-animal, but are now open to men who have distinguish 
themselves in war. Thus the Elk and the Buffalo are distin' 
dream societies, and the Strong Heart, Miwa'tani, and White He 
Riders are distinctly military in character, while the great milit ^ 
society of the Kaggi'yuha is said to have originated in a dream of 
an owl. The writer secured an account of. a dream of a wolf, but 
the terms "Wolf society" and "Fox society" seem to some extent 
interchangeable at the present time. Mention was made of a Horse 
society, but no dream of a horse was recorded; it was, however, a 
dream society, and is included by Wissler in his list of " dream cults" 

1 Hayden, F. V., Ethnography and Philology of the Indian Tribes of the Missouri Valley, p. 281, Phila- 
delphia, 1S62. 

2 Fletcher, Alice C, The Elk Mystery or Festival. Ogallala Sioux, in Reps. Peabody Museum, m, pp. 276, 
277, Cambridge; 1887. Cf. also Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations of the Teton-Dakota, 
Anthr. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Xi, pt. 1, pp. 81-98, New York, 1912. 

284 



■ 1(. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 43 




BUFFALO-DANCE SHIELD 



DEN.^MORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 285 

among the Oglala.^ Mention of "horse songs" is made also by 
Dorsey.2 

It is probable that these societies held no regular meetings, and 
that no new members of the military organizations had been 
elected during a period of about 30 years prior to the collecting 
of this material. It is impossible, therefore, to secure much reliable 
information on the history of these societies among the Teton Sioux. 

Dream Societies 
bltffalo society 
Concerning the Buffalo society Dr. Lowie writes: 

Among the Santee the men performing the Buffalo dance [Tata°^k watcipi] had 
had visions of the buffalo, though apparently the sons of such men were also entitled 
to join. One man might dream that he ... had been shot by an arrow so that he 
could barely get home. . . . Such a man painted liimself vermilion to represent 
the trickling down of the blood. Another man dreamed of being shot with a gun. 
Such a one would act out his dream during a Buffalo dance. ^ 

Catlin mentions the Buffalo dance in one of his letters,* stating 
that he witnessed it at Fort Snelling, Minn. The writer saw a 
Buffalo dance at Bull Head, S. Dak., on the Fourth of July, 1913. In 
this dance it is customary for the dancers to wear headdresses 
adorned with buffalo horns, and to imitate the actions of buffalo. 
A shield carried in the buffalo dance is shown in plate 43. 

The following songs were said to have been sung in the Buffalo 
society. Some of these songs were said to have been received, or 
composed, in a dream of buffalo, but the story of the dream had been 
forgotten, only the songs remaining as a tradition in the tribe. 

ilbid., p. 95. 

2In Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 479. 

3 Lowie, Robert H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, Antkr. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., 
XI, pt. 2, p. 119, New York, 1913. 

* Catlin, George, The Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the Xorth American Indian, vol. 2, p. 35, 
London, 1841. 



286 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 95. "Northward They Are Walking" (Catalogue No .663) 

Sung by Wakaij'-cika^na (Little Conjuror) 
Voice J =96 
Drum J -96 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




Wa - zi - ya - ta Isi - ya ma - ni - pi wa - zi - ya - 




;^^^i 



pi 



wazi'yata ki^ya northward 

ma^nipi they are walking 

tur)kar)^- a sacred stone 

ica^litag ya they touch 

ma^nipi they are walking 

Analysis. — This song and the two following songs were recorded at 
Sisseton among Sioux who belong to the Santee division of the tribe. 
(See p. 512.) These three songs are characterized by the ascending 
interval of a major third in the closing measures. In two instances 
this is an ascent to the final tone, which is usually the lowest tone in 
the song. Two of these songs are minor and one is major, but this 
interval occurs in all. The song under analysis is characterized by 
the interval of the fourth, which forms about 28 per cent of the whole 
number of intervals. Six renditions were recorded, which show no 
differences. Between the repetitions of the song the drumbeat 
changed to a tremolo, instead of being steadily maintained, as usual, 
in the rhytlun which accompanied the song. 



DENgMORE] 



Voice J = 72 
Drum J = 88 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

No. 96. "My Goal" 

Sung by Little Conjuror 



287 

(Catalogue No. 664) 




Ma - ka o -wi-haij-ke ta he o - i - na - ziij mi- 6a -ge 



-Ej ' tL S 1 4 ^ 




maka' owi^haijke ta toward the end of the earth 

he oi^nazig my goal 

mi'dage he has made 

Analysis. — Six renditions of this song were recorded, and in each 
the time of the second and third measures before the close was a 
little slower than in the rest of the song, the original tempo being 
resumed with the last measure, and the repetition following without a 
pause. The song has a compass of only seven tones, and yet two- 
thirds of the progressions are downward. The first part of the song 
is based upon the minor triad B flat-D flat-F but the progressions 
in the latter part suggest G flat as a keynote, and the song is accord- 
ingly transcribed and analyzed in that key. 



288 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 97. "In the North" (Catalogue No. 660) 

Sung by Mahpi^ya-to (Blue Cloud) 



Voice J =132 

Drum J =92 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 



^^u^r^ 



:2!z§: 



f^rF-^ ^fe£&E=&&t&&r 



^S": 



^^^' 



iii 




ma - ni - pi wa -su i - bo - a - bdu - ya ma - ni - pi 



=§Sfe 



±^ 



0-ft^ 



±1 



m^^ 



w^ 



-f^ 



n 



wazi^yata ki^ya in the north 

tate^ the wind 

uya^ blows 

ma'nipi they are -walking 

wasu^ the hail 

ibo^bduya beats 

ma^nipi they are walking 

Analysis. — The words of this song are in the Santee dialect, as 
this song, like the two next preceding, was recorded at Sisseton. 
This melody begins and ends on the same tone. (See song No. 82.) 
Although this song is minor in tonality, it contains only two minor 
thirds, nine of the intervals (31 per cent) being major thu'ds. Three 
renditions were recorded, the transcription being from the second ren- 
dition. The last two measm'es containing words were sung slightly 
slower, but without enough change of time to be indicated by a metro- 
nome mark. The repetitions of this song were less accurate than in a 
large majority of instances, seemingly because of the personality of 
the singer. The rhythm was more exactly repeated than the melody, 
though the changes in the latter were unimportant. For instance, in 
the first measure containing words the progression B flat-F was 
sometimes substituted for F-B flat, and in the last measure of the 
words the tone B flat was sometimes sung instead of D. It will be 



densmorh] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



289 



readily observed that these changes did not affect the harmonic 
framework of the measures, but seemed inserted by way of variety. 
Some indifference as to the form of ending is shown by the fact that 
in the first rendition the entire section from the tenth to the fourth 
measure from the end was omitted, while in the third rendition the 
last three measures were not sung. As stated, the transcription 
was from the second rendition, which was the clearest in form. The 
rhythmic unit, which is interesting, occurs three times. 

No. 98. "Their Voices Could Be Heard" (Catalogue No. 555) 

Sung by Gray Hawk (Cetag^ota) ' 
Voice J =116 
Drum J- 116 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




- ya - te wai] ho taq - iq - yai] ma 



ni - pi 




©iil?S 



o - ya-te wai] lie taij-iq-yaq ma - ni - pi e -yaq-pa-ha 



-I ■ 1 I-* f*i — ^ H- 



ho taq-iq-yaq ma - 


ni - pi 


H \ 1 •-^-f— 


rT^-fi 


0-0 1 


=^=^4—^-- 


^4^-^ 


F^=='^r=^=^g=q 




=^,t=f=-1 



oya'te waq a tribe 

ho their voices 

taqiq^yaq could be heard 

ma^niyji (as) they walk 

e'yaqpaha the heralds (leaders of the herd) 

ho their voices 

taqiq^yag could be heard 

ma^nipi (as) they walk 

Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the minor triad 
and fourth, beginning on the dominant above the tonic and ending 
on the dominant below the tonic. Three renditions were recorded; 

•See pi. 71. 



290 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



these show no points of difference. The rhythmic unit is long, but 
its divisions were clearly given. In the second occurrence of the 
unit an accent was placed on the final tone, this accent being unmis- 
takable though the corresponding tone in the first occurrence of the 
unit is unaccented. The interval of the fourth is prominent, con- 
stituting 38 per cent of the entire number of intervals. As in many 
other songs used in dancing, the intonation was wavering. In the 
first part of the song the drum precedes the voice, but in the closing 
measures the drum and voice coincide. 



No. 99. "Against the Wind" 

Sung by Gray Hawk 
Voice J — 100 
Drum J =100 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 



(Catalogue No. 556) 




wa - hu - Ive - za o - war) 



#-^-f-P— ^ 




i » • I l-l 



ite^ tate' iya'pe waye' ........ I caused the face to strike against the wind 

wahu^ke/a owag'ca waye' a lance I sent forth to cover all 

Analysis. — A free translation of the words of this song would 
be, "I drove the tribe against the wind, which struck their faces 
like a lance." Four renditions were recorded, the time being inter- 
rupted between the repetitions. In each rendition the drum was 
with the voice in the last measure, though it had slightly preceded 
the voice in the earlier part of the song. Concerning the beginning 
and ending of a song on the same tone, see song No. 82. The tonic 
chord is felt throughout the melody, which, nevertheless, is melodic, 
not harmonic, in structure. The melody tones are those of the first 
five-toned scale, which lacks the third and seventh of the complete 
octave. (See p. 7.) See plot of this melody on page 419. 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



291 



The following song is undoubtedly that of a man who dreamed of 
a buffalo, but the origin of the song was not given: 



No. 100. "I Come" 

Sung by (jRAy Hawk 



(Catalogue No. 546) 



Voice J= 92 
Drum J — 96 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 
(!) 







^^^r# 



Ta-taq-ka-o - hi - ti - ka mi -ye wa-lii - ye 



P— #- 



Sfc^ 



I^^ 



Tatar) ^ka-ohi^tika Brave Buffalo (a man's name) ' 

miye^ I am 

wahiVe I come 

Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, the time 
being interrupted between the renditions. The song is unusual 
in that it contains no interval smaller than a minor third. It is 
characterized by the interval of a fourth, 58 per cent of the intervals 
being fourths. The melody contains only the tones of the minor 
triad, a tone material found in only three other songs of this series. 
Eight tones comprise the compass of the song, which is hannonic 
in structure. In every instance the two rhythmic units were sung 
as transcribed, the last count of the second unit being different from 
that of the first. The tempo of the drum was slightly faster than 
that of the voice. See plot of this melody on page 419. 



1 This does not refer to the medicine-man mentioned in previous chapters of this work. 



292 



BUREAU OF AMERICAlsr ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 101. Buflfalo Society Song (a) 

Sung by Gray Hawk . 
Voice J = 92 
Drum J = 92 
Di'um-i'hythm similar to Ko. 6 



(Catalogue No. 549) 




* • * 



Analysis. — Tliree renditions of this song were recorded, the time 
being interrupted between the repetitions. This is a pleasing and 
simple minor melody containing all ijhe tones of the octave except 
the second. It is harmonic in structure, following first the triad of 
C minor and then the triad of G minor. Two-thirds of the progres- 
sions are downward and comprise only the minor third and major 
second. In the first part of the song the drum precedes and seems 
to hurry the voice, but at the close the drum and voice coincide. 
The same pecuHarity has been noted in some other songs by this 
singer. See plot of this melody on page 419. 

No. 102. Buffalo Society Song (b) (Catalogue No. 550) 
Sung by Gray Hawk 



Voice ■J= 126 
Drum J= 120 
Dram-rhythm similar to No. 19 




^^^s^ -^ 






^sil? 



-*- -* 










Analysis. — This song is characterized by an unusual prominence of 
the interval of a fifth, about 16 per cent of the entire number of inter- 
vals being ascending fifths; yet the song has a compass of only seven 
tones. More than half the intervals are major seconds, and on these 
the intonation was wavering. The rapid tempo and small count- 
divisions would make a correct intonation difhcult. The drum was 



DENSMOKE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



293 



persistently slower than the voice. Tliis song contains a rhythmic 
unit which, though short, is interesting. Two renditions were 
recorded. 

No. 103. Buflfalo Society Soug (c) (Catalogue No. 577) 

Sung by Shooter 
Voice J- 112 
Drum J- 112 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




Analysis. — This song is on the second five-toned scale and is me- 
lodic in structure. Its compass is small, being only six tones. Two- 
thirds of the progressions are downward, and two intervals occur which 
are larger than a minor third. Several renditions were recorded, all 
being uniform. The rhythmic form of the song is interesting. There 
are two occuirences of the rhythmic unit, then a pause of one count, 
after which the unit again appears twice, the remainder of the song 
resembling the unit but not repeating it. Such definiteness of form 
suggests that the song is clear in the mind of the singer and is being 
correctly sung. The interval between B and A sharp was not always 
an exact semitone, but the A natural in the third from the last measure 
was in every instance given as a much larger interval, showing it was 
the intention of the singer to sing another tone than that which had 
been given in the preceding measures 



ELK SOCIETY 

The men who had dreamed of the elk (see p. 176 et seq.) banded them- 
selves together and called themselves the Elk society. Two Shields was 
one of the singers and drummers in this society, the last meeting of 
which was held about 30 years ago. He sang the following song, which 
was used in this society, and which he said had been handed down for 
many generations. He stated that the song is still sung at dances 
and must always be paid for by the man who asks that it be sung. 
Sucli a man is usually an elk dreamer. 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 21 



294 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



No. 104. Song of the Elk Society 

Sung by Two Shields 



Voice J = 80 
Drum J ~ 88 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 









Ifiit 



-^-•-» -•- 



(Catalogue No. 538) 



-^^. 



ii: 



4:1 



— N — I ' , — . -I K — I 




^§a 



^ 



iS 



4E£ 



^i!^— ^ 



#5^1^ 



:4=1^ 



>• ^ 



Tu-wa 




was - te - i - ci - la waq - ma - yaq - ka caq - na 




^ — m-^-0 r,- 



f h»-*- * 



333ES 



P^=P= 



^■=f^i= 



^=S 



1?:^ 



eai}-te wa-ni-ce 



tuwa^ whoever 

wa^te'i^ila consider themselves beautiful (in character 

and appearance^ 

warjma^yagka cag^na after seeing me 

<5agte^ wani^<5e has no heart 

Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, and in 
every instance the tones transcribed, respectively, as D fiat and D 
natural were distinguished clearly, though the intonation on them 
was not exact. The intonation of these tones was best in the open- 
ing measures. The renditions were uniform, but the song was 
especially difficult of transcription, as the tone was vibrato and the 
time not absolutely regular. On analyzing the melody, we find 
that 55 per cent of the intervals are seconds, either major or minor. 
The tones comprised in the melody are those of the fourth five-toned 
scale, with the sixth flatted as an accidental. Though the tonality 
is major, we note that almost 18 per cent of the intervals are minor 
thirds. The final count of the rhythmic unit differs somewhat in its 
repetitions. Throughout the song the metric unit of the drum was 
sHghtly slower than that of the voice. 



DENSMom;] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



295 



The hoop carried by an elk dreamer is mentioned in the following 
song as "a rainbow." The follomng was given as an explanation of 
the use of this term: "Part of the rainbow is visible in the clouds, 
and part disap2:)ears in the ground. What we see is in the shape of a 
hoop. This word is employed by medicine-men and especially by 
dreamers of the elements of the air and the earth." (For songs of a 
man who dreamed of a rainbow, see Nos. 61 and 62.) The lioop of an 
elk dreamer was considered sacred, and the dreamer took great pride 
in it. When carrying it he sometimes put it around his neck or 
thrust one ami through it and cari'ied it on liis shoulder. Such a 
hoop is shown in plate 26 and is described in connection wdth Brave 
Buffalo's dream of the elk. 

No. 105. "Something Sacred I Wear" (Catalogue No. 471) 
Sung by iSiya^ka 



Voice J =76 
Drum J:zr 76 
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 8 



^^M 



:r^=£=feE 






:&£ 



i^^ 




He ta - ku wa - kaq ko-mai) - ya ke - lo si - to - mni- yaq war)- 




ko-maq - ya ke - lo si - to - mni-yaq waq - ma - yaijk a - u 



) 



m^ 



a 



li 



^2 



:^=±\± 



« — • — 0- 



-i^<si — \-o- 






we si - to - mni-yaq wai] - ma- yaqk a - u we he 



i^ 



f»— (^ 



3 



^±^ mu:t^ 



6aq-gle-§ka waq ko-maq-yake-lo si - to - mnl-yaq waq - ma-yaqk a - u 




we si - to - mni-yaq waq - ma-yaqk a - u we a he a he 



296 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



{Part 1) 

ta^ku. something 

wakar)' sacred 

komag^ya kelo^ wears me (cf. words of Nos. 41, 93) 

sito^mniyaij all 

wagma^yagk behold me 

aii^ we coming 

{Part 2) 

(5ai)gle^ska waij a hoop (rainbow) 

komag^ya kelo^ wears me 

sito^mniyaij all 

wagma^yaqk behold me 

aii'' we coming 

Analysis. — Tliis song contains 40 intervals, all but 3 of which 
are minor thirds and major seconds. The intonation was particu- 
larly good considering the smallness of the intervals. The rhythmic 
unit, which is interesting, appears four times, one of the tones invari- 
ably being shortened. Parts of the rhythmic unit occm-, as well as 
its complete repetitions. Two renditions were recorded, separated 
by sln^ill cries while the drmn was beaten tremolo. Drum and 
voice have the same metric unit, but coincidences are met with only 
in the closing measures. (See song No. 101 .) The song contains only 
the tones of the minor triad and fourth and is melodic in structure. 



Voice J — 69 
Drum not recorded 



No. 106. "My Life Is Such" 

Sung by Shooter 



(Catalogue No. 575) 



m 



4: 



-\=- 



-0- 



-(— -t— i— -•- -•- 






S^ .^- :•: #^ ^- 



^1 



Mi - - o!j - ca - ge le - ce - ca - ye 



mi - - oi] - ca - ge war) - yaq 




ka yo e - ye - lo mi-oq-ca-ge le' - 6e - 6a-ye waij-yaij-kayo yo 



miog^c^age my life 

le''ce(5aye is such 

mi6g^6age my life 

wagyag^ka yo behold me 

eye^lo it is said 

miog^cage my life 

le'cec^aye is such 

wag yag'ka yo behold me 



DENSMOBEl 



TETON STOTTX MUSIC 



297 



Analysis. — The first four measures of this song are based on the 

tonic chord. Among both Chippewa and Sioux it is unusual for the 

tonic chord to be given out at the opening of a song. In the present 

instance these measures serve as an introduction to the performance 

of the song, being sung only once while the repeated part was sung 

six times mthout a break in the tempo. The high tones in this song, 

especially the accented tones, were given with a sharp attack, which 

began slightly above the tone and immediately descended to it. 

This was a mannerism of the singer impossible to indicate in notation. 

An augmented second is found in the song and this, as well as the 

minor second, was given with particularly good intonation. An 

augmented second occurs also in songs Nos. 63 and 225. This song 

contains the tones of the fourth five-toned scale and is melodic in 

structure. Only two intervals larger than a minor third appear in 

the song 

No. 107. "An Elk Am I" (Catalogue No. 622) 

Sung by Wi^YAKA-wAijfzi'LA (One Feather) 
Voice J =126 
Drum not recorded 

0) 0) 



E=g 



•-#- -*--♦-•-•- 



-^ ^ 



2^ 



S 



9-^ 



^ 



\^ 



^z 



"^•l 


H^ 


-m-. 


-1 — 


—m—^ 


(2) 


-^ 


(2) 

-1 h- 


— 1 


-•- 

~1 


(2) 

1 

— • — • 




-r^— 


::^ 


(2) 


^^~b- 


^^ 








L--??Lz 




-■"•ik- 


— 1 


-F 


^U- 


— =^ 


-1-*- 


-^ 


^-J 



(2) 



0) 



m 



It 



^ 



d S —i^ \sJ -iri— \d S ~ r i \f: J \ d 



He - Ha - ka waq 
.(2) (2) 



-*--#-• -#- -^- 



iSi^ 



$. p - y' ^_^ 



S 



mi - ye ye - 
(2) (2) 



lo na - ke - noq - la wa - oq we 
(2) 



3 






g 



3t:ie 



^ 



• d d 



^— r 



-d-^- 



lo 

WORDS 

helia^ka war) an elk 

miye' yelo' am I 

nake'nor)la (a) short life 

waor) ' wiiW I am living 



298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Analysis. — The fourth constitutes 55 per cent of the intervals in 
this song, a peculiarity frequently noted in songs concerning animals. 
Many other intervals in this song are seconds, which form part of 
the descent of a fourth. An ascent of an eleventh is accomplished 
in two intervals, with the introduction of the words. This repre- 
sents the entire compass of the song, which contains the tones of 
the fom'th five-toned scale and is melodic in structure. Two rhythmic 
units occur, entirely different from each other. It is frecjuently 
noted that two rhythmic units in a song have one or more measure 
divisions alike. 

HORSE SOCIETY 

No dream of a horse was related to the \vriter, but there is among 
the Teton Sioux an organization called the Horse society. It was 
said that some of the songs in the following group were used in this 
society, and were used also on the warpath to make a horse swift 
and sure. The estimation in wliich the horse is held by the Sioux is 
shown by a speech by Brave Buffalo. This speech was made before 
the singing of his first song, and was recorded by the plionograph. 
Freely translated it is as follows: 

Of all the animals the horse is the best friend of the Indian, for without it he could 
not go on long journeys. A horse is the Indian's most valuable piece of propertj-. 
If an Indian wishes to gain something, he promises his horse that if the horse will 
help him he will paint it with native dye, that all may see that help has come to 
him through the aid of his horse. 

Siya'ka said that on one occasion when he was hard pressed on 
the warpath, he dismounted, and standing in front of his horse, 
spoke to him, saying — 

We are in danger. Obey me promptly that we may conquer. If you have to run 
for your life and mine, do your best, and if we reach home I will give you the best 
eagle feather I can get and the finest sina^ In'ta, and you shall be painted with the 
best paint.' 



1 The eagle feather was tied to the horse's tail, and the sina' lu'ta was a strip of red cloth fastened around 
the horse's neck. (See p. 3S8.) 



DENgMOREl 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



299 



No. 108. "My Horse Flies like a Bird" (Catalogue No. 573) 

Sung by Brave Buffalo 
Voice J = 84 
Drum not recorded 
^' A- 



-•-• -•- -^- -#^ ^- 




Ko - la mi - ta-gui) - ke kiij-yaq yaij iij - yaij - ke 





^. ji. f: ji.. - 

^ -t^ 




f^ 


f^ 



lo 



iilfe^;^ :^~"j"L:r g=f=f ^a^^ 



iSii^^^sl 



fi^^ffiSP 



gl 



S^: 



4Jp=ir=[lsfc5 



I 



kola^ friend 

mita'sug ke my horse 

kigyag' yag flies Like a bird 

ig^yagke lo as it runs 

Analysis. — This is one of the instances in which the signature indi- 
cates the pitch of the tones as suiig by the singer but does not imply 
a "key" in the musical sense of the term. The song is classified as 
'' irregular. " (See table on p. 305.) It will be noted that the progres- 
sions of the first 12 measures are based on the major triad B-D sharp-F 
sharp, yet the presence of E sharp makes it imjDossible to consider 
that part of the song in the key of B. The remainder of the song sug- 
gests the key of B minor. In the first part of the song Brave Buffalo 
sang E sharp and D sharp, and in the latter part he sang E natural 
and D natural, these tones being given clearly and unmistakably. 
A comparison of the tone C, registered at the beginning of the cylin- 
der, with C on the piano, shows that the phonograph was properly 
adjusted when the record was made, so that the change of pitch is 
not due to any slackening of speed in the recording machine, which 
might have been the case if the machine had been partially run down. 
Two renditions were recorded, ^vith a pause and some conversation 
between them, and the pecuUarities of t|ie first rendition were re- 
peated exactly in the second. The personaUty of the singer should 
be taken into account in considering a song of marked pecuharity, 
and Brave Buffalo, who made this record, was not a man given to 



300 



BTTREAIT OF AMERICAN RTHNOLOGY 



TBOLL. 61 



seeking effects, as some f)f the young men occasionally do. He 
recorded nine songs, and his manner of singing was marked by 
more than usual carefulness. This was the first song he recorded 
and he did it quite reluctantly. The transcription has been compared 
vnth the phonograph record many times, at long intervals, in order 
that the test of the ear might be renewed. It is, therefore, the opinion 
of the writer that the transcription indicates as nearly as possible 
the song as it was sung by Brave Buffalo. It is a peculiar melody, 
but the purpose of the present work is to ascertain what the singer 
sang, not to adapt his song to a white musician's standard, either 
of time or of key. 

Of the intervals in the song 60 per cent are major seconds, and the 
song contains only two intervals larger than a minor third. It has 
been noted frequently that an Indian has great difficulty in keeping 
the adjustment of a melody in which a majorit}^ of the progressions 
are small intervals. 

No. 109. "When a Horse Neighs" (Catalogue No. 604) 

Sung by Brave Buffalo 

Voice J= 7& 

Drum J= 126 

Drum-rliytliin similar to No. 19 
-# • -•--•- m m a m 






-<S>-^ 



Aij-pa - o 




lii - na - pe cii] - haij o sui] - ka - kaq waq ho-toq - we 



-0- -f- -•--•- 

-I — i — \~ 



(■ 



^S 



-l9— 



±L 



:4zt 



P P ' f~ir - 



i^ 



^ 



:i=P= 



^- 4 •—^ 



-Kt 



I 



WORDS 

aq^pao daybreak 

liiiia''pe appears 

<5ii)hag^ when 

^ugka^kag ' wag a horse 

hotog''we neighs (see p. 180, footnote) 

' This is a shortened form of the word l^uyka'wakaT). 



UKNgMOBE] 



TETON SlOtlX MUSIC 



301 



Analysis. — It is interesting to compare this with other songs con- 
cerning the horse, not only in this group, but in the songs of war (Nos. 
138, 139, 140, 145). The tempo is slower, and the rhythm is not the 
galloping rhythm of some of the other songs. There is in it a Httle of 
the dignity and solemnity which seems always present in the mind of 
the Sioux when he sings of the dawn. The drum is a rapid tremolo. 
Two renditions were recorded, wliich are identical jn all respects. 
The song contains only the tones of the minor triad and fourth. Of 
the intervals 65 per cent are major seconds, and the trend of the 
melody is downward from the twelfth to the tonic. , 



No. 110. "Horses Are Coming' 

Sung by Brave Buffalo 
Voice J — 72 
Drcm J- 132 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 



(Catalogue No. 605) 




,^. } p y r r r -r 







53^: 



Ta -te o - u - ye to - pa 



^— * 



kii] 



guij-ka - wa-kaq wai]-zig - zi 



- ^ P 



a - u we -lo 



- u a we - lo 



WORDS 

tate^ ou^ye to'pa kig the four winds are blowing 

sugka^wakar) wagzig'zi some horses 

aii^ welo' are coming 

Analysis. — Two renditions of this song were recorded; these are 
alike except that the second is slightly lower in pitch. It has been 
noted that some singers \\t11 pause after the first rendition of a song, 
and then begin a second rendition on exactly the same pitch as the 
first, while others vaR begin slightly higher or lower. This song con- 
tains no rhythmic imit, but the song as a whole has a rhythmic com- 
pleteness, which is interesting. The first and last phrases resemble 
each other in some of the count-divisions, notably in the first triple 
measure. 



302 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[Bri,L. 61 



No. 111. "Prancing They Come" 

Sung by Two Shields 



(Catalogue No. 537) 



Voice J — 104 



Drum 



104 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 
(1) 




He - na wa - ci 



a - u we 



he - na wa - 6i 



a - u we 



(1) (2) 




» 1' 1 

P P ' P 1* « • • 


1 




~<^- — 



he - na wa - 61 a - u we ho - toq a - u we - lo he o 



i^ES^ 



% 



-^ Kha 



§ui] - ka -wa-kaij o - ya - te waq he - na ' wa - ci a - u we 

(1) (2) 



PiiS 



-#^-*- 



■^ 



&m^ 



:S 



-m- — m- — m- 



he - na wa - 61 a - u we ho - toq a - u we - lo he 



he'na see them 

waci' prancing 

aii^ we they come 

hotog' neighing (see p. 180, footnote) 

aii^ welo^ they come 

^ui)''kawakag oya'te war) a Horse nation (see p. 162, footnote) 

he^na see them 

wadi^ prancing 

aii^ we they come 

hotog^ neighing 

aii^ welo' they come 

Analysis. — This is a peculiarly rhythmic melody, which was sung 
four times. Drum and voice have the same metric unit, but the drum- 
beat follows the voice. The song is strongly harmonic in feeUng, but 
the accented E classifies the structure of the song as melodic with 
harmonic framework. The compass of the song is an octave, and. 
the trend of the melody is steadily downward. The melody is very 
bright and lively, yet more than half the intervals are minoir thirds. 
See plot of this melody on page 419. 



OFN'SMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



303 



No. 112. "Chasing, They Walked" (Catalogue Xo. 470) 
Sung by Siya'ka 



Voice ^-116 
Drum J^ 116 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. (5 




sui)-ka -wa-kaq o - ya - te le wa - ku 




ma - ni - pi wa - ku - wa ma - ni - pi yo hi yo 



waku'wa chasing 

ma'iiipi they walked 

le this 

^ug'kawakag oya'te Horse nation (see p. 162, footnote) 

waku'wa chasing 

ma'nipi they walked 

Analysis. — Tlie words of this song refer to the free, almost play- 
ful, action of a herd of horses. This melody is especially rhythmic. 
Three double renditions were recorded, which show no differences 
except a slight lowering of pitch. All but three of the intervals are 
major seconds. Difficuhy in keeping the adjustment of a melody 
containing small intervals has been frequently noted. The song has 
a range of 10 tones and is based on the fourth five-toned scale. 
Before beginning to sing, Two Shields beat the drum in a rapid 
tremolo, the indicated time of the drum not being fully established 
until the first few measures of the song had been sung, after which 
it was steadily maintained. 



304 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOOY rEii.r, oi 

No. 113. "A Root of Herb" (('atalogue No. 4H7) 

Sung by Siya'ka 



Voice J =138 
Drum not recorded 
0) 




ta wa-kai] ca wa - wa - ku- wa ye hu noi] - pa o - ya 







te yuij-kaq liel i - to - he 
(1) 



ya wa - wa - ku- wa ye 
(2) 






pe-zu - ta wa-kai] 6a uu wa - wa-ku-wa ye hu-noij 



-#-• -#- -#- -#-. ^ -^ ^ -j^-: z^ 


-^f-b— b^S — 1 ( vH — rf— f — ^ 1;. ' . ! — r — -^-f- — ^ — r^' 

-^^-h 4.-^*-5 — ^ ^=E; -'-^u_- -4-^ -_A— 



pa o - ya 



te yui}-kai) hel i - to - he 
(1) 



ya wa- wa 



^^ 



:p=P^=p: 



^5- 



F F- i i»- y y :-t- 



♦=:nt=itzi^ 



ku-wa ye hel i - to - he - ya ca wa -wa-ku-wa ye 

WORDS 

pefu'ta (contraction of peii^A?(ta). a root of herb 

wakag^ sacred 

<^a it 13 

wawa'kuwa ye (that which) I have used 

hu noq^pa oya'te the tribe of men 

yugkag' therefore 

hel ito'heya toward them 

<5a it is 

wawa^kuwa ye I have used it 

Analysis. — This song contains two rhythmic units, the opening 
measures of the two being alike, but the first having four complete meas- 



DENSMORK] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



305 



The interval of a 
Two renditions were 



ures and the second six measures. The repetitions of these units com- 
prise every note in the song. In tonality the melody is distinctly 
minor, but only one interval of a minor third is found in it; a descent 
from E flat to C occurs several times, but always with D as a passing 
tone. The song contains only the tones of the minor triad and 
second — a somewhat unusual tone material 
second is especially prominent in the melody, 
recorded; these are alike in every respect. 

This group comprises the songs of such societies as are composed of 
men having similar dreams, the name of the society indicatino- the 
animal which appeared in the dream (songs Nos. 95-113). Undoubt- 
edly many of the songs in this group are songs wliich were "received 
in dreams," but the names of the original owners are forgotten and 
the songs are now the common songs of the societies. 



Old Songs — {5) Songs of Dream Societies 

Melodic Analysis 
tonality 



Major tonality. 
Minor tonality 

Irregular 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



9(), 99, 102, 104, lot), 107, 112 

95, 97, 98, 100, 101, 103, 105, 109, 110, 111, 

113 
108 



FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Beginning on the — 

Twelfth 




1(K) 


Eleventh 


105 


Tenth 


113 


Ninth .' 


104 110 




101 


Seventh 


102 


Fifth 


98, 99, 100, 103, lOll, 107, 111 
96 112 


Third 


Second 


95 


Kejmote 

Irregular 


97 
108 






Total 


19 









306 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Old Songs — {5) Songs of Dream Societies — Continu(>tl 

Melodic Analysis — Continued 

LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



Ending on the — 

Fifth 

Third 

Keynote 

Irregular 



Total. 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



95, 98, 99, 100, 104, 107. 110, 111 
106 

96, 97, 101, 102, 103, 105, 109, 112, 113 
108 



LAST. NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs in which final tone is— 
Lowest tone in song 



Immediately preceded by semitone below 

Songs containing a major third below the final tone. 
Irregular 



Total. 



96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 100, 107 

109, 110, 111, 112, 113 
103 
95, 97 
108 



NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Compass of — 
Twelve tones. 

Ten tones 

Nine tones . . . 
Eight tones.. 
Seven tones.. 
Six tones. .... 



104, 105, 108, 109 

106, 110, \\9., 113 

95 

97, 98, 99, KX), 101, 111 

96, 102, HI 

103 



Total. 



UE.N.'SMUUK] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



307 



Old Songs — {o) Songs of Dream Societies — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

TONE MATERIAL 



Second five-toned scale 

Fourth five-toned scale 

Minor triad 

Minor triad and fourth 

Octave complete 

Octave complete except seventh 

Octave complete except seventh and sixth 
Octave complete except seventh and third 

Octave complete except fourth 

Octave complete except fourth and second 

Octave complete except second 

Other combinations of tones 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



103, 111 

104, 106, 107 
100 

98, 105, 109 

113 

97 

110 

99 

95 

96, 102 

101 

108 



ACCIDENTALS 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs containing— 

No accidentals 


15 

1 
1 
1 

1 


95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102 

109,110,111,112,113 
103 
106 
104 
lOS 


105 107, 


















Irregular 













Total. 



STRUCTURE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Melodic 

Melodic with harmonic framework 

Harmonic 

Irregular 


15 
1 

1 


95, 96, 97, 9S, 99, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 

107, 109, 110, 112, 113 
HI 

100, 101 
108 


Total 


19 





308 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Old Songs — {5) Songs of Dream Societies — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Downward. 



Upward 

Total. 



95,98, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, lOS, 109, 

111, 112, 113 
96,97,99,105,107, 110 



TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



Downward. 

Upward 



295 
169 



Total. 



INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval of a — 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third 

Minor third 

Augmented second. 

Major second 

Minor second 



Total. 



34 

39 

73 

1 

132 
14 



INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval of a — 

Tenth 

Octave 

Seventh 

Minor sixtli. . 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third. . 
Minor third. . 
Major second. 
Minor second. 



Total. 



AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL 



Total number of intervals 

Total number of semitones 

Average number of semitones in an interval. 



464 

1,436 
3.09 



I 

J 



DENSMOKE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 309 

OJd Songs — (5) Songs of Dream Societies — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — ^^C'ontiniied 

KEY 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Key of — 

A minor 

B flat major. 
B flat minor 

B major . 

B minor 

C major 

C minor 

E flat major. 
E flat minor. 

E minor 

F major 

G flat major. 

G major 

G minor 

Irregular 

Total 



109 

100 

97,98 

99 

103, 105, 111 

106 

113 

112 

95 

110 

104, 107 

96 

102 

101 

108 



Rhythmic Analysis 
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Beginning on unaccented part of measure . 
Beginning on accented part of measure 



Total. 



95,96,107,113 

97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 
108, 109, 110, 111, 112 



RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


First measure in— 

2-4 time 


12 


96, 97, 99, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 108, 110, 


3-4 time 


112, 113 
95, 98, 100, 104, 107, 109, 111 






Total 


19 









CHANGE OF TIME, MEASURE (LENGTHS) 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing no change of time. 
Songs containing a change of time. 



None. 
19 



95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 
105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113 



Total. 



4840°— Bull. 61—18 22 



310 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Old Songs — (5) Songs of Dream Societies — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis — -Continued 

RHYTHM OF DRUM 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 




3 
9 
3 


100, 102, 104 




95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 103, 111, 112 




105, 109, 110 






Total 


15 









RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing— 

No rhythmic unit. . . 
One rhythmic unit.. 
Two rhythmic units 

Total 



95, 96, 99, lOS, 109, 110 

97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 112, 113 

100, 107, 111 



METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO) 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome— 

69 i 


1 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
2 
2 
1 


106 


72 


96, 110 


76 


105, 109 


80 


104 


84 


108 


92 


100 


96 


95 


100 


99, 101 


104 


111 


112 


103 


116 


98, 112 


126 


102, 107 


132 


97 


138 


113 






Total 


19 





DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 311 

Old Songs — (5) Songs of Dream Societies — Continued 

Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 
METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome— 

80 


1 
2 
1 
2 
2 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
4 


105 


88 


96, 104 


92 


97 


96 


95,100 


110 


99, 101 


104 


111 


112 : 


103 


116 


98, 112 


120 


102 


126 


109 


132 


110 




106, 107, 108, 113 






Total 


19 









COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM (TEMPO) 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Drum and voice having same metric unit 

Drum faster than voice 

Drum slower than voire 

Drum not recorded 

Total 




95, 98, 99, 101, 105 

96, 100, 104, 109, 110, 111, 112 
97, 102, 103 

106, 107, 108, 113 



Military Societies 

Organizations of warriors existed among all the Plains tribes. 
The tenn ''wolf" was applied to the warriors of several tribes, 
while among others the term "dog soldiers" was used. A con- 
densed account of the military organizations of the Plains Indians is 
given by Clark, ^ who places the number of societies in the Siouan 
peoples at 11. Writers concerning individual tribes have described 
the customs of such tribes, the following being representative 
citations. 

Among the Kiowa : 

The Kiowa have an ohiborate military organization, now fast becoming obsolete, 
known as Ya'pahe, "Warriors." A similar organization is found among most of the 
prairie tribes, and is commonly known to the wliites as the Dog-soldier society, from 
an imperfect rendering of the name of one of the principal bands. The Kiowa organi- 
zation consists of six orders, each having its own dance, songs, insignia, and duties.^ 

» Clark W. P., The Indian Sign Language, p. 3.55, Philadelphia, 1885. 

*Mooney, James, Calendar History of the Kiowa, Seventeenth Rep. Bur. Elhn., pt. 1, p. 229, Washing- 
ton, 1898. 



312 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAISr ETHNOLOGY [boll, ei 

Among the Arapaho : 

Among the Arapaho the organization was called Bini^nena, "Warriors," and con- 
sisted of eight degrees or orders, including nearly all the men of the tribe above the 
age of about 17. ^ 

Among the Cheyenne: 

These warriors he [the Great Prophet] grouped into five societies, who, \vith the 
chief, were responsible for the conduct of the tribe. The societies were called the 
Ked-Shield, Hoof-Rattle, Coyote, Dog-Men's, and Inverted or Bow-String.^ 

Among the Omaha: 

There were two classes of societies among the Omaha — social and secret. Member- 
ship in the social class was open to those able to perform the acts required for eligi- 
bility. To this class belong the warrior societies, as well as those for social purposes 
only. [TMs is followed by an extended consideration of the war societies.]^ 

Among the Blackf eet : 

[The] association of the All Comrades consisted of a dozen or more secret societies, 
graded according to age, the whole constituting an association which was in part 
benevolent and helpful and in part military, but whose main function was to punish 
offenses against society at large.* 

This association appears to resemble that of the Aki'cita among 
several other tribes. (See pp. 313, 314.) 

Lewis and Clark made what is probably the first recorded mention 
of societies among the men of tlie Sioux tribe. Under date of August 
30, 1804, their Journal contains the following section written by 
Clark :^ 

I will here remark a SOCIETY which I had never before this day heard was in 
any nation of Indians, four of which is at tliis time present and all who remain of tliis 
Band. Those who become Members of this Society must be brave active young men 
who take a Voiv never to give back let the danger be what it may, in War Parties they 
always go forward without screening themselves behind trees or anything else to 
this Vow they Strictly adliier dureing their Lives, an instance which happened not 
long sence, on a party in Crossing the R Missourie on the ice, a whole was in the ice 
imediately in their Course which might easily have been avoided by going around, 
the foremost man went on and was lost the others wer draged around by the party, 
in a battle with the Crow (Kite) Indians who inhabit the Cout Noir or Black Mountain 
out of 22 of tliis Society 18 was killed, the remaining four was draged off by their 
Party. Those men are likely fellows the[y] Set together Camp & Dante together. 
TMs Society is an imitation of the Societies of the de Curbo or Crow {De Corbeau, 
Kite) Indians, whom they imitate. 

' This evidently refers to one of the military societies of the tribe, 
and the action described is that of the Aki'cita. An old man on the 
Standmg Rock Reservation said to the writer, ''Many military soci- 

1 Mooney, James, The Ghost Dance Religion, Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn.,Tpt. 2, p. 986, Washington, 1896. 

2 Dorsey, George A., The Cheyenne, Field Columb. Mus. Pub. 99, Anthr. Ser.,ix, No. 1, p. 15, Chicago, 1905. 

3 Fletcher, Alice C, and La Flesche, Francis, The Omaha Tribe, Twenty-seventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 
459-486, Washington, 1911. 

^Grinnell, George Bird, Blackfoot Lodge Tales, p. 220, New York, 1892. 

5 Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1804-1806, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, 
I, p. 130, New York, 1904. 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 3-13 

eties had their origin in a dream, but the organizatiori of these soci- 
eties and their meetings were more public than those of the regular 
'dream societies,' " 

In his study among the Oglala Sioux Dr. Wissler has divided the 
societies for men into Aki'cita societies, Headmen's societies, and 
War societies.^ Six Aki'cita societies are enumerated by him as exist- 
ing at the time of his obseiTation, among the Oglala on the Pine Ridge 
and Rosebud Reservations, in South Dakota, these being theToka'la 
(Kit Fox), Karigi'yuha (Crow Owners), Caijte'-tirjza (Strong Heart), 
Ilio'ka (Badgers), Sotka'3ruha (Bare-lance Owners), and Wi'ciska 
(Wliite-marked). Oidy the first four of these societies were found by 
the writer among the Teton Sioux on the Standing Rock Reservation. 

Another society mentioned by the writer's informants was said to be 
known by two names, the Silent Eaters (A'inila wo'ta) and Strong 
Heart at Night (Alie'pi cai)te'tir)za). This was a secret society, 
entirely distinct from the Strong Heart society, described in this 
section. No songs and no further information concerning this 
society were obtained. 

Before proceeding to a consideration of these societies and their 
songs it may be well to consider briefly the meaning of the term 
aki'cita. 

The word aki'cita is commonly translated ''soldier," but its meaning 
is akin to "guard" or "police," the proper word for "warrior" being 
iki'cize. Thus the Aki'cita societies were those whose members 
coidd be required to act as guards or marshals when the tribe was 
moving, or as "police" in the village. The aki'cita were primarily 
associated with the buffalo hunt, in which they saw that no one dis- 
regarded the laws of the chase (see p. 442) ; they also preserved order 
in the camp and punished all offenders. They were primarily civil 
officers, though aki'cita might also be appointed to act in connection 
with a large war party, Hennepin notes an instance of punishment 
by aki'cita among the Santee, or eastern Sioux. In 1680 Hennepm 
and his party were descending the Mississippi River and were "in the 
Islands of the River," not far below the Falls of St. Anthony (probably 
near the site of St, Paul, Minn.), The Indians set food before them, 
but while they were eating, there came other Indians, who took the 
food from them and plundered the tipi. Hennepin says: 

We knew not what these Savages were at first; but it appear'd they were some of 
those that we had left above at the Fall of St. Anthony. One of them, who call'd him- 
self my Uncle, told me, that those who had given us Victuals, had done basely to 
go and forestall the others in the Chase ; and that according to the Laws and Customs 
of their Country, 'twas lawful for them to plunder them, since they had been 

> Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota, 
Anthr. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., xi, pt. 1, p. 5, New York, 1912. 



314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

the cause that the Bulls were all run away, before the Nation could get together, 
wliich was a great Injury to the Publick.' 

Lewis and Clark refer to these men as follows : 

Those people have Some brave men which they make use of as Soldiers those men 
attend to the police of the Village Correct all errors I saw one of them today wliip 2 
Squars, who appeared to have fallen out, when he approach"^, all about appeared to 
flee with great txurow [terror], at night they keep two 3, 4, 5 men at different Dis- 
tances walking around Camp Singing the accurrunces of the night ^ 

The aki'cita are mentioned also by many writers on the tribes of 
the Plains. Rev. J. Owen Dorsey states that " The Akitcita, soldiers or 
guards (policemen), form an important body among the Asiniboin 
as they do among other Siouan tribes."^ 

Wissler states that the manner of selecting aki'cita was as follows: 
The chiefs chose the four "head aki'cita" from one society, who in 
turn chose their assistants from the society to which they them- 
selves belonged. Thus the choice of the four head aki'cita was practi- 
cally the choice of a certain society for this duty. The selection 
was usually made at the beginning of the summer hunt, and service 
continued to the close of the season. It seems to have been cus- 
tomary, but not obligatory, for the chiefs to choose from the societies 
in rotation.^ 

Concerning the organizations of these societies, Wissler states : ^ 

We find a surprising degree of uniformity in details. All were liable to be called into 
aki''cita service, while other societies never rendered such service. . v . The scheme 
of officers is practically the same. All have from four to six lance bearers, who are the 
most conspicuous, if not the most important personages in the society. They are 
usually gi'ouped in pairs, as in fact are nearly all the other officers; . . . Next in rank 
to the two leaders stands another pair, among the cante tinza and the wdciska they are 
known as bonnet bearers, and among the others as pipe bearers, but their functions 
are much the same. These two ranking pairs are sometimes spoken of as the four 
chiefs in charge of the organization. There are two whip bearers in all [the societies] 
except the kaggi^yuha. ... As to food passers, drummers, and singers, there is 
general uniformity throughout. It is thus clear that whatever may have been the 
origin of these societies, they were all brousht to an approximation of the one type. 

FOX SOCIETY 

In his account of the Toka'la, or Kit-fox society, Wissler says:* 

The society is so named because "its members are supposed to be as acti^ e and wily 
on the warpath as this little animal is known to be in his native state. . . . The 
members wear a kit-fox skin around the neck, the head before, the tail behind. To 

1 Hennepin, Father Louis, A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America (reprinted from the second 
London issue of 1698), Reuben Gold Thwaitesed.,i,p. 280, Chicago, 1903. 

2 Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, op. cit., I, p. 168. 

2 Dorsey, James Owen, Siouan Sociology, Fifteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn.,j). 224, Washington, 1894. 
* Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota, 
op. cit., XI, pt. l,p. 10. 
ilbid., p. 63. 
«Ibid., pp. 14-23. 



DENgMOKE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 315 

the nose part some small bags of medicine are attached. [See p. 389.] The edges, feet, 
and ears may be worked in porcupine quills and hung with bells according to the 
tastes of the individual owTiers. They take the jawbones of the toka'la, paint them red 
or blue (the old native colors), fasten them on a strip of otterskin or some similar 
material, and wear the bones on the forehead. On the back of the head is fastened a 
bunch of crow tail feathers sidewise, and sticking up are two eagle feathers. . . . 
When participating in a dance, the officers paint their bodies yellow. 

The teachings of the society inculcated '"bravery, generosity, 
chivahy, moraUty, and fraternity for fellow members." Men who 
joined the society were required to promise obedience to these teach- 
ings, and the whip bearers had whips of a peculiar kind \\dth which 
they scourged those who disregarded their vows. One of the officers 
of the society was the custodian of the drum. 

The "kit-fox dance" as held by the Santee Sioux is described 
by Dr. Lowie,^ his account differmg but slightly from that already 
quoted. Maximilian notes a society of "the foxes" among the 
Arikara about the 3"ear 1833.^ The "Kit-fox society" is included 
by Dr. Lowie in his list of the Hidatsa^ and also of the Mandan 
societies.^ The same authority states that, among the Crows, "the 
Foxes and Lumpwoods had become the most important military 
societies in the decades immediately precedmg the breakdown of the 
old tribal life."^ Some of the songs of this society are still sung 
at Fort Berthold, N. Dak., and have been recorded by the writer. 

Miss Fletcher mentions the Toka'lo (Toka'la) among the Omaha as 
one of two ' ' social societies that were borrowed or introduced from the 
Dakota. . . . There are no words to the songs — a fact which makes 
it probable that the music was adopted from another tribe, the foreign 
words being dropped." ° 

In the writer's study among the Teton on the Standing Rock 
Reservation it was said that "fox songs and coyote songs are the 
same." It was also decided that certain songs called wolf songs 
or "WoK society songs" should be included in this section. In this 
connection it is interesting to note that Dr. Lowie found the kit- 
fox dance called the coyote dance by the Santee at Fort Totten, 
N. Dak.,^ and that among the Crows of Montana he was told that 
"aU the societies were originated by the mythical Old Man Coyote."* 
A similar correspondence in the terms "fox" and "coyote" is found 
in the names of the societies of the Cheyenne, Mooney giving one 

' Lowie, Robert H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, Anthr. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist. 
XI, pt. 2, p. 105, New York, 1913. 

2 Maximilian, Prince of Wied, Travels in the Interior of North America (translated from the German by 
n. Evans Lloyd), p. 407, London, 1S43. 

8 Lowie, Robert H., Societies of the Crow, Hidatsaand Mandan Indians, op. cit., pt. 3, p. 253. 

* Ibid., p. 296. 
6 Ibid., p. 155. 

• Fletcher, Alice C, and La Flosche, Francis, The Omaha Tribe, op. cit., p. 4SC. 
' Lowie, Robert H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op cit., p. 106. 

3 Lowie, Robert H., Societies of the Crow, Ilidatsa and Mandan Indians, op. cit., p. 156, footnote. 



316 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



of the Cheyenne societies as the ''foxmen (specifically, the kit, or 
swift, fox);" ^ while George A. Dorsey mentions the Coyote as one of 
the original Cheyenne societies.^ 

Two songs of the Fox society are given herewith, and a third 
(No. 178) appears in the pereonal war narrative of Old Buffalo, who 
was a member of the society. Song No. 147 was composed in honor 
of a member of the society who was killed on the warpath. 

The followmg song of the Fox society was sung b}^ Bear Soldier 
(Mato'-aki'cita) a nephew of Ram-in-the-Face: 

No. 114. Song of the Fox Society (a) (Catalogue No. 677) 

Sung by Bear Soldier 

Voice J = 88 

Drum J -56 

Drum-rhj'thm similar to No. 6 

I '- 1 

-»- -•- -m--^--0- ^ — >v _ _ ^ - 



Sife 



rxf4 i -^rr i iT 



^ 



m^ 



±3: 



a: 



a: 



3 



5« 



5 ^ -i- 



ff 



r ? I r y r ^ p . ^f^-^ 



-U, 



B»^F 



-^ 



'■^ 



-^^ 



s 



3-:tti 



^m^. 



^ 



J=96 
*^- 



A u 



:4=^ 



4-^ 



To 



ka - 



Wh fU-^^ 



P P P p 



-p — p- 



^ 



-* P' p 



^ 



4- ^ 



la a kii] ta-ku ya - ka - pi 
-^2 ,.-^_jf--_^l — n ^ P P 



^iSl^l^s 



=t^ 



it 



Caij - na 



1 - yo nil - ci 



4: 



-(2- 



la 



1 - yo 



taq mi 

J =88 



ci - la koq i - yo 



pg^fe^p^ 



'Pi 



^L0-# 



^ 



¥=^ 






•S*--<S» 15^- 



a 



ti - ye wa- ki ye - lo 



1 Mooney, James, The Cheyenne Indians, Mtm. Amcr. Antlir. Assoc, 1, pt. 6, p. 412, Lancaster, Pa., 
1907. 

2 Dorsey, George A., The Cheyenne, Field Columbian ^fus. Pub. 99, Anthr. ser., i.x, No. 1, pp. 15, 19, 
Chicago, 1905. 



den^moreJ 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



317 



Toka'la kig the Fox (society) 

ta'ku yaka'pi dag^na whenever you propose to do anything 

iyo^tag' midi'la I consider myself foremost 

koQ but (now) 

iyo'tiye a hard time 

waki' yelo' I am having 

Analysis. — This is the only song recorded by this singer, but its 
rhythmic form shows that it was clear in his mind. Two renditions 
were recorded; these show no points of difference. Three accidentals 
occur — the second and third lowered a semitone, and the fourth 
raised a semitone. In the first part of the song C sharp and D sharp 
wore sung slightly below pitch, but these appear in a series of the 
small intervals which seem difficult for an Indian to sing correctly. 
All the tones of the octave are present in the song, and almost 56 
per cent of the intervals are major seconds. A change of tempo occurs 
in the song. (See song No. 5.) 

No. 115. Song of the Fox Society (b) (Catalogue No. 580) 

Sung by Shooter 
Voice J =84 
Drum Jr=84 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 




m 



E^gg^ ^jy_^_mv ii 4jj 



m7J77j=T\ 



V-i^ -s^ -i^'-#- 



T^ -S^ 



Ko - la 



ta-ku ya-ka-pi kiq 




ta-moij-ka Sni ye - lo 






kola' friends 

ta'ku yaka'pi kig whatever you council about 

tamog'ka ^ni yelo' I consider a difficult undertaking 

Analysis. — This melody is minor in tonality and lacks the seventh 
and fourth tones of the complete octave. (See analysis of song 
No. 26.) The minor third is not found in the song; instead we find 
that the major third constitutes about one fourth of the intervals. 

1 In one instance the final syllable of this word was omitted by the singer. 



318 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

The song has a compass of an octave, beginning on the dominant 
above and ending on the dominant below the tonic. Three renditions 
were recorded, wliich show no points of difference. 

kai^^gi'yuha (crow-owners)^ 

This society, hke other mihtary and social organizations, was 
widespread among the tribes of the Plains. Miss Fletcher states 
that, among the Omaha, "the wolf and the crow were not only 
connected with carnage but they had a mythical relation to the office 
of 'soldiers,' the designation given to certain men on the annual 
tribal hunt who acted as marshals." - A full description of " the crow " 
worn by the Omaha, with an accoimt of its symbolism, is given by 
Miss Fletcher.^ Among the northern tribes the crow and the raven 
appear to be connected exclusively with success in war, the skin of 
the bird being worn around the neck or attached to the spear which 
was carried in war. A ''Crow or Raven society" was noted among 
the Mandan and was mentioned by Maximilian.'* 

The Crow-owners society of the Teton Sioux and the Eaven- 
bearers society of the Mandan, as studied by the present wi'iter, 
appear to be similar in essential features. Lowie, however, uses the 
term Crow society in his list of Mandan organizations.^ A Crow- 
owners society is noted by the same authority, amo'ng the Crow 
Indians.^ The Raven-owners society is mentioned by Lowie in his 
observations among the eastern Dakota,'' and the Raven-bearers by 
Wissler, among the Blackfoot Indians.^ 

The full organization of the Crow-owners society is given as follows 
by Wissler: ^ 

The Kai]gi^ yiiha (they that have the crowi waa an organization similar to the 
Toka^la, the scheme being as follows: 

2 leaders 4 lance bearers 

2 rattle bearers x. lay members 

2 pipe keepers 4 drum bearers and singers, two of whom 

2 ehort-lance bearers carry rattles and sit about the drum 

2 crow-skin bearers 1 herald 

1 The -ivriter's informant concerning the Kaggi'yuha was Eagle Shield (Wagbli'-waha'dugka), who was 
a member of the society. In pi. 43 he is shown wearing the "crow-skin necklace," (karjgi'wana'pi) , which 
was the insignia of the society. 

' Fletcher and La Flesche, op. cit., p. 442. 

3 Ibid., p. 441. 

* Reise in das Innere Nord-America in den Jahren 1832 bis 1834, von Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, n, p. 
140, Coblenz, 1841. "Die zweite Classe oder Bande sind die * * * Kriihen- oder Rabenbande (La. 
bande du corbeau), junge Leute, von 20 bis 25 Jahren." 

5 Lowie, Robert H., Societies of the Crow, Hidatsaand Mandan Indians, op. cit., p. 309. 

6 Ibid., p. 199. 

' Lowie, Robert II., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op. cit., p. 109. 

8 Wissler, Clark, Societies and Dance Associations of the Blackfoot Indians, Anthr. Papers, Amer. ^fus. 
Nat. Hist., XT, pt 4, p. 392, New York, 1913. 

9 Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota, 
op. cit., p. 23. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 44 




CROW-SKIN NECKLACE AND CASE 



DENaMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 319 

When asked why the crow was honored by the society, Eagle 
Shield said : 

We want our arrows to fly as swift and straight as the crow. The crow is always the 
first to arrive at the gathering of the animals in the Black Hills. The reason why the 
Black Hills were so long unknown to the white man was that Wakag'tagka created 
them as a meeting place for the animals. The Indians had always known this and 
regarded the law of Wakag 'tai) ka concerning it. By this law they were forbidden to 
kill any of the animals during their great gatherings. In the Black Hills there is a 
ridge of land around which is a smooth, grassy place called the ' ' race course. ' ' ' This is 
where the animals have the races, during their gatherings. Even small animals like 
the turtle are there. The crow is always first to arrive, and the other birds come 
before the animals, while insects and creatures like the frog travel slowly and arrive 
last. Sometimes it takes 10 years for all the animals to arrive, as they come from 
long distances and camp wherever winter overtakes them. 

Eagle Shield said further that among the Teton of Standing Rock 
the Crow-owners society had originally but 10 members, but that later 
it became a large organization to which only successful warriors could 
belong. Such men of distinction could be admitted by making the 
request of the leader and giving a feast to the members of the society. 

A special tent in the village was used by this society as its meeting 
place. Eagle Shield said, "the village was full of noise, with chil- 
dren shouting at their games and women singing and dancing, and 
the members of the Kar)gi'yuha liked to spend the evenings in their 
lodge, singing and enjojnng themselves." Over the door of this lodge 
was hung the ''Crow lance" in its wrappings. According to Eagle 
Shield, this lance was decorated with a crow skin next to the lance 
head. Before a fight the lance was unwrapped and passed over the 
smoke of burning sweet grass. When stuck in the ground during a 
fight it marked a place from which the members of the society could 
not retreat unless they took the lance with them." 

When going to war each man carried his crow-skin "necklace" in a 
rawhide case (pi. 44), and before putting it around his neck he 
passed it over the smoke of burning sweet grass. Feathers for head 

' This is undoubtedly the mound referred to hy Clark in the Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark 
E.xpedition. vol. 1, pp. 121-123. Clark wTites, under date of August 25, 1804, as follows: "Capt. Lewis 
and Myself concluded to go and See the Mound . . . which the Indians Call Mountain of little people or 
Spirits. . . . The Surrounding Plains is open \'oid of Timber and leavel to a great extent, hence the wind 
from whatever quarter it may blow, drives with unusial force over the naked Plains and against this 
hill; the insects of various kinds are thus involuntaryly driven to the Mound by the force of the wind, or fly 
to its Leeward Side for Shelter; the Small Birds whoes food they are. Consequently resort in great numbers 
to this place in Surch of them; Perticularly the Small brown Martin of which wesaw a vast number hovering 
on the Leeward Side of the hill, when we approached it in the act of catching those insects; they were so 
gentle that they did not quit the place untill we had arrivi within a fiew feet of them. 

One evidence which the Ind» give for believeing this place to be the residence of Some unusial Sperits 
is that they frequently discover a large assemblage of Birds about this Mound [this] is in my opinion a 
Sufficient proof to produce in the Savage Mind a Confident belief of all the properties which they ascribe 
(to] it. 

2 Cf. Wissler (op. cit., p. 24): " When attacking the enemy they were required to thrust the lances into 
the ground and not leave the spot unless released by some of their party pulling up the lances. , . . The 
lances are short and covered with otterskin; at the top there is an eagle feather and at the other end, a spear. 
Near t"he spear Is (sic) fastened the neck and head of a crow." 



320 BUREAU OF AMEEICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei 

decoration were also carried in this case. Eagle Shield said that before 
a fight the warriors always put on their finest regalia, so that, if 
they were killed, they would die in a manner worthy of their position. 
The sleeves of the war shirts were not sewed, but were tied together 
under the length of the arm. Before a fight the warrior untied 
these fastenings and threw back the sleeves to permit free use of his 
arms. 

Concerning the "aki'cita duties" of members of this society, 
Eagle Shield said: "These men were among those who protected 
the people and watched for buffalo when the camp was moving, and 
who assisted in the selection of suitable places for the winter camps." 

A ''praise song," iwa'Mcipi olo'way (No. 158) of this society was 
sung by One Feather, this song being in honor of Sitting Crow, a 
member of the society. One of the dancing songs (No. 164) was sung 
by Eagle Shield; this is given in connection with a narrative of his 
personal experience on the warpath. 

cai^te' tijjza (strong heart) 

This term is translated "Stout-hearted ones" by Bushotter/ and 
"the dauntless" and "the braves" by Wissler.^ In the present work 
it will be translated "Strong Heart," according to the explanation 
given by the writer's interpreters on the Standing Rock Reservation. 
Lowie does not include this society in his list of eastern Dakota 
societies.^ A full account of its organization is, however, given by 
Wissler.* 

A Sioux once said to the writer, "Indian patience and philosophy 
are matters of long training." This was a training which began 
in childhood. Thus Red Fox said that when he ran away with a 
war party the men frightened him "to make his heart strong." 
(See p. 375.) 

It was said that the Strong Heart society among the Teton Sioux, 
as it existed within the memory of the writer's informants, was 
organized by Sitting Bull, Gall, and Crow King, prominent chiefs, 
who were practically in command of aU the warriors. It was their 
desire to have a body of fearless warriors to meet any emergency, and 
for that purpose this society was organized. If a man were known to 
be fuUy qualified for the honor of membersliip, it was not necessary 
for him to undergo any tests. All he had to do when initiated was 
to promise to be brave in the defense of the tribe, to take care of 
the poor and needy, and to maintain a good moral character. The 

1 See Dorsey, James Owen, A Study of Siouan Cults, Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn.,^p. 463. 

2 Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton Dakota, op. 
clt., p. 25. 

3 Lowie, Robert H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op. cit., p. 101. 
* Wissler, op. cit., pp. 25-31. 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



321 



distinctive headdress of the society was a war bonnet made of the 
tail feathers of the eagle and having a pair of horns attached in 
front. Each member had one of these headdresses, which he wore 
only when going on the warpath or in actual battle. If a man had 
been uniformly successful and had never shown any sign of cowardice, 
he might be buried with this bonnet on his head ; but if he showed 
cowardice on the warpath, he was punished on liis return by being 




Fig. 29. Woman with l>uiiner of the Strong Heart society. 

severely reprunanded in the presence of all the members, his head- 
dress was taken away, and he was expelled from the society. 

Members of this society were allowed to carry a banner made by 
fastening feathers to a long strip of flannel, which was attached to 
a pole. This was called wapa'ha hamini'mini, 'waving bamier.' 
Women whose relatives were members of this society and had been 
killed in war were allowed to carry this banner. PaKi'wii) (Yellow 
Hair) said that six of her uncles had been members of this society, 
and that she was entitled to carry the Strong Heart society banner 



322 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



(fig. 29). A similar custom was noted at White Earth, Minn., among 
the Chippewa. In plate 16, Bulletin 53, is showTi a Chippewa 
woman, the daughter of a chief, carrying such a banner, which 
belonged to her father. 

The distinctive rattle of the Strong Heart society is shown in 
plate 45. This consists of a rawhide receptacle on which are traced 
the lines of a turtle. It contains a few small stones or shot. This 
rattle was used by the dancers. 

One of the customs of this society seems to have been designed to 
increase the self-control of its members. An informant said: 

In the old days there were four lodges of the Strong Hearts in the center of the 
\'illage. Every morning the Strong Heart men met in one of these lodges and sang 
their songs. Then two young men with rattles and two with bows and arrows went 
around the village and killed dogs which were to be eaten in their lodge. Some 
Indians are short tempered, and the Strong Hearts did not kill their dogs. They 
killed the dogs of jjrominent families an^ when the dog was shot they shouted and 
shook their rattles. It strengthened a man's heart to have his dog killed and not 
show anger. The women singed the dogs, cooked them, and took them to one of 
the Strong Heart lodges. There they all sang and danced, and the dogs were part 
of the feast. 

No. 116. Song of the Strong Heart Society (a) (Catalogue No. 509) 
Sung by Eagle Shield 



Voice J = 84 
Drum not recorded 



■ - — H 1 — H 1 — ■ ^ -0- 



^-ML 



^• p P'P 






U^ 



ii: 



isit 



^.t=^ 



^ 

t-^- 



^cqc 



m 



s 



*=•- 






^ 




Ko - la tu - wa na-pe - ci - na - haij o - pa kte ^ni 




kola' friends 

tu'wa whoever 

nape^ cinahag runs away 

o'pa kte sni ye shall not be admitted 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 45 




STRONG HEART SOCIETY RATTLE 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



323 



Analysis. — This melody has a compass of 12 tones. This range 
is not so unusual as is the frequency with which large intervals are 
spanned. Thus an ascent of 12 tones is accomplished in two progres- 
sions at the introduction of the words, and in two instances a descent 
of a seventh is made in two progressions. Of the intervals 22 per 
cent are fourths. The song contains all the tones of the octave except 
the fourth and in structure is classified as melodic with harmonic 
framework. 

No. 117. Song of the Strong Heart Society (b) (Catalogue No. 544) 

Sung by Gray Hawk 
Voice J — 88 
Drum JzrSS 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 




Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality and progresses largely 
by intervals of a major second, this constituting about 64 per cent 
of the entire mmiber of intervals. Four renditions were recorded, 
uniform in all respects. The final tone was sung slightly fiat, but 
the repeated part and the repetitions of the melody always began on 
F sharp. The song contain^ one rest. (See analysis of song No. 79.) 
The triplet divisions of the count were given clearly. In structure 
the song is melodic, containing all the tones of the octave. 

This and the four songs next following were recorded by Gray 
Hawk (Cetar) '-hota) (see pi. 71), a well-known member of the tribe, 
who also contributed interesting material concerning the buffalo hunt 
(p. 436). 



324 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 118. Song of the Strong Heart Society ^ (c) (Catalogue No. 548) 

Sung by Gray Hawk 
Voice J= 104 
Drum J- 104 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8 

(1) (1) 




Analysis. — The rhythmic form of this melody is clear and inter- 
estmg. Two rhythmic units are present, the first count in each 
having a triplet division. The melody tones arc those of the minor 
triad and fourth. About 3 1 per cent of the intervals are minor thirds, 
and one-half are major seconds. The song is harmonic in structure 
and has a compass of 12 tones. 



No. 119. Song of the Strong Heart Society (d) 

Sung by Gray Hawk 
Voice J:=;88 
Drum Jzzz96 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 



(Catalogue No. 557) 




Analysis. — This is a simple melody and three uniform renditions 
show that it was clear in the mind of the singer. The tone A in the 
first triple measure was sometimes sung below pitch, but the intona- 



1 An additional song of this society is No. 231, 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



325 



tion of the remainder of the song was excellent. Tlie melody tones 
are those of the minor triad and fourth, yet about one-third of the 
progi^essions are major thirds. Tlie drum was slightly faster than 
the voice and was beaten steadily while the shrill cries were given 
between the renditions of the song. 



BADGER SOCIETY 



The fourth Aki'cita society, according to Wissler, was the Badger 
society. This is noted by him among the Oglala Sioux/ also by Lowie 
among the eastern Dakota ^ and the Mandaii.^ It is said to have 
become extinct about 20 years ago. Two songs of this society were 
recorded, at Standing Rock. 



No. 120. Song of the Badger Society (a) 

Sung by Gray Hawk 



(Catalogue No. 553) 



Voice Jr^SO 
Drum J- 80 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 
r 



S?^ 



^^. fz ^ ^- i»--^. f: -^ -#- -^'^~^#-• #- 

-WH \ \ i I IC I ^ ^ 1 ri ^ I \ ;:|— 



-f*- -#- -•- 



~^ 4^ - T-3-T- 




a 



- f^^M iv^ 



^.t=sa3EE^E03t 



Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality and contains the tones 
of the second five-toned scale. The tones transcribed as C natural 
and C sharp are clearly distinguished in the three renditions, the 
semitone at the begiiming of the second measure being sung with 
particularly good intonation. The minor third is of frequent occur- 
rence, constituting 40 per cent of the intervals. The rhy^thmic 
form of the song is good and the rhythmic unit, though sliort, is 
interesting. The drum was slightly behind the voice in all the rendi- 
tions. 

See plot of this melody on page 419. 

1 Wissler, Clark, Societies of the Teton-Dakota, op. cit., p. 31. 

J Lowie, Robert H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op. cit., p. 109. 

5 Lowie, Robert H., Societies of the Crow, Hidatsa, and Mandan, op. cit., p. 322. 

4840°— Bull. 61—18 23 



326 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Voice J =104 



No. 121. Song of the Badger Society (b) (Catalogue No. 554) 
Sung by Gray Hawk 



Drum 



104 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 







#-^ 



:?ai=r=P=? 



P^=^ 



I 



Analysis. — This song is distinctly major in tonality, yet one-third 
of the intervals are minor thirds. Five renditions were recorded, 
the song being sung three times Mdthout a break in the time, then a 
short pause being made, after which it was sung twdce. Tliese repeti- 
tions are uniform throughout. The tonic triad forms the basis of 
the melody, but the accented A makes it necessary to classify the 
song as melodic witli harmonic framework. The triplets of eighth 
notes were clearly enunciated. This count-division is frequently 
found in dancing songs. About two-thirds of the progressions are 
downward. The drum slightly preceded the voice, though the metric 
unit of the two is the same. 



MIWA TANI 

The Miwa'tani was an important military society among the Teton 
Sioux, the members of which were exempt from aki'cita duty. Charg- 
ing Thunder said that he belonged to this society, that it was originated 
long ago by a man who dreamed of an owl, and that the society was 
sometimes erroneously called the Owl society. The word miwa'tani 
is not fully explainable, as it is not found in the common speech of 
the Sioux. Two informants said it is not a Sioux word, and that they 
thought it meant "owl feathers." Wissler says:^ 

According to one informant, this society, which by the way, is regarded as a very 
ancient one, was so named because an owl -being in conferring the ritual said, "My 
name is Miwa''tani." . . . Our informants are all agreed that the term is associated 
with no concept other than that of a particular society. It is also their name for 
Mandan, the tradition being that the latter were named because of some resemblance 
to the Miwa''tani society. 

The Omaha word for Mandan is Mawa'dani,^ and a "Mandan dan- 
cing society" among the Omaha is mentioned and one of its feasts 
described by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey.^ 

' Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of tlie Teton-Dakota, op. cit., p. 42. 

' Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omalia Tribe, op. cit., p. 102. 

3 Omaha Sociology, Third Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 273. See also Dorsey, Eleventh Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 463. 



I 

I 



DENSMOBE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 327 

Wissler^ states that the organization of the Miwa'tani consisted of: 

2 leaders x lay members 

2 sash bearers, or lionnet men 1 drum bearer 

2 whip bearers 8 singers 

1 food passer 1 herald 

Charging Thunder said the Miwa'tani society, besides being one 
of the most difficult to enter, was one of the most exacting in its 
requirements. Each member pledged himself to sacrifice his own 
fife in defense of a wounded member, if such sacrifice became neces- 
sary on the warpath. \Vlien anything was needed by the society 
the principal officer appointed some one to collect what was required, 
and the demand was never refused. The collecting was usually done 
at a public meeting of the society and formed one of the tests by 
which the leaders of the tribe determined which men were qualified 
to be useful to the tribe. 

If an officer of this society saw in the camp a supply of provisions 
which should have been donated to the society, he could take it, 
either for the use of the medicine-men who conducted the ceremonies 
or for the use of the organization as a whole. He had the right to 
do this, and it was even expected that he would do so if donations 
were wilfully withheld. 

According to Charging Tliunder the purpose of this society was 
to promote friendliness and helpfulness among its members. The 
more important of its meetings were for the initiation of new members. 
Any member of the tribe could apply for membership, and if his 
application was accepted he was notified by the crier. 

Before a meeting for mitiation the candidates as well as members 
of the society were required to fast partially for four days. They 
assembled in their lodge, and once each day the leader brought m a 
pail of water, and after dipping into this a bunch of sweet grass, 
handed the latter to each member, with a very small piece of buffalo 
meat. This was all the nourishment they were allowed, hence the 
end of the four days found them greatly weakened. 

Two old men, after consultation, described the initiation to the 
writer. On the day of the ceremony the officers of the society, wear- 
ing headdresses of owl feathers (hiyhay' Suywapa'ha), took their posi- 
tion in the place of honor, opposite the entrance of the lodge. In 
their hands they held the owl-feather headdresses which the new 
members were to receive. All the members of the tribe were gathered 
to witness the installation of the new members. It was required 
that the newly elected men should show that they were qualified for 
the honor which had been conferred on them. Back of the fire was a 

1 Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota, op. cit., p. 42. 



328 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



''mellowed-earth space" (see p. 122, footnote), and the men were re- 
quired to carry live coals in their hands and put them on the earth. 
Each man, rising from his seat, took coals in the palm of his hand, and 
turnmg to the left, walked slowly around the lodge. After the first 
round of the lodge, pausing at the mellowed-earth space, he pretended 
that he would place the coals upon it. This was done three times, and 
after the fourth round of the lodge, slowly lowering his hand, he gently 
rolled the coals to the softened earth. (See p. 74.) If he could do 
this without bemg burned he was considered qualified to be a member 
of the society. 

As already stated, a headdress of owl feathers had been prepared 
for each of the new members. These headdresses were long, like war 
bonnets, but were made of owl feathers instead of eagle feathers. 
Quite a heap of coals lay on the mellowed earth after all the men had 
made the circuit of the lodge. Sweet grass was placed on this heap, 
and the headdresses were held in the fragrant smoke, after which 
they were placed on the heads of the newly installed members. 

The following ceremonial song was sung as the headdresses were 
placed upon the heads of the men, who were understood then to 
be fully received into the society. 

No. 122. Ceremonial Song of the Miwa'tani (Catalogue No. 572) 

Sung by Charging Thunder 
Voice J — 66 
Drum not recorded 




Tu - wa wa - kai] koi) le mi 

3 ^^ 



ca - ge 



g^ 



3=^= 



.^±± 



f^^t^z=g: 



tuVa Avakag^ kog the one who is holy 

le nii^dage has made this for me 

Analysis. — This melody contains the tones of the second five- 
toned scale, with G sharp as a keynote. The accidental (F double 
sharp) was clearly given in all the renditions. The song is harmonic 
in structure and has a compass of 12 tones. Three-fourths of the 
progressions are downward, the trend of the melody being steadily 
downward from the twelfth to the tonic. The time in the first 
two measures is peculiar and was maintained less steadily than in the 
latter part of the song. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 45 




DANCE RATTLE "WA 

RATTLES 



'tani society rattle 



DfiXQMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



329 



After a man was admitted to this society he donated his best horse 
to the society, no matter what its value might be. He also hired a 
man to make his paraphernalia, 
usually giving a horse as com- 
pensation for this service. One 
of the articles with which he 
provided himself was a whistle 
made of the wing bone of an 
eagle; this whistle was closely 
decorated with beads (fig. 30), 
and hung around his neck. 
Each member had also a rattle 
fastened to a wand (pi. 46) 
which he carried during the 
dances of the society. This 
rattle was made by boiling the 
hoof of the deer and cutting 
the hard, outer part into pieces 
of the desii-ed shape and size. 
All the feathers used in adorn- 
ment by members of this society 
were owl feathers, tipped with 
red down. The feathers of the 
owl were used also on their 
arrows. 

Tw^o of the dancing songs of 
this society (Nos. 156, 165) oc- 
cur m connection with the per- 
sonal war narratives of Eagle 
Shield and One Feather. 

A rattle of dew claws (pi. 46) 
was used in many Sioux dances. 

white horse riders 
(Sltijk'ska-akai^^'yaijka) 

The White Horse Riders were 
not considered a tribal society, 
like those already described, 
but were an old organization 
which, in the opinion of some 

. „ 1 T • 1 ^'®- 30- Miwa'tani society whistle. 

iniormants, was local m char- 
acter. The term "white horse riders" is not an exact translation of 
the Sioux designation, the first word of which means ''white horse," 




330 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



while the second is a compound word indicating age and experience. 
One informant said: 

The White Horse Riders were principally the old warriors. Those older people 
had a special liking for painting their horses on parades or on the warpath, as by that 
means they could show that the horse's owner had done some brave deed. They rode 
white horses for two reasons. They liked the white color, because it was regarded as 
a genuine color [see pp. 173, 205], and also because a white horse was the only one on 
which the paint would show well. The usual decoration was a horse's hoofprint 
and a hand, the hand being understood to represent the hand of the enemy. To people 
with an understanding the arrangement of these designs told the story of the man's 
brave deeds. (See p. 77, footnote.) 

The parade of the "VMiite Horso Riders was greatly admired in 
the camp. It is said that if the White Horse Riders came to the 
tent of a man who had been wounded in war, they fired their guns 
into the air, whereupon the women of the family cpoked a quantity 
of food and placed it in the middle of the camp circle. The custom 
was that ''those who had no one to cook for them went and ate 
this food." 

The songs of the Wliite Horse Riders were favorites among the 
Sioux, and the words of these songs were often changed. Thus No. 
225 is a song of this society in which the name Ptesar|'-nor)'pawir) 
has been substituted for another name. 

No. 123. Song of the White Horse Riders (a) (Catalogue No. 534) 

Sung by Two Shields 

Voice J = 66 

Drum J z= 66 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 
-#- -0. -^- ^- ^. -0...0. , 








densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



331 



Analysis. — This song contains an unusual number of progressions. 
There are 52 intervals in the song. It has been stated that the aver- 
age number of progressions in comparatively modern songs is 31.3. 
Thirty (58 per cent) of these intervals are thirds, 18 being major 
and 12 being mmor thirds. It is interesting to note the large number 
of mmor thirds in a song which is distinctly major in tonahty; these 
mtervals, however, are usually part of the tonic triad, which forms 
the framework of the melody. Two rests are found in the song. 
(See No. 79.) The two renditions show no points of difference, the 
small count-divisions being clearly given. Drum and voice have the 
same metric unit and were coincident. 

No. 124. Song of the White Horse Riders (b) (Catalogue No. 535) 
Sung by Two Shields 



Voice J - 76 
Drum J :zi 63 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 
(1) 




Si 



(2) 



^^^m 



-^ — ^ 



f-f-f^[[± 



p p p -^ — w n =p^:p=^ 



(1) 

1 


1 


— 1 

— ^ — 


"4 — '^ — 


; P—r 


-0-* -0- -•-• -• 
-4 



(1) 



(2) 






-P- -| P- -P- -0- -/9- I 



p 



2 p ^ p \ fs \ f 




Anahjsis. — Two renditions of this song were recorded, in both 
of wliich renditions G in the upper octave was sung G flat, and in 



332 BUREAU OP AMERICAK ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei 

the lower octave G natural. This was probably because the higher 
tone was above the compass of the singer's voice. Two rhythmic 
units are present, their repetitions comprising most of the song. The 
melody tones are those of the major triad and second, a tone material 
found in only 3 of 340 Chippewa songs, and in 8 songs of the present 
series. About 38 per cent of the intervals are fourths. The average 
interval is not large, but a compass of 13 tones is accomplished in 
three measures, about midway through the song. The tempo of the 
drum is shghtly slower than that of the voice. 

WAR SONGS (oZU'yE OLO'wAIJ) 
Consecutive Songs of a Typical War Expedition 

War expeditions were of two kinds — tribal and individual. In the 
former the tribe acted as a unit, as they did on the buffalo hunt. 
Thus, if the tribe as a whole needed horses, the only way to secure 
them was by stealing them from the enemy. The matter was dis- 
cussed either in the tribal council or in the council of the chiefs. 
Scouts were selected by the council, or each military society could 
choose some of its members to act in that capacity, the procedure of 
selecting and sending the searching party being similar to that 
which preceded the search for the pole to be used in the Sun dance 
or a buffalo hunt. (See pp. 109, 439.) The scouts started at night, 
having been given instructions where to go, and also what to do if 
they saw the enemy. When the scouts had returned and made 
their report, the tribe took up its journey. The organization was 
similar to that of the buffalo hunt, the men being restrained by the 
aki'cita from any individual action until the time came for the tribe 
to act as a unit. 

An individual war party could be organized at any time when the 
tribe was not on a general expedition. A man desiring to organize an 
individual war party called on his relatives and friends at night, 
explained his purpose, and asked them to join him. If they were 
willing to do so they smoked a pipe in token of their acceptance. 
Such an invitation could scarcely be refused, and the man who 
gave it became leader of the party. Everything concerning the 
expedition was carefully discussed before starting. The country 
through which they would pass and the enemies they would meet 
were somewhat famihar to the warriors, so that the leader could 
explain verbally the route which he proposed they should take. 
It was not uncommon, however, for a map to be sketched on the bare 
ground, and quite customary for a war party to leave behind a 
"map" on buckskin, showing the hills and streams they expected to 
pass, so that other parties could fhid them if desirable. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 47 




(Used by permission. ) 



TWO SHIELDS 



DfiN!3M0BB] TETON SIOUX MUSIC S33 

It was not considered a great honor to be asked to join a war party^ 
and no demonstration was made when they left the village. As an 
old warrior said, 'Hhe honor was in coming home victorious, and the 
demonstration was reserved to see whether it would be needed when 
we returned." 

Tlie following section presents in consecutive order certain songs 
which might be sung on a war expedition. Many details of descrip- 
tion are omitted, as they are comprised in the personal narratives 
which foUow this section. 

Tlie next 10 songs are common war songs, or "wolf songs," 
which were sung in the societies or other gatherings before the 
departure of a war party. Many of them mention the woK, as the life 
of a warrior was supposed to be like that of the woK. Two 
Shields (pi. 47), who recorded several of these songs, is a leading 
singer at every tribal gathering. 



334 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



No. 125. "Those Are Not My Interest" (Catalogue No. 528) 
Sung by Two Shields 

Voice Jnz 96 (or J^ - 192) 

Drum J = 96 ( See drum-rhythm below ) 





DENaMORE] TETOK SIOUX MUSIC 335 

WORDS 

kola'pila friends 

epe''cor) ' I have said 

ti i^kceya in common life 

wico'Tiai) kiij the customs 

o^ta yelo' are many 

kola^ friend 

he^na those 

e §ni are not (do not interest me) 

yelo'' epe'lo I have said 

Analysis. — This song was r-oeorded by the same singer on two 
occasions. The duphcation was accidental, and a comparison of 
the result is, therefore, the more interesting. Both renditions were 
transcribed and are herewith presented. It will readily be seen 
that the points of difference are slight and unimportant. This is 
usually the case when a song is repeated by the same singer or sung 
by two equally good singers. The rhythm, which is peculiar, was 
exactly repeated. It has been frequently noted that the rhythm 
of a song is more accurately repeated than the melody progressions. 
The foregoing transcription was from the second ''recording," in 
which the song was sung three times, while in the first recording it 
was sung only once, with a repetition of the first part. The tran- 
scription which follows this analysis is from the first recording of the 
song, in which the pitch was slightly lower, and the tempo slower, 
than in the second. Probably it was because of this low pitch that 
the singer closed both parts of the song on the third instead of on the 
tonic. The drumbeat was alike in both recordings, but was specially 
clear in the second, as is shown in the foregoing transcription. It is 
not customary to vary the rhythm of the drum as in this instance, 
but Two Shields is a particularly efficient singer at the drum when 
large gatherings are held, and such "leading drummers" frequently 
elaborate their part, especially in songs of this kind. It is prob- 
ably unnecessary to state that the writmg of the drum part on a 
staff does not imply pitch. Drum and voice coincided throughout 
the performance. , Between the tliree renditions recorded at this 
time the drumbeat was continuous. The pause in the voice was 
about equal to two measures, but was not exact; in one instance it 
was interrupted by shrill cries. The time in the five-eight and three- 
eight measures was absolutely exact, and the triplet and couplet 
groups are indicated according to the rhytlim in which the passage 
was sung. The melody contains the tones of the second five-toned 
scale. About one-fourth of the intervals are minor thirds, but the 
melody progresses principally by whole tones, the major second 
forming 49 per cent of the entire number of intervals. 

' Contraction of epe'di koTj- 



S36 BUfeEAtJ 6P AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBDLL. ei 

The words of the following are identical with those of No. 125: 

Duplication of No. 125 

Sung by Two Shields 

Voice J = 88 ( or J^ = 176) 

Drum J = 88 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 





-4 ^' ^ - 


^=f=f^ 





'^- 


-|?o- 


-^ 


-t— 


^^ 


-•- 


-•- 


Z^I 




-# — •- 


-#- 


^ 


-^ 


»j ^ 0_ 


-f — 1 




I'-H- 


= 






bLi 


4— 


^ 


=nJ 


Li— L 






-i— 


--4-^h 


-\ 1 



-•- #- 




Ko - la - pi - la e - pe - ci koq he 




a hi ye ti i - kce-ya wi-co-haij kiij o - ta ye - lo 



y ^ ^ >-=»= 



I 






=^-i^ 



ko - la he - ua e sni ye - lo e - pe - lo he 



yo 



xVn Indian warrior wanders like a wolf, and his life is expressed in 
the following song. 

No. 126. "Like a Wolf I Roam" (Catalogue No. 656) 
Sung by One Buffalo (Tata^^ka-wai^zi^la) 



Voice J = 80 
Drum not recorded 






r r ^f::^^ ^ r > 



Suij - ka i-sna-la mi -ye - lo ca ma-ka o - ka wiij-liya o-ma-wa 



^=5= 



^E^gEgEJ^ 



ri 



ni koi] he - ci-ya ta-moij-ka sni ye-lo 



densmobe] 



TETOlSr SIOUX MUSIC 



337 



sug'ka isna'la lone wolf 

miye^lo da I am 

maka'' o^ka wi5''hya in different places 

oma^wani I roam 

koi) but 

heci^ya there 

tamor)''ka sni yelo^ Fam tired out 

Analysis. — Considering F sharp as the keynote of this song, we find 

the melody tones to be those of the second five-toned scale. The 

basis of the melody is the minor triad witli minor seventh added. 

(See analysis of song No. 49.) Nearly half of the intervals are minor 

thirds. The song is melodic in structure and has a compass of 

10 tones. 

No. 127. "Watch Tour Horses" (Catalogue No. 532) 



Sung by Two Shields 



Voice J — 92 

Drum J ~ 92 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 








Kaq-gi wi-6a-§a kiq §i 


ir)k a - 


war)-gla - ka po 


l^^^^^ 




ft ^ P ff ff r 




_fl_f_^t ft 



ya 



sui] - ka wa - ma - noi] sa 



mi - ye ye - lo 



-^^n^ti-r — r—r^r-r-f-p-- -n-f — > r * * i^^ — #-^-4 -i 


-^^?-J L ^^^^ ! 1 - -4 J U 1 -k— 1-4^1 F=^ -1 



WORDS 

Ivaggi' ' wida^sa Crow Indian 

kig sug.k awag'glaka po you must watch your horses 

sug^ka wama'nog a horse thief 

sa often 

miye' yelo' am I 

1 Kaqgi' is the Sioux equivalent for Crow. Concerning the name of this tribe the Handbook of American 
Indians (pt. 1, p. 367) states: "trans., through French jens des corbcaux, of their own name ^ ftsorofcc, crow, 
sparrowhawk, or bird people." The following forms occur in the words of these songs: Kaggi' wic^a'sa 
(Crow people), Nos. 127, 149, 179; Kai)gi' to'ka (Crow enemies), Nos. 169, 174; Psa'loka (corruption 
of Absaroka, Teton dialect), Nos. 167, 168; Psa'doka (Santee dialect), No. 192. 



338 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Anahjsis. — About Salf of the intervals in this song are minor 
thirds, though the interval of a fourth is also prominent. All the 
tones of the octave except the seventh and second appear in the 
song, which is melodic in structure and has a compass of an octave. 
Several renditions were recorded ; these shoAV no points of difference. 

See plot of this melody on page 419. 

No. 128. "Friends, Go On" (Catalogue No. 527) 

Sung by Tavo Shields 
Voice J— 92 
Drum J =92 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 
^ ^. :f;.fi--*- 




ya - pi ye ya suij - ka - ku koi] zu - ya 



>^ r r i ~f =F i 2 f f 



^ 



^^^/—f — I r 



S^ 



^S3b 



-^ 



u ye - lo 



kola'pila friends 

iya'yapi ye you go on 

suQka^ku kog even that younger brother 

zuya^ u yelo' is coming on the warpath 

Analysis. — The framework of this melody is one which is familiar in 
these songs. The submediant chord forms the basis of the opening 
measures, followed by a descent from the dominant to the mediant, a 
descent of a minor third; after this the melody returns to the subme- 
diant chord, and the song closes on the mediant. Comparison with 
the preceding song will show the same outline in that melody. About 
half of the intervals in this song are minor thirds. The intonation is 
good, and the melody contains all the tones of the octave except the 
seventh. The rhythm of the drum is one found frequently in the 
Chippewa songs, but is much less common among the Sioux. 



den^.more] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



No. 129. "A Wolf I Considered ]\%s#f" 

Sung by Gray Hawk 
Voice Jm 104 
Drum J^ 104 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8 
(1)' 



339 

(Catalogue No. 547) 



^ -^ -^ ^ fl 



(1) 



r^- rv- ! 1~t- I 






(1) 



^«— ^ 



^ 



(2) 



(3) 



3^^ 



m 



^ 




Sui] - ka mi - ei - la yuij - kaij 
(2) 



ta - ku wa - te sni yui] - kai] 
(•3) 




na-ziij wa-ka - piij ye - lo 

WORDS 

{First rendition) 

sug'ka a wolf 

'oii^Vla, I considered myself 

yug^kag but 

ta'ku wa^te s'ni I have eaten nothing 

yug'kai] therefore 

na^zig from standing 

wakapig^ yelo^ I am tired out 

{Second rendition) 

^ug'ka a wolf 

"^V^'la I considered myself 

yuD'kag ^ but 

hiuhag' * the owls 

hotog'pi are hooting (see p. 180, footnote) 

yug^kag and 

hagkoVaki pelo' the night I fear 

ATialysis.—'T\\Q interval of a fourth is prominent in tliis melody, 
constituting about 25 per cent of the intervals, while the major 
second constitutes 53 per cent of the number. In many instances 
the major second is a passing tone in a descent of a fourth. This 
song has a compass of 13 tones and is melodic in structure. The 



340 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



rhythm is of special interest, as the song contains three rhythmic 
units, every tone in the melody being comprised in these units. 



No. 130. "Adventures I Seek" 

Sung by Two Shields 
Voice J— 96 
Dkum J— 96 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 

-\~ -^ -^ -t~ -\ — ■ -'- -p- i — -^ -•- -I*- -•- 



■J=^ 



(Catalogue No. 523) 



^ ^ ^ -g-0. .^.-0. 


m 










:^^ ^ -^ ! Hq 


Tr~^U 


i3= 


r 


— r~^~l 


^ 1' ' 


4 — 


-+- 


t=^ra=^ 


^U-i 


LJ — 1 



P^T P 



-^_^_,|^^ 3= H — Horn b ^ 

-A. . ■ • 



Ma-ka 




si - to-mni-yar) wi 



6o - hai] o-wa - le he e a e e 



-|f- -I*- -#- -^- -#- -#- -0- 




yo - ti - ye - ki - ya o - ma-wa - ui hi 



^i^ 



^-# 



S 



^^ 



^ 



4- * 



I 



» wo'rds 

maka'' sito''inniyag in all lands 

wicoliag adventures 

owa^le I seek 

he hence 

iyo^tiyekiya oma^wani amid hardships I have walked 

Analysis. — This is a particularly interesting example of a song 
which is harmonic in structure and based on the fourth five-toned 
scale. At the opening of the song the tonic chord appears in the 
upper octave and there is a descent through the submediant to the 
tonic chord in the lower octave. An ascent of 12 tones is accom- 
plished in two progressions, and the melody, with the mtroduction 
of the words, returns to the tonic chord in the upper octave, descend- 
ing, as before, through G to the tonic chord in. the lower octave, 
ending on the tonic. Though the song is so regular in melodic form 



dknsmokkJ 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



341 



and so distinctly major in tonality, 40 per cent of the intervals are 
minor thirds. The song contains 60 progressions, 37 of which are 
downward and 23 upward. It will ])o recalled that the average num- 
ber of jDrogressions in comparatively modern songs is 31.3. 



No. 131. "His Horses He Granted Me" 

Sung by Two Shields 



(Catalogue No. 543) 



Voice J— 58 
Drum not recorded 




ta-suij - ke ko ma-ku we - lo /;e 

WORDS 

Wakaij^tagka Wakag^tagka 

6ewa''kiya I pray to 

awa^ku we bringing home 

tasug^ke his horses 

ko also 

ma^ku welo^. (he) granted me 

Analysis. — In determinmg the keynote of a song the tost by the 
ear seems permissible, and by this test the song under analysis is 
transcribed as being in the key of A, although the seventh and third 
tones of that key do not appear in the melody. The omission of 
these tones places the song in the first five-toned scale, according to the 
system of pentatonic scales given by Helmholtz. (See p. 7.) One 
instance of a song on the first five-toned scale is found in the analyzed 
Chippewa songs. (See song No. 116, Bulletin 53.) A descending 
fourth characterizes this melody. It appears as E-B in the first two 
measm-es, followed by D-A and A-E, these progressions being 
repeated in the latter part of the song, which contains the words. 
The tonality of the song is major, tliough more than half the intervals 
are minor thirds. 



4840°— Bull. Gl— 18- 



-24 



▼ 



342 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 132. "Those Hills I Trod Upon" (Catalogue No. 670) 
Sung by Many Wounds 



Voice Jr=92 



Drum 



92 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 




ha - aij o - ma 
(2) 



wa - ni koq a - ke mi 
(1) 



ye 



e ca ya 




hi - bu we-lo 



wazi^yata in the north 

paha^ yagke'ce lo (to) those hills 

he^na iya^hai) I climbed 

oma'wani koq roaming 

iilvo^ again 

miye^ (-a I myself 

hil )u'' welo'' come 



m 



Analysis. — This is a favorites song of tlie Sioux, a fact which 
cxpL^ins why it was recorded by three singers on widely separated,' 
parts of the reservation. The words of the first two singers are 
practically the same, while the third singer mentions the streams, 
instead of the hills of the north country; the differences in the melody 
are slight. The rendition by Many Wounds is the one used in the 
tabulated analyses. The song is based on the fourth five-toned 
scale and contains a large percentage of minor thirds. ' It is melodic 
in structure and has a compass of an octave. 



.NSMUUIOJ 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

Duplication of No. 132 

Sunj^ by One Feather 



Voice J -96 



343 



Drum-rhj'tlim similar to No. 5 
(1) 



(2) 




\Va - zi - ya - ta pa - iia yaij -ke - ce he - na i yaij - ke - Ce 

(1) (2) 0) 




As ali'oady stated, this is a dui)lication, the song being sung on 
fferent occasions by tlirce singers. This transcription is given for 
irposes of com]iarison. The words of this are the same as No. 1.32 
cept that the word iya'han (I chmbed) is omitted. Other duph{;a- 
)ns transcribed are Nos. 125 and 133. 

Tliis and the following duplication of No. 132 begin and i'\\{\ on the 
me tone. Other sougs of this series showuig the same pecuHarity 
e Nos. 99, 127, 203, 205, 212, 220, 221, 228, 234, 238. (See Bull. 
, page 222.) 



344 



EUKEAU C)i^' AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



iBUl.L. 61 



Duplication of No. 182 

Sung by Two Shields 



Voice J ^ 96 
Drum J = 96 
Drum-rhvthm similar to No. 5 



(1) 



-,2- .0. .#. ^- .1 



^ 



fcri^ 



-ft- -^. 



^=t. 



:^^=P= 



S^=t 



^■^=l!^iS 



f' ^ 



i — H- 




^Cjf— ; r -H r-*-» ; a -. ^s ; 1 


^^ — — • — • - <7 'J 1 •^!— •-- -^— •-= • • • Jr ' 



Wa - zi 



(2) 



(1) 



(3) 






-^ -#- 



1^ 



-^ ^ : 



^ 



ya - ta wa-kpa yuq -ke-cin /^e he - na o - yuqk 

(2) (3) (2) 




ya ya o - ma - wa ui ye 



a - ke mi - j'e ca ya hi - bu 



:§=^ 



:i 



|=-f=^I^^^^E^^^^ 



we-lo 



wazi'yata in the north 

wakpa' (by) streams 

yuijke'ciu that are 

heua^ there 

oyuT)k^ya my bed is 

oma''wani ye I have roamed 

ake^ again 

miye' ca I myself 

hibu' welo come 

In this instance the words are shghtly different from those sung by 
One Feather with the same melody. 



den.smouk] 



TETON STOUX MTTSTC 



345 



No. 133. Wolf Song 

SuTif^ by Two Shields 
Voice J— 96 
Drum J - 96 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 



(Catalogue No. 524) 




J=69 - - 




E - 6a ^uq-ka mi-ci - la yuq-kaq 



= 96 




^i^^^^^l^^g 



4- ^ 



ta - ku wa-te sni yui}-kaq na-ziq wa-ka - piq ye 




WORDS 

e^ca well 

^ui)''ka a wolf 

miei'la I considered myself 

yuij'kaq and yet 

ta^ku wa'te sui I have eaten nothing 

yuq'kar) and 

na'zii] waka'piij ye I can scarcely stand 

Analysis. — The words of tliis song are the same as those of the 
first rendition of No. 129, embodyuig an idea which was commonly 
expressed m connection witli tlie warpath — that the hfe of a warrior 
was Uke that of a wolf. On examming the phonograph records 
it was foimd that the same melody had been recorded by Siya'ka, 
different words being used. It is probable that the words used by 
Siya'ka are also very old. Both transcriptions are given for the pur- 
pose of comparison. It will be readily seen that the differences are 
about the same as in other duplications; the actual comparison, how- 
ever, can be made only by means of structural analyses. On com- 
paring these, it is found that both renditions contain only the tones 
of the second fivc-toncd scale, have a range of 12 tones, and ai-e 
harmonic in stnicture. The rhythmic unit is the same in each, also 



346 



BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BDLL. 61 



the rhythm of the drum. The tempo is sHghtly different and the 
key is higher, whicli suggests a difference in the adjustment of tlie 
phonograph. It is found that the rendition hy Two Shields con- 
tains 53 progressions and that by Siya'ka 59 ; the former contains 
18 and the hitter 20 minor thirds; the former 25 and the Latter 29 
major seconds; the former 5 and the hitter 6 ascending major thirds. 
The differences are therefore sho^^^l to be shght and unimportant. 
A change of tempo occurs in the rendition l)y Two Sliields. 

Duplication of No. 133 

Sung by iSiya^ka 
Voice J = 108 
Drum J_= 108 
Drum-rhythm similar to No . 19 




4f- ^ ^ 



^ • -^ 



-F^^ 



■ A- 








ni -6a 



e - ma - ki - ya ca ma - ka si - to - mni 



§girg= s 



i 



»==# r~¥ 



U=tt=^ 



o - ma - wa-m ye 

WORDS 

e^ca well 

wi oblu''spa yug'kar) when I was oourting 

sugka''wakar) ni nida'' "horses you have none " 

ema'kiya to me was said 

<^a therefore 

maka' sito'mni over all tlie land 

oma^wani ye I roam 



DKNSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



347 



Tliis is not entirely similar to the preceding songs, as it is a per- 
sonal rather than a society song, but is placed here as it may be 
supposed to have been sung prior to the departure of a war party. 
In some respects the words of this song resemble those of Red Fox's 
war song (Xo. 155), yet the idea is exactly the opposite, for in this 
song a reluctant boy is being urged to bravery by his older brothers. 



No. 134. "It Is Difficult" 

Sung by Used-as-a-Shield 



(Catalogue No. 611) 



Voice J -80 
Drum not recorded 

-•- -• • -•--#- ) 




SS 



U^ 



:tz .^ ^ ^. 



-^ ^ 



-f=z- 



=S=F 




ci - ye he . ya - pi tka ta - moij - ka sni ye 



zuya'' on the warpath 

waii^ kta I was coming 

yuq'kai) when 

ciye' brothers 

heya' pelo said 

ta'ku anything (see p. 349, footnote 2) 

wagla^ke 6ii) you see 

ape'wadig yo try to strike it (see p. 359) 

<5iye^ brothers 

heya''pi said this 

tka hence 

tamog'ka ^ni yelo' I realize difficulties 

Analysis. — In structure as well as in idea this song closely resem- 
bles No. 155; indeed it was said by some Indians to be the same 



348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETFTNOLOGY \n\nj.. oi 

song. On comparison of the two transcriptions it is noted that 53 
instead of 75 per cent of the intervals are thirds, the major and 
minor thu-ds being equal in number. The rhythmic unit is shorter 
but has the same division of the first count. The compass is the 
same, but No. 134 contains all the tones of the octave except the 
seventh and second, wliile song No. 155 contains only the major triad. 

The warriors carried extra moccasins, and each man took his own 
cup or cooking utensil, these features of the preparation being indi- 
cated in the personal war narratives which follow. The war party 
took also a supj^ly of medicines for the treatment of the wounded. 

The leader usually carried the skin of a wolf with the head pointmg 
in the direction they were going. When the party camped he laid 
the wolfskm on the ground with its head toward the enemy's country, 
and when they resumed their jomney the head still pomted the way. 
No drum or rattle was used, the men walking silently. If there 
chanced to be a man in the party who had dieamed of a wolf, he was 
asked to perform certain ceremonies. For instance, as the warriors 
approached the camp of the enemy they desired bad weather, espe- 
cially a chizzlmg rain, to cover theh attack. Then the medicine- 
man would sprinkle water on the wolf hide, sing his personal song, 
and offer a prayer, saying that the warriors wished for a storm in 
which to attack then enemies. It is said that a storm usually 
followed this procedure on the part of a medicine-man. It they had 
difhculty in locating the enemy because the hitter's camp had been 
moved, they again called on a medicine-man to search for the enemy 
by means of his power. If he were able to command the sacred 
stones, he would use them for that purpose. 

From an old warrior the writer secured a decorated shield which, 
he said, he had carried in wars against the Crows (pis. 48, 49). The 
shield is made of rawhide stretched over a hoop and laced with a 
strip of hide. The greatest diameter is 16 inches. The decoration 
on the shield was said to refer to a dream of a bear. The eight seg- 
ments were painted alternately red and yellow, the painting on the 
yellow segments, in black, representing bears' paws, while the space 
below the paws was white. The warrior said that the decoration 
commemorated a fight with the Crows, and that certain features of 
the painthig showed that the fight, though in the Black Hills, took 
place in a level, open place. He said that he was "in the middle of 
the shield and the enemies were all around him, but the claws of 
the bear were on every side to protect him," hence he was not hurt 
in the battle. 

A typical Sioux war bonnet is sho^vn in plate 50. These head- 
dresses were made of the tail feathers of the eagle, and man}'' of them 
were tipped with horsehair or white down. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 48 




WAR SHIELD (OBVERSE) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 49 




WAR SHIELD (REVERSE) 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 50 




SIOUX WAR BONNET 



nEN.SMnllKl 



TETON STOUX MITRTC 



349 



Men on the warpath sought the highest points from wliich to spy 
the enemy and estimate distances; they often piled up stones to shield 
them from the sight of the enemy. Many of these heaps of stones 
are still seen in the Sioux country. Some of them are said to have 
heen erected as landmarks to guide the members of a war party back 
to their rendezvous. This statement", however, is erroneous. The 
place and time of meeting were understood before an attack was 
made on the enemy, but the men were obliged to find their way to it 
as best they could. 

Sug'ka-waqbli'' (Dog Eagle) said that when he went on the war- 
path this song was sung at night in the camp to "strengthen their 
hearts. "_ They sang very low, and sometimes imitated an owl. 



No. 135. Song of the Camp 

Sung by Doc, Eagle 
Voice J— 80 
Drum J = 80 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 

-^ -^ -f^ 'fz ^ ^ 4L 



(Catalogue No. 657) 




^aa fck=b ^g ^ |^^ Md:.=S i ^^^^ 



Ta-ku 



le - ce - ca he 



-#- -1— i — •- -•--•- 



^33 



S 



^^ 



I 






&E1 



^ 



4: 



to-kl 1- huq - ni a ka e - ha - hai) pe - lo Suij-ka - wa-kaij he hi-yo 



wa - u we - lo 

WORDS 

ta^ku- something (referring to a ])erson) 

le'6e<5a he like this 

to^ki ihug'ni ka is not likely to reach anywhere 

eha'hag pelo'' you are saying 

sug^kawakag horses 

hiyo' waii' welo' I am coming after 

' The word suTf'ka may l)e translated either "wolf" or "dog," but in proper names the latter meaning 
is commonly used. 

' The word taku when used in this manner is an expression of contempt. A free translation of the words 
is as follows: "You are saying that such a person as I will never arrive at anything, but I am coming after 
horses." Cf. taku in songs Nos. U4, l.if). 



350 Bureau of American ethnology [bull, ei 

Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the minor triad 
and fourth. The melody progresses largely by whole tones, as 56 
per cent of the intervals are major seconds. The interval of the 
fourth also is prominent, comprising 20 per cent of the progressions. 
Several renditions were recorded; these are uniform in every respect. 
The rhythm of the song is such as to suggest the presence of a rhythmic 
unit, but it will be noted that no rhythmic phrase is repeated in the 
melody. 

When the warriors were acting as scouts or wished for any reason 
to be unobserved, each wore a white cloth arranged like a blanket 
and frequently having eagle feathers fastened at the shoulders. 
Sometimes a separate cloth covered the head, as shown in the draw- 
ing by Jaw (pi. 59), but the hands were always covered. It was said 
that on seeing an enemy in the distance the warrior strung his bow, 
making ready to shoot. As he came nearer the enemy he took an 
arrow from his quiver, and putting the quiver close under his arm- 
pit, held the bow below it with the arrow in position, so that in a 
moment he could throw open his blanket and send the arrow on its 
way. Plate 51 shows two Sioux in this costume, enacting the part 
of scouts. This was a feature of a celebration of the Fourth of July, 
1913, at Bull Head, S. Dak. 

If an open fight was expected the warriors put on their gayest 
regalia. Feather ornaments had been carried in a rawhide case and 
these, with the decorated war shirts, were donned by the warriors. 
Sometimes the men wore little clothing and rubbed "war medicine" 
on their bodies. It was said that they mixed earth which a mole 
had "worked up," with a powdered herb, rubbing it on their own 
bodies and on those of their horses. A specimen of this herb was 
secured, which was identified as Gutierrezia sarotlirae (Pureh) B. & R. 
This specimen grew close to one of the old buffalo wallows on the 
prairie. 

Some w^arriors preferred to be painted by the medicine-men. 

Little Buffalo (Tataq'ka-cika'la) was a man who "made medicine" 
for the warriors. Using blue clay mixed with "medicine," he painted 
a band across the man's forehead with a branching end on each 
cheek bone, the painting being done only in war. In addition to this 
the "medicine" was rubbed on the body and limbs of thew^arrior. 

Bear Eagle (Mato'-waqbli'), who had been painted in this manner 
by Little Buffalo, recorded the two following songs. He said that 
the first one was sung by Little Buffalo alone as he painted them, and 
the second by the warriors after the painting was fhiished. He said 
further that they did not sing in a loud voice, but that, having 
mounted their horses, they sang this song of the man who had painted 
them. 



DKNSMOREl 



TETON STOUX MITSTC 



351 



No. 136. "Clear the Way, I Come" (Catalogue No. 634) 
Sung by Bear Eagle 



Voice J =112 
Drum not recorded 



^» 



■^— i-l 1 zl — rUi i 1 



-^ 



?r-T^ 



m 



Haq - ta yo wa-kaq-yaq hi - bu we - lo 



o haq - ta 



.fL ^ A 



^^ 



^ 



yo wa - kaij-yai] hi - bu we - lo e 



) 



1^12=^ 



^ ' P P ^ 



ma - ka 



-H ^ ft^-^ 



-^..5=L^ 



kiij mi-ta-wa ca wa-kai)-yaij hi- bu we - lo e 



i^ 



£=4: 



• • • S r-. 5 



yo 



wa - kaij-yaij hi - bu we - lo 



?^ 



haij - ta 




yo 



hag^ta yo clear the way 

wakag'yaq in a sacred manner 

hibu'' welo^ I come 

maka^ kir) the earth 

mita^ wa (is) mine 

('■a hence 

wakag^yaij in a sacred manner 

hibu' welo^ I come 

hag^ta yo clear the way 

wakag'yag in a sacred manner 

hibu' welo^ I come 

Analysis. — Tliis melody is })ased on the minor triad A-C-E, though 
D and G frequently appear as accented tones. The song has a com- 
pass of 12 tones, beginning on the twelfth and descending steadily to 
the tonic along the tones of the second five-toned scale. It is minor 
in tonahty, and about one-third of the intervals are minor thirds. 
The intonation was particularly good in this and the following song 
by the same singer. Three renditions were recorded, which are uni- 
form throughout. 

See plot of this melody on p. 419. 



"™*^"'""— "-""■" 



852 



BUREAU OF AMEETCAN ETHNOEOOY 



fBnT-L. fll 



No. 137. "At the Wind Center I Stand' 

Sung by Bear Eagle 
-80 



(Catalogue No. 635) 



Voice 

Drum not recorded 




9-2 ^- ^ 



:± 



t^-ti_t 



- ^ -^ -^^ -^- 



Ma - ka kiij co-ka-ya na-wa-zhj-ye wag-ma-yaij-ka yo 

4t^ Jt. JfL jC^- -^ I ' 




ta - te - yo co 



kii-ya iia-wa-ziij - ye waq-ma-yaij-ka yo o pe - 



^^^512 



:^ 



w=w=w=w^ 



' "r)~^ ^ g (=il 



^=i^ 



.^_-_ 



zi-hu-ta ca na - wa-zi:j-ye ta-te-yo iia - wa-ziij-ye 



maka^ kig ^oka^ya at the center of tlie earlli 

nawa^ziqye I stand 

wagma^yagka yo. behold me 

tate^yo (?oka^ya at the wind center (where the winds l)low to- 
ward nie from every side (see p. ] 20, fo-itnote) 

nawa'zig ye I stand 

waqma'yagka yo behold me 

pezi^ huta •. a root of herb (medicine) 

6& therefore 

nawa'zigye I stand 

tate^yo at the wind center 

nawa^zigye I stand 

Analysis. — Two renditions of tliis song W(^re recorded, botli con- 
taining the change of tempo indicated in the transcription. This 
change is sudden and defuiite, but the second tempo is not sustained 
to the end of the song, the first rendition closing in almost the original 
tempo. (See song No. 5.) Thi-oughout the renditions there are varia- 
tions in time too shght to be indicated, but the rhythmic unit is clearly 
given, showing that the song had a rhythmic clearness in the mind of 
th<> singer. The intonation was good. The song is analyzed in the 



DEXSMOKK] 



tp:ton SIOUX music 



353 



key of major; the minor triad A-C-E, however, is promiiieiil in the 
melody, and a])out 52 per cent of the intervals are minor thirds. 

A somewhat shnilar description of war painting was given by 
Siya'ka, who said that he and four others were in a war party and that 
their horses were painted by a man named Holy Horse (Tasuri'ka- 
wakai)'). He painted the horses with white clay, drawing zigzag 
lines from the mouth down the front legs, branching 'at the hoofs, 
and the same on the hind legs; there was also a band across the fore- 
head and spots on the chest. All the horses were painted alike. 

The four men hatl their faces painted brown with a white line 
across the forehead extending down the cheeks and forked at the end. 
Their hair was tied in a bunch on the forehead and in it was tied some 
of the same "medicine" which had been put on their bodies. 

When the men were ready to start they mounted their horses with 
their faces toward the east and walked single file in a great circle, 
Holy Horse following close behind them. The three following songs 
were said to have been sung by Holy Horse and the men whom 
he had thus painted. It seems probable that, as in the preceding 
narrative, the fu-st song was sung by Holy Horse alone, as he painted 
the men and their horses, and the others by the warriors after the 
painting was fmished. 



No. 138. Song Concerning War Paint (Catalogue No. 465) 
Sung by Siya^ka 



VOICR Jr=r69 

Drum not recorded 




Le ma - ka we - ci - coij kiq oij ya -in i - iii - liaij wa - 



§i#E^ 



0- — # — f5>~ 



E£^E 



5J: 



-^ — ft- 



^ 



LJ^f-U^ 



ye - lo he 



yo 



le ma - ka we - ci - coij ki?] oi] ya 




te 



i - iii - liaij wa - ye • - lo le ma - ka we 




COIJ kiij ojj ya - te i - ui - haij wa - ye - lo he 



ye 



■HMBMinnn 



354 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



le this 

maka' earth 

we^cicog kig I had used as paint 

og causes 

oya^te ' the tribe (of the enemy) 

ini'haij waye'lo much excitement 

Analysis. — The repetitions of the rhytlunic unit constitute the 
whole of this song, these repetitions differing only in the lengths of 
the last two tones. One-third of the intervals are minor seconds, this 
being an unusual proportion of this interval. The major seconds are 
ahnost as many in number, and the remaining intervals comprise 
four minor thirds, four fourths, and an ascending fifth. The song is 
minor in tonality, melodic in structure, and contains all the tones of 
the octave. 

The two following songs were sung after a liorso liad ])e(^n painted 
for the warpath: 



No. 139. "Tremble, O Tribe of the Enemy" 

Sung by Siya'ka 

Voice J= 144 
Drum not recorded 



(Catalogue No. 466) 




Wa-na-ka ho hi-yu-wa - ye si - to-mni-yaq ni-hiq-fii - ya yo o 




ye 



wa - na - ka ho hi - yu - wa - ye si - to - mni-yaij 



§«^ 



f- J^ f p ,:g_^^ (t_ 



W 



^ 



"^r—f - * •- 



B3Et 



ni-hir) - ci - ya yo he 



o -ya 



te wa - kaq 



ni-F^ 



Szi 



'C^^- 



I 



-• — -^ 



4: 



4 gj * | - o I 



yan yaij-ke-ciij si - to - mni-yaij ui-hiij - ci - ya yoyo he yo 



1 The first syllable of this word was omitted by the singer. 



DEN SMOKE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



355 



waiia'ka now at this time 

ho a voice 

hiyuVaye I sent forth 

sito^mniyag all 

nihiij'ciya yo tremble 

oya^te O tribe (of the enemy) 

wakag^yag in a sacred manner 

yagke'ciij sitting 

sito^mniyaij all 

nihig^ciya yo tremble 

Analysis. — This song is divided into "three rhythmic periods, the 
third of which differs shghtly from the others in the division of the 
opening measure. The tempo was shghtly slower on the word 
sito'mniyarj, but not sufficiently so to be indicated. Three renditions 
were recorded, which are alike in eYQrj respect. The melody tones 
are those of the minor triad and fourth, and the song has a compass 
of 12 tones. Only five intervals occur which are larger than a minor 
third, yet the melody is interesting and not lacking in vigor. 

No. 140. "Behold My Horse" (Catalogue No. 468) 

Sung by Hiya^ka 
Voice J — 69 
Brum not recorded 



-^-^t:t 



i^izte^ 




Le - na waq - la - ka nuij - we le - na wai]-Ia - ka nuij-we mi - ta- 



J-92 



^§Sfe 



^: 



^ 



z±r. 



lA: 



sui] - ke wa - kiq -yaq i - ye - ce - ca waij - la - ka nuij 









iS^ 



i:: 



F2=E 



I 



we yu 



le 



na waq - la - ka nuq-we yo he yo 



le^na these (the painted horse and the herbs) 

waijla^ ka nuqwe^ may you behold 

mita^ ^uqke my horse 

wakiq^yaq iye^ceca like the thunderbird 

waijla^ka nuqwe' may you behold 



I IM H mO tM l l MM 



356 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Analysis. — In every rendition of this song the tempo was hastened 
in the latter part. (See song No. 5.) The song is minor in tonaUty 
and contahis all the tones of the octave except the sixth. In structure 
it is harmonic, the accented tones descending along the intervals of 
the chord of B flat minor. One- third of the progressions are minor 
thirds. 

Before entering the camp of the enemy a warrior might strike 
another member of the party as a sign that he was willmg to die in 
that man's place if such a sacrifice became necessary. 



No. 141. "See My Desire" 

Suug by Used-as-a-Shield 



((Aitalogue No. 616) 



"Voice ^^48 
Drum not recorded 




Ta - ku wo - wi-taij o-ya-le pi - / - ca ko - la- pi -la mis-e-ya wai] 

I ' i 







yai] - ke wa-caq - mi wa-na ti-ya -ta wa fia - ze ma-ya-ta pe-lo 



WORDS 

ta''ku wowi^tar) some honor 

oya^le pica^ you seek 

kola^pila friends 

mis^eya I, myself 

wagyaij'ke see 

wacag^mi my desire 

wana^ •- now 

tiya^ta at home 

<^aze' maya'ta pelo^ (it) is mentioned 

Analysis. — This song contams only two intervals larger than a 
minor third, these being an ascending fourth and a descencUng major 
third. Half of the mtervals are minor thirds, with the result that 
the melody has a wailing effect. Four renditions were recorded, the 
first and second behig without a break in the time, as indicated in 
the transcription. The song contains aU the tones of the octave 
except the second, and in structure is melodic with harmonic frame- 
work. 

The following song was sung during or after a fight: 



DENSMORIC] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



357 



No. 142, "The Earth 'Only Endures" (Catalogue No. 617) 
Sung by Used-as-a-Shield 
Voice J =63 
Drum J = 63 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 



§^ 



ijvE;^- 



t^ 



-»- -*-• • T^ 



i 



:f- 



§i --^' I 1^. 



.-4; 



SRg 



?±s 



» d d d ndr 



I 




Wi-ca-hca - la kii] he - ya 




pe - lo e - haq- ke - coq wi - ca - ya - ka pe - lo 



wica^hcala kir) the old men 

heya^ pelo^ say 

maka'' kir) the earth 

lece'la only 

tehar)^ yugke^lo endures 

eha^ pelo^ you spoke 

ehag^kecoq truly 

wica^ yaka pelo^ you are right 

Analysis. — This song contains the tones of the minor triad and 
fourth, and the effect of mmor tonahty is very strong, yet the major 
and mmor thirds are ahnost equal in number, there behig 16 major 
and 15 minor thirds in the melody. The song is harmonic in struc- 
ture, the accented tones following the intervals of the tonic chord. 

Not all who went on the warpath were impelled by love of war. 
It is said that a young man once went because some one told him 
that the girl he expected to marry was untrue to him. The report 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 25 



358 



BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BDLL. 61 



was false, but he went with the warriors. Before a fight he asked 
his comrades to tell the girl, when they returned, that he hoped he 
would be killed. This was his song. 



No. 143. "Tell Her" 

Sung by Used-as-a-Shield 



(Catalogue No. 621) 



Voice J= 76 
Drum J = 76 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 



^ 0- -0- -p- -♦- t~ -•- -•- -•- -#- -•- 

-^iH^ — ^-4—- 1-^-+— ^— N^-t— ^-i— 1^^^ — r— -ff-T \ r r - 


J-4 1^. -1-4 U ^ 4 tJ— 



-r:2 1 r n^v^^-i— ^-- -^r^-rff-r-r-R-^*^-^-^ 


-2_4 ^i|^. zl— -4^ j ^-J ' ' Ig-^ lU 



:tii: 



a=£: 



:L.d^:±=i 



^^ 



i=3t 



:*ZTt 



:rq= 



^3 



-•-H • • 



:^ 



liz^r 



±1 



Ii]-cii) ya-ki -ki-na - hai] 



^•^ 



- ^ 4 —=^-41-4 



^ 



-^'— I* — 1 — 



^^^ 



he o-ki-ciya - ka yo e - hai)- na- hci e - na wa-ki ye - lo 




ir)cii/ yaki' ki'nahar) when you reach home 

he oki^ciyaka yo tell her 

ehao^nahci long before then 

ena^ waki^ yelo^ I will have finished 

Analysis. — This song contains two sections, the latter parts of 
which are alike. Words are found in the second but not in the 
first. There are in the song 65 progressions, almost 62 per cent 
of which are minor thirds and major seconds. Two renditions 
were recorded, which are alike in every respect. The song has a com- 
pass of 12 tones, and contains all the tones of the octave except the 
second. A phrase consisting of two eighth notes followed by a 
quarter note appears frequently, but is not marked as a rhythmic 
unit because it characterizes the song less than the dotted eighth 
and sixteenth count-division, which occurs in various combinations 



DHNSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 359 

The latter, however, is so short a phrase, and is used so diversely, 
that it can not be said to constitute a unit of rhythm. A triple 
measure followed by a double measure is an interesting peculiarity 
of this song. 

The purpose of a man in going to war was to gain honor and to 
capture horses. The honor could come to him either from loyalty 
to his comrades or from conquering the enemy. If a man carried 
either a wounded friend or a captive on his back, on his return he 
could place a certain decoration on his tobacco bag or on his blanket. 
(Fig. 31.) By this sign everyone knew of his act. If two relatives 
were together on a war party, and one was wounded and deserted 
by his kinsman, a stranger who saved him was accorded special 
honor. Thenceforth he was called Wav'o'hiyapi, 'Helper of the help- 
less.' To desert a wounded friend on the warpath was considered 
the greatest perfidy. (See song No. 167.) 

The custom of wearing feathers and painting the face, as well 
as that of "counting coup," probably differs among various tribes 
or bands. The following was given by the writer's informants as 
the custom of the Teton Sioux on that reservation. It was said 
that if a party of warriors attacked the enemy 
and killed several men, the first warrior who killed 
an enemy had the right to wear the "black face 
paint"; thus many of the war songs contain the 
words "the black face paint I seek." (See songs ^en^'inJlTrr 
Nos. 8, 11,. 27, 171.) This paint was worn by 
the man in the dances which followed his return from war. Usually 
it covered only the face, although a man might paint his entire body 
if he so desired. The second warrior to kill an enemy might "strike 
the enemy," for doing which he might, on his return, let his hair hang 
loose, but not paint his face. The time for continuing this practice 
varied according to the individual, but was usually about a month. 
If a war party defeated the enemy without loss to themselves, it 
was permitted to the first four who killed enemies, and also to their 
women relatives, to use the black face paint. In such an event 
special songs would be sung, and at any large gathering these four 
men would appear, the tribe considering them all to be equally 
entitled to the honor of using the black paint. 

If a man had kiUed an enemy without injury to himself he was 
entitled to wear a feather erect at the back of his head. If he killed 
two or more he could wear a corresponding number of feathers, but 
the enemies must all have been killed in the same battle. If he 
succeeded in striking an enemy he could wear a feather horizontall}^ 
at the back of his head. Four men could "count coup" by striking 
the same enemy. (See an instance of striking an enemy, p. 376.) 




360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ci 

At the final camp a returning war party prepared the scalps which 
they had taken for use in the victory dance. Eagle Shield said : 

They selected a man who had dreamed of a carnivorous animal which attacks 
human beings, if such a man were in the party. This man scraped the flesh from the 
inside of the scalp, and having mixed the fat from it with gunpowder, rubbed it on 
his face and hands. He did tliis because of his dream of an animal that devours 
human beings. Then, making a little hoop, he sewed the scalp inside it and fastened 
it at the end of a pole.' 

Plate 52 shows a scalp captured by a Sioux warrior. This seems 
not to have been placed in a hoop, but dried by stretching with 
two short sticks, the mark of one bemg clearly discernible. The 
texture of the skin made it possible for this specimen to be fuUy 
identified at the United States National Museum as a human scalp. 
A dance ornament made of human hair (pi. 52) was obtained 
among the Sioux, but does not represent a custom of that tribe. 
This ornament is said to have been worn by the Crows in dancing. 
It was later used by the Mandan and Hidatsa, with whom the Sioux 
were frequently at war and from whom this article was undoubtedly 
taken. When among the Mandan at Fort Bcrthold the writer was 
told that ornaments of this sort were frequently seen in the old 
days, and that they were made, not from scalps of an enemy, but 
from hair wliich had been cut or had fallen out and been kept for 
the makmg of the ornament. The strands of hair were secured at 
intervals with spruce or other gum, and the ornament was fastened 
to the wearer's head, the hair hanging down his back. 

A victorious war party approached the village on its return, bear- 
ing the scalps aloft on poles. Dog Eagle said that he sang this song 
when he came in sight of the camp on his return from war. It was 
used also in the dances which followed. 

1 Concerning the usage of the Chippewa in preparing a scarp see Bull. 53, p. 118; of the Menomini, see 
Skinner, Alanson, War Customs of the Menomini Indians, Amer. Anthr.,xm, No. 2, p. 309, Lancaster, Pa., 
1911; and of the Osage, see Eleventh Rep. Bur. Elhn., p. 526. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



ULLETIN 61 PLATE 52 




DANCE ORNAMENT MADE OF HAIR 



1 DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC . 361 

No. 144. "She Stands There Smiling" (Catalogue No. 658) 

Sung by Dog Eagle 
Voice J -69 
Drum not recorded 




tS5=^=T=^^S=^ 






Fr=^ 



-^ -^ -^ -^ 



•^ •)' 



^^s^ 



M 



i 



3z!£^te ^f.^ L.Uc=^=:F: 



Ko- la -pi -la na- tai] a - gli ya- ku kte - lo ko-la e - ha - pi 



^£ 



=9^ 



-F-^ 



10 



caq - na ko - la wii)-yaij koij i - lia-na - ziu ye 



kola'pila friends 

nataq' ^ agli' ya'ku ktelo' the attacking party will return 

kola^ friend 

eha^pi'' dag'na whenever you said thia 

kola' friend 

wigyag' kog that woman 

iha^nazig ye stands there smiling 

Analysis. — This song is rhythmic and lively, yet very simple. 
The only tones are those of the major triad and second, the tonic 
triad forming the framework of the melody. The song has a com- 
pass of an octave, and the mtonation was wavering in all the rendi- 
tions. Nearly two-thirds of the progressions are downward. 

As the warriors approached the village the women came to meet 
them. War was for the defense of the home and of the helpless, and 
a man usually gave to the women of his immediate family the scalps 
which he had taken. (Cf . Bulletin 53, pp. 1 18-126.) The return of the 
war party was followed by preparations for the victory dances. 
Songs in honor of victorious warriors were sung in these dances, and 
the scalps on the poles were carried by the women. "WTien the cele- 
bration was finished it was the custom to take the scalps to the top 
of the highest butte, where the poles were set upright m the ground 
and food was placed beside them. Neither the food nor the scalps 
was ever molested. 

' This word, translated "attacking," refers to the manner in which a returning war party approached 
the village, coming with a rush as though attacking an enemy. 



HmnMBHMnaoiBB 



362 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



At subsequent gatherings of the tribe a woman was allowed to 
carry evidences of her husband's success, in war. Such a privilege 
as this was greatly prized by the women. Plate 53 shows a gathering 
at Bull Head, S. Dak. In the foreground appears a woman seated, 
holding a pole on which are the trophies of her husband's success in 
war, the wisp of horsehair representing a scalp. (See also fig. 29.) 

If a young man had been successfid on his first war party, it was 
expected that at the first large gathering after his return he would 
give away many horses and receive his manhood name, suggestive 
of his deed of valor. After that he discarded his childhood or boy- 
hood names. If he went on the warpath again and excelled his first 
achievement, on his return he could be given still another name to 
correspond with his second victory. 

A man who captured horses usually gave some of them to the 
worden of liis family. This custom is expressed in the following song : 

No. 145. "Horses I Am Bringing" (Catalogue No. 529) 
Sung by Two Shields 

Voice J — 84 
Drum not recorded 




taq-ke hi - na-piq na waq-zi o-yus-payo 



tayke' older sister 

hina^pa yo come outside 

^ugkaVakai) horses 

awa'kuwe I am bringing back 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 53 




IAN WITH WAR INSIGNIA OF A RELATIVE 



BBBiiyaHyiHHHHMI 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 363 

tagke^ older sister 

hina'pii) ' come outside 

na and • 

wagzi' oyus'payo you may catch one of them 

Analysis. — This is a particularly lively molod}', and is unique in 
that all the downward progressions are minor thirds and major 
seconds. These descending intervals comprise more than 76 per cent 
of the intervals. Concerning the change of tempo, see song No. 5. 
The song is melodic iit structure and contains all the tones of the 
octave except the second. See plot of this melody on page 419. 

The songs of tlie victory, or scalp, dance were many. These were 
known as iwa'hici'pi 'scalp dance,' the equivalent for "songs" 
being unexpressed, according to Sioux custom. This term, however, 
is applied to a large number of songs the words of whicli do not 
concern the killing of an enemy, and in this connection the term is 
translated ''praise song." The words of many of the praise songs 
deal with a man's generosit}^, and the adaptation of the term 
iwa'Mci'pi is evident, the man being praised in the scalp dance for 
his valor, and the song being used later as a means of securing gifts 
from him; after he had proven his liberality as well as his valor, 
another set of words expressing that fact could be composed. In 
this manner the term iwa'Jcici'pi became applied to a wide range of 
songs. 

The following song, in both words and melody, is a typical 
iwa'Mci'pi in the original meaning of the word. 

Maka'-pezu'tawii) (Earth-medicine Woman) sang this concerning 
her cousin, Pezu'ta-wakai)' (Holy Medicine). ^ She said that when 
she was 13 years of age he went in the middle of the winter to "look 
for Crow horses." Thirty Crows met them, of whom he killed one, 
bringing home the scalp. ^ 

1 This is less imperative than yo. which appears in other parts of the song. 

2 As already stated (p. 217) the full form of "Pezu'ta" is Pezi'huta, meaning literally " a root or herb" 
but commonly translated medicine, it being understood to refer only to preparations of roots and herbs. 

3 Concerning the manner of removing a scalp, see Bull. 53, p. 86. 



364 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 146. "He Is Returning" 

Sung by Earth-Medicine Woman 



(Catalogue No. 689) 



Voice J — 56 
Drum not recorded 

3 




-#- — h -#- -♦-• • 



t 



- 




i - yo - ki - pi wa - cii] na 



he e Pe - zu - ta - wa - 




d - d S 



tlit=^Z=3 



•; -0 -0-. -0- 

kai] o - wa - ki- ya-ka yui]-kai) ke wa-nawaij-zi - kte na ku-we 



^^i^=^ 1 


-^ "^^ M— ^ -¥ 




^=t=a^3=:?=^ 


-0- -•-. . 


-0- -<5>- 



he 



i Pe - zu -wa-kaij Id ye he a he 



oi'yokipi pleasant times 

wacig^ I wish 

na and 

Pezu'ta-wakag Holy Medicine 

owa'kiyaka I told 

yug^kag he hence • 

wana' now 

wagzi''kte he has killed one 

na and 

kuwe'' is returning 

Pezu^wakag (contraction of 
above name) 

Analysis. — This song progresses largely by whole tones, about half 
the intervals being major seconds. Six minor seconds also occur, 
forming more than 13 per cent of the intervals. The general 
character of the melody is similar to that sung by Silent Woman 
(song No. 149). Like that song, it is minor in tonality, but the 
latter song has a compass of 13 tones, while this has a range of only 
9 tones. See plot of this melody on page 419. 

The grief of those whose relatives were killed on the warpath was 
intense. Many of the women cut gashes in the flesh of the entire 
body and limbs, and cropped the hair close to their heads. Many 



densmore] 



TETOK SIOUX MUSIC 



365 



of the men thrust skewers through the flesh on the outside of their 
legs. It was the custom for them to go around the village circle dis- 
playing these signs of mourning, and as they went they sang a song 
in which they inserted the name of their dead relative, or they might 
compose an entirely new song in his honor. 

The following song was sung by Mrs. Hattie Lawrence (pi. 54), 
whose Sioux name is Caqku'lawiq (Road). Mrs. Lawrence has been a 
student at CarUsle, but retains an unusually clear knowledge of old 
war customs. She assisted the writer at McLaugldin, S. Dak., by 
acting as interpreter for part of the material furnished by Jaw, Old 
Buffalo, and Swift Dog. Mrs. Lawrence said that when she was 10 
years of age her cousin, named Kimi'mila-ska (White Butterfly), 
was killed by the Crows, and that she remembered hearing her aunt 
sing this song when the war party returned with the news of his 

death. 

No. 147. Song Concerning White Butterfly (Catalogue No. 686) 

Sung by Mrs. Lawrence 

Voice J = 56 

Drum not recorded 



^=t 




5 



.m il ■ m m 1- 



Sz 



S S s- 



^m 



-1^ -# -25*- 



^ ^- -»(-•• 



^ 



4zt 



To- 




ka - la to - ka- he koij wa - na ku .sni 



ye 



ha - pi 




yui) - kaij Ki - uii-mi - la - ska koq he ya- ka 

+ 



pi i - cin-ke-ya§ 



he - ca o - le-ya - ca he-cuq we 

WORDS 

Toka'la toka^he kor) that Fox leader 

wana' now 

ku sni ye did not retiirn 

eha^pi yug^kaij you said 

Ivimi'mila-ska White Butterfly 

koq he yaka^pi is whom you mean 

i(5ii)^keyas but then 

he^da ole'yada he'(5ug we he went looking for this and it has come to 

pass 



366 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



Analysis. — This is a strange melody. The tonahty of the song as 
a whole is minor, the tone most satisfactory to the ear as a keynote, 
being C sharp, yet the major third occurs six times and the minor 
third only twice. A wailing effect is given by the prominence of the 
minor second, which appears 18 times, comprising 46 per cent of the 
intervals. It will be recalled that this interval is entirely absent 
from a large majority of these songs. All the tones of the octave 
except the fourth are found in the melody, the seventh being sharped 
as an accidental. Two renditions were recorded. In both the acci- 
dental was clearly given, but the intonation as a whole was somewhat 
wavering, owing doubtless in part to the large proportion of semitone 
progressions. 

Mrs. Lawrence said that her aunt lost another son in addition to 
Wliite Butterfly, and that she sang this song as she went around 
the village, mourning his death : 



No. 148. "He Lies Over There" 

Sung by Mrs. Lawrence 



(Catalogue No. 687) 



Voice J = 66 
Drum not recorded 




it 



j«=^ 



^-0^ 



^ 



:P^ 



3 



izatc 



±3t^: 



=i^^ 



jtzjt 



& 



d • d 







^^^^ ^ <t 



m 



¥ 



^- ^ ^— --- 



=: =t =t 






3ti: 



Huq-kpa-pa - ya ho-k§i - la ta - ku ku-wa - pi caij • 



u 



W=i? 



^hr-id—d 



i?EE^ 



S^ 



i=3t 



F^^ 



-^--1 



na Ta - taij - ka-hai] - ska he i - yo 



taij wa - cii] e 



F^^- 



r=: 



±: 



I 



-•- •^. d -4- 0^0 ^^ -0- V -^ i;^ =t :j: =i 

ha - pi ye-lo e - ci - ya - na yuij-ka ke - ya - pi yo 

WORDS 

Hug'kpapaya hok^i^la boys of the Hunkpapa band 

ta^ku kuwa^pi cag^na whenever you pursue anything 

Tatag^'ka-hag^ska Long Buffalo 




'■"'5^^. ^, ,.-% 



'*'•% 



Mf*^- A 






*f 




-^i^y^ 







DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 367 

he iyo^taq is foremost 

wacig'' eha'pi yelo' you said 

edi^yana yug^ka ke^yapi he lies over there 

Analysis. — In many respects this song is like No. 149. It is in 
the same key and has the same compass and tone-material. Like 
song No. 149, it begins with an ascencUng fifth and contains no 
rhythmic unit. This song, however, contains fewer progressions, and 
the singer gave the lowest tone with less distinctness. The minor 
second occurs with about the same frequency as in the latter, but 
the proportion of minor thirds is larger in this melody. Both 
are characteristic of the songs which are sung by women. 

The f oUowi :g song was sung by Ini'laoq'wii) (Silent Woman) 
concerning her younger brother, who was killed by the Crows. Thij 
singer is shown in plate 54 in a pose often assumed by the 
women singers when they wash to "throw" the voice. Placing the 
hand beside the mouth, they are able to make the sound carry a long 
distance. In this picture she is shown wearing the decorated dress 
(pi. 55), the use' of which was permitted only to those whose relatives 
had been killed in battle. This dress is a type of costume worn in 
the old days, but the history of the exploits pictured on the gar- 
ment is lost. It was in a collection of Sioux articles owned by Mrs. 
James McLaughlin and was photographed with her permission. 



368 BUKEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

No. 149. "Learn the Songs of Victory" (Catalogue No. 685) 

Sung by Silent Woman 
Voice J= 116 
Drum not recorded 

4 



S 



:^ 



^ 



l^ttf^ 



±3!z=itzt 



4: 



^^ 



• f5>- 



F=±F 



:«: 



±JZ^. 



-^ 



:^EiMi 



i 



-z^- 



^ 



;4:^z 



^=1: 



4 * w 



^ 



b^ 



^1 



=^tf ^— J^-^1- -^^-T — ^ — -■ ^n — \ ^ 1 ^ ■ 


«J • • • -^- -^ -E^- ^ -S)-- 



fj 



m m m 



*^ 



jtzat 



^ 



^td: 



'-r^qr-^n 



-s^- 



t«i 



^^ 



r=a: 



^ 



^-4 — ib 



Ma - to - oi] - zii] - ca he he - yiq 



#- 



^^ 



3 



5=F 



^ — ^ 



■ 4 rj . F I -4— ^ ii— I 



na /m i - ya - ye he he 



e Kaq 



ii: 



^=# 



v:::^ 



i 



^=f=^t=tl:4=: 



4^ ^ 



-•c=^- 



ii \vi - ca - Sa y/a o - wa - le kte - ]o o 



A- 



=i: 



3=::^ 



_^ — ^- 



^— •— "i^ 



he - yiq na ha i - ya - ye ye a he he taq 



gl^g!^^ 



• • • Ij- -IjI \Z|I — I- - 



-^^- 



ke lo - waq - pi kiq oq - spe i - ci - ci - ya - yo 

WORDS 

Mato''-oqzig^<5a Bobtail Bear (man'a name") 

he heyiq^ said this 

na and 

iya^ye went away, never to return — 

Kaggi^ wida^fo " [the] Crow Indians 



•7 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



369 



owa^e ktelo^ I will seek " 

heyig' he said 

na and 

iya'ye he went away, never to return — 

tagke' "older sister 

lowag^pi kig the songs [in honor of warriors who return 

victorious] 

ogspe' i^i'<5iya yo you must learn " 

Analysis. — This song has a compass of 13 tones, both the highest 
and lowest tones being clearly given. Like song No. 147, this melody 
abounds in semitone progressions, which give a peculiar, wailing 
effect. About 13 per cent of the progressions are semitones, an 
interval which is entirely absent from a large majority of these songs. 
The minor third constitutes about 24 per cent of the intervals. An 
ascent of 13 tones is accomplished in three measures mth the intro- 
duction of the words. The intonation was good throughout the 
song. 

The following song was sung in honor of one of the prominent 
warriors of the tribe: 

No. 150. Song in Honor of OnFhag (Catalogue No. 460) 

Sung by Siya^ka 
Voice J ~ 76 
Dru.m not recorded 






-^ ^'0 






9Sfet=^'-=f 



-7^- 



t>4-^ - 



f*— • 



U? 



^=± 



-^ -/t #- -^ 



•A -ff-- -m- 

-r--^ t- J- r 



. 



=9^ 



ir 



=P^=PE 



i 



ni - hi- haq he e i - ki - 61 -ze koij wa - na he 

\ 

I ^1 I 1 



^ 



3^:^^ 



_ -^ — ■- 



-^ f»- 



=P=P= 



75^-^ 



na - he - 6a ye 



WORDS 



Oni^ai) Oni^hag (man's name, meaning "excited") 

iki'dize ]k:og that warrior 

wana' now 

hena^e6a ye is no more 



370 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Analysis. — This is a rather simple melody on the second five-toned 
scale with the minor third as one-third of the intervals. The rhythmic 
unit is brief but forms the basis o£ the rhythm of the entire song. 
The compass of 11 tones is accomplished in two progressions with 
the introduction of the words of the song. 

The four following songs might be called "love songs connected 
with war." ^ It was said that in the old days all the love songs 
were associated with a man's qualification to wed, this being deter- 
mined by his success in war or in the buffalo hunt. (See duplication 
of song No. 133.) No narratives concerning these songs were 
secured. 

Two renditions of the following song were recorded, one by Two 
Shields and the other by Siya'ka. This duplication, which was 
unintentional, gives an opportunity for comparison, as Two- Shields 
and Siya'ka were equally good singers, and neither knew that the other 
sang the song. (See song No. 133.) The words are slightly different 
but express the same idea. It is not unusual for the words of a song 
to differ in this manner when the song is sung by another singer. 
Both records are transcribed, and it will be seen that the melody 
progressions are the same in both. 

No. 151. "You May Go on the Warpath" (Catalogue No. 531) 

Sung by Two Shields 
Voice J =92 
Drum J — 92 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 

JP. ^- -^ X" 






I 

4=1- 






^ ^ 



Ho - we zu - ya ya - ye ho - we zu - ya ya 



ye 




ho - we zu - ya ya - ye to - k§a 6A - ze na - 6i 



-•- -m- -m- -#--•- 



bgi- e-U I ^ gS 



f P P 



P P f 



ft — ff- 



;i 



i=tiii==t 



ii: 



:± 



hoq kii]-hai] hiq-gna ci-yiq kte a 

WORDS 

ho'' we you may 

zuya' ya^'ye go on the warpath 

to'k^a when 



• For comparatively modern love songs, see Nos. 232-234. 



DEXSMOBE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



371 



6a.ie^ your name 

nadi'liog I hear [announced among the victors] 

kighag' then 

higgna' <^iyir)^ kte I mil marry you 

Analysis. — This melody contains the tones of the fourth five-toned 
scale and has a compass of an octave, extending from the dominant 
above the tonic to the dominant below the tonic. Of the progressions 
61 per cent are major seconds, and about one-fourth are major 
thirds. The wider intervals comprise two intervals of a fourth and 
one ascending fifth. In structure the song is melodic. It is a lively 
melody and particularly rhythmic, though the rhythmic unit is found 
only twice. 

Duplication of No. 151. "When You* Return" 



Voice J = 100 



Sung by Siya^ka 



Drum 



100 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 




Ho - we zu - ya - ya - ye ho - we zu - ya - ya - ye 




ho we zu-ya - ya - ye iq - ciq ya-gli ki - iq - haq hig 



S^J 



^— ^- 



=t=r 



-*— ^ 



^^ 



H 



6i yii] kte 



ho we you may 

zuya'' yaye go on the warpath 

igcig^ when 

yagli' kighag' you return 

higgna' <^iyig' kte I will marry you 

Analysis. — A comparison of the rhythm of this and the rendition 
of the same song by Two Shields (No. 151) is of special interest. It 
will be seen that the same rhythmic unit occurs in both renditions, 
though not always on the same phrase of the song. 



372 



BUKEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BDLL. 61 



The words of the following song tell its story. Doubtless it is a 
song which was often heard in the old days, when many who went 
forth with the war parties did not return. 



No. 152. "I Look for Him in Vain' 

Sung by Two Shields 



(Catalogue No. 530 



VoiCB J = 92 
Dp.um not recorded 




Kg - §ka - la - ka kii] 



a - hi - ya - ya caq 




:BT-fc§:24 



a - wa - ton-waq 
.. f f f P 



he - lo 



^^ 



^E=^ 



to - haij - ni 



^ 



-'S'-r 



a - ke i - ya- ya huij-se 



ta-ku can - ze-ma - ye 



ko^ka'' laka kiq ahi^yaya dag^na. as the young men go by 

awa'tonwag helo' I was looking for liim 

to^hagni ake^ it surprises me anew 

iya^ya hug^e' that he has gone 

ta^ku (it is) something 

<5agze''maye to which I can not be reconciled 

Analysis. — The intonation throughout the renditions of this song 
was wavering, yet the rapid tones in the sixth measure were clear 
and different from a vibrato. The song is melodic in form and begins 
with an ascending fifth; this is somewhat unusual. The tones are 
those of the second five-toned scale, and about two-thirds of the 
progressions are downward. No rhythmic unit appears, but the 
song as a whole is especially rhythmic in character. 



densmoke] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



373 



Like the preceding song, this seems to require no explanation other 
than that contained in the words of the song. It represents the hfe 
of the camp, the everyday hfe of Indian women. 

No. 153. "He Is Again Gone on the Warpath" (Catalogue No. 591) 
Sung by Swift Dog 

Voice J = 84 
Drum not recorded 



FIJ, 



iftSI 



££ 



:3: 



-Jf=W^ 



-(^ 



^^ 



mw^ 



=P=i= 



:p=r-#-# 



fC=p: 



^S 



3tz*: 



^#J«|=d— 


¥^ 


Voice J — 52 

: 1 ^ 


•- -•- -m- ^- 

1 j 1 1 



He hiq -• gna wa - yii] kte cuq 

Voice J = 84 



-•--•-• -^--•-' -#--•-. L^ -— ^ 



2=^: 



Az 






— — I — m—0- 



he a - ke i - ya - ye - lo he mi - ye ma-kiij - na 




he-ya - he lo 



he the one 

higgna' wayig'' kte dug I was going to marry 

he is 

ake' again 

iya''yelo'. gone (on the warpath) 

he miyo^ makig'na he^yahe lo.. it was I whom she meant by saying this 

Analysis. — This song is based on the fourth five-toned scale, has a 
range of nine tones, and is melodic in structure. Twenty-eight pro- 
gressions are dowaiward and 21 are upward, these numbers being 
more nearly equal than in most of the songs under analysis. The 
tones transcribed as A natural and A sharp were clearly distinguished, 
the tone transcribed as A sharp being even sung a trifle above the 
proper pitch. The song contains a change of tempo. (See song 
No. 5.) 

4840°— Bull. 61—18 26 



374 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 154. "Toil Should Give Up the Warpath" (CataJogue No. 576) 
Sung by Shooter 
Voice J— 116 



Drum 



116 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. .5 



^ 



Ttz: 



lt=1= 



gf^=^=££ 



-r^«^ — #-:i^:^3^ 



rv- 



^Ji^ 



^=^ 



=:aj 



-^ — ^ 



se 



:4: 



^W-W—i- 



-#— ^ 



-/» ^ 



^g y- u r j rg 







Zu - ya - pi kiq he a-yu§ 




a - tai]-se - la he - eel yaij-ka na 



zuya'p? Mg he. going on the warpath 

ayu^'tag . /. you should give up 

na and 

owag^zila (to) settle 

yag^ke down 

wadii]^ you should desire 

na and 

ataQ^sela stop 

heceK yag^ka na for good 

Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality, 35 per cent of the 
intervals being mmor thirds. The compass is 13 tones, and all the 
tones of the octave except the seventh are found in the melody. 
The rhythm is interesting, but contains no repeated phrase. The 
song was recorded on two occasions, several renditions being recorded 
each time. The differences are only in the number of repetitions 
of the final tone, or occasionally in the length of unimportant tones. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 56 




dengmore] teton sioux music 375 

Personal Narrative by Red Fox 

Red Fox (Tokala-lu'ta), plate 56, gave the foUowiiig narrative, 
telling how he entered on the career of a warrior: 

My mother was a good and beautiful woman. She wore her hair in long braids, 
and I remember how she looked as she said, "If my son ever goes on the warpath I 
shall take a lariat and hang myself." I was a very Little boy, and it made a great 
impression on me, as my mother intended it should do. Of course, she did not really 
mean it, but she did not want me to run away and go with a war party. Yet that 
is exactly what I did. 

One day when I was about 12 years old I took my bow and arrows and went to 
shoot birds. The arrows were the blunt arrows that children used. I noticed there 
were a number of men going away from the village gaily dressed, and followed by 
little boys carrying packs. I said to another little boy, "Where are they going?" 
He replied, "They are going north oH the warpath." This was the first time I ever 
saw a war party. The other little boy said, "They are our friends who are carrying 
those packs; let us go, too." So we followed the war party. We did not go home 
nor take any extra moccasins; we had only the little calfskin robes we wore and the 
blunt arrows with which we were going to kill birds, but we overtook the war party 
and went with them. Of course the boys who had started with the warriors were 
well supplied with clothing and provisions. 

In every war expedition there is an advance party, which precedes the main body 
of men. My father was one of the warriors in this company, and I afterward learned 
that my cousin Hairy Chin was in the advance party. We had gone a long distance 
before any of the older members of the party saw me. Then one of them called to my 
father and said, "here is your boy." My father told me to sit down beside him and 
questioned me, saying, "Did you have permission from your mother?" I said, "No; 
we were hunting birds and we just came along to join you." He said, "You had 
better camp with the advance party when we overtake them; you will have better 
food and bed than if you stay with us." I learned that the advance party always 
has a good camp, while the others sleep as best they can. The day we left home the 
rear party killed a buffalo, and they shared the meat with the advance party who 
were waiting for them on a butte. 

When my cousin saw me he came over and said, "WTiy did you come, brother-in- 
law?" ['] I replied, "We were hunting birds." He said, "Come with me." So he 
took me to his camp. WTien we entered all the men said, "What a little boy to go on 
the warpath!" I leaned over my dish and began to cut and eat my meat. WTiile 
I was eating I heard the men say, "There is some one coming on horseback, singing." 
The man came nearer and we could hear him saying, "The news is flung about the 
camp that a little boy ran away with the war party, and that his mother took a lariat 
and hung herself." Then I began to cry, and I said, "That must be ray mother; 
she said that she would do that if I ever ran away with a war party. ' ' 

One man said: "They are doing that to make your heart strong. They are only 
fooling you. You will be fooled many times while you are on the warpath. ' ' But that 
did not make any difference. I thought of ray raother, and I kept on crying. 

After 10 days' journey we carae on a previous war party of six Sioux, all of whom 
had been killed by the Crows. I remember the names of only four; they were Mato''- 
ina'pa (Bear Appears), Kaggi^-^ur)ka^ (Crow Dog), ]Ma'za-ska (^^^lite Metal), and 
E'gna-ig'yaqke (Runs Amidst). When I saw the dead bodies lying there with the 
heads scalped, I asked, "What are these?" The reply was, "These are our friends 
who went on the warpath." I said, "By whom were they killed?" The reply was, 

[1 A term used in familiar speech without necessarily implying relationship.] 



3Y6 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

"By our enemies." I asked, "What will you do with these bodies?" The men 
replied, "We will wrap them up and take them home with us." Then I exclaimed, 
"When I grow up I will have my revenge, and I will slay the Indians who killed my 
people." So I became a warrior. 

Our expedition was absent from the village 20 days. My mother did not say a word 
when I came back. She did not reprove me nor tell me how anxious she had been. 
WTiile the men were away on the warpath the women made moccasins. ^Vhile I was 
gone my mother went on making moccasins. WTien I returned she gave me the 
moccasins, and I wore them, but I could scarcely move, I was so closely watched. 
For a long time, whenever I left the lodge she asked me where I was going. 

Continuing his narrative, Red Fox said: 

I went on 45 war parties. I even followed the west branch of the Missouri River 
to the place where the snow never melts on the mountains. I will tell you of the war 
party on which I first killed an enemy. On this expedition I rode a beautiful white 
horse ■with brown ears. Just before we started there was a Sun dance in the village, 
and the leaders said, "If anyone wants to be successful in war let him come and join 
the Sun dance. ' ' There were a hundred men standing abreast in the circle. We were 
asked "WTiat offer will you make to the great sun shining over your head? Will you 
give him tobacco? Will you give him your flesh and blood?" \\Tien the Intercessor 
came to me and asked these questions, I said in reply, "I will give my flesh and 
blood that I may conquer my enemies." I fulfilled this vow at a Sun dance when 
I returned victorious from war. ^ly arms were cut 7 times below the elbow and 2 
times above the elbow, making 18 wounds in all. [Compare description on p. 91.] 

After making my Sun-dance vow, I started on the warpath. We had traveled five 
days and had reached the end of the Missouri River, when the scouts said, "The Crow 
Indians are having a great buffalo hunt." We went where they directed and saw 
three Crows: one had a gun, one had a bow and arrows, and the third had a revolver. 
The first two pointed their weapons at us, and the third flourished his revolver, but 
we were able to go up to them and strike each of them with a coup stick while they 
were alive. We killed those three and also two more. Then we went farther and saw 
another Crow party, but they did not see us. They went into the timber, made a 
fire, and cooked some meat. After a time one of them came out and pointed his gun all 
around. I rode up and hit him with a club. My Sun-dance vow made me fearless. 
This was the fourth coup I counted on that expedition. We watched for the man and 
afterward killed him. From there we went on until we came to a village of the Black- 
feet. The l)orders of the river were heavily timbered, and the Blackfeet were camped 
there. This was beyond the country of the Crows. When in sight of the Blackfoot 
village I put on my war bonnet, mounted my white horse, and ran toward the village. 
I charged them and got about 50 horses from the center of their herd. They shot and 
shot at me, but did not hit me. 

On the second night of our homeward journey we camped at a pJace called Bear 
Butte. ['] Some of our horses were tired out and when the rest of the war party went 
on their way, I stayed behind, having two young men with me. We traveled more 
slowly than the rest, and as we were going along the side of a foothill, I saw four Crow 
warriors coming toward us. I said to the young men: "Come near and stand by me. 
Four warriors are coming." The young men said, "Let us run and hide." I said: 
" Wakag^taqka has but one path. No matter how or where you die you must go by 
that path. Let us stand together and fight." 

[1 There were said to be two or more places called Bear Butte. One of these, situated in Montana, and 
probably referred to in this song, was said to be higher than the one in South Dakota, probably referred 
to in song No. 82, p. 256.] 



DExsMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC . 377 

I had a gun and two revolvers, one of the young men had a quiver of arrows, and the 
other had a double-barreled gun. I sang my death song ['] for I felt sure that I was soon 
to die. I sang as I pointed my gun. I said to my companions, ''I will see which of the 
four has a gun, and I will fire at him, then our numbers will be even. ' ' They all said, 
ho. There was an immense rock in front of us, and in a crack of the rock grew a cherry 
tree. It was through this crack that I watched the wamors. One had his hair combed 
high and carried a gun; the others had bows and arrows, and as they came nearer I saw 
that one of them was only a boy. I said to my companions: ' ' Now work and be brave. 
We have only three to fight, as one of them is a boy." When they came opposite the 
crack in the rock I fired, but my gun snapped and did not gooff. A branch of the cherry 
tree interfered with it. The man with the gun saw me and aimed at me, but I grabbed 
his arm so he could not fire. My companions chased the others, and I fought hand to" 
hand with the man for an hour. Then I called my companions; they succeeded 
, in taking the gun from the man, and I had the satisfaction of killing him. 

The boy ran away, but my companions brought back the two Crows, whom they 
had taken captive. One of them said: "We are Crow Indians. We want to live. 
We give you our bodies, and we give you the right to wear the feathers, only let us 
go." So we gave them back their lives. Because of that act I was appointed a chief, 
for it Mfas considered a brave deed to spare the lives of two enemies. 

Red Fox then recorded the song which he said that he sang when 
he fired at the Crow. The words are those of a boy who wishes to 
go on the warpath, but is opposed by older brothers. He is divided 
between obedience and ambition, and, while he shows no sign of 
yielding, he finds his difficulties increased by this opposition. This 
recalls the story of Red Fox's first war expedition, when he was a 
boy. 

[I A song sung under these circumstances indicated that the man realized the probability of death and 
was ready to meet it. Red, Fox's song is given as No. 155.] 



378 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



No. 155. Song of the Warpath (Catalogue No. 676) 

Sung by Red Fox 



Voice J = 69 
Drum not recorded 



rzi 



^^^=a 



s 




Zu-ya wa-u kte coq he-liai] 



I _ 



U 



^ 



^E=as 




# 



^ti- 



6i - ye he ye - lo a - wi - ca - u - pi kte ka-wiqfi-wa-ciq yo 



=9^ 



u 



:p= — * y ^ =^ 



I 



f^ 



¥=W- 



ci - ye he - ya tka o ta-moq - ka sni - ye - lo he 



zuya'' on the warpath 

waii^ kte coij I was coming 

hehag^ then 

(5iye^ older brothers 

he yelo' said 

awi^caiipi kte if they chase you 

kawigli^wacig yo try to turn back 

6iye' older brothers 

heya' said 

tka hence 

tamog^ka sni yelo' I realize difficulties 

Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the major triad, a 
tone material which is found in only 5 Chippewa songs in a series of 
340, This is its only occurrence in this series. Three-fourths of the 
intervals are tliirds, one-half being minor thirds, and a fourth major 
thirds. The song has a compass of an octave, extending from the 
dominant above to the dominant below the tonic. Jn the latter 
part of the song the division of the final count in the rhythmic unit 
is changed to conform to the words. The song contains no change 
of time. Compare analysis of Song No. 134. 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX 'music 379 

Personal Narrative by Eagle vShield 

An individual war expedition was described by Eagle Shield, 
Mrs. Jas. McLaughlin acting as interpreter. Eagle Shield said: 

Many years ago, in the middle of the \\anter, I wanted to get up a war party, so I 
cooked food and invited some men to a feast. Whil^ they were eating I said, ' ' 1 want 
to go somewhere; that is why I invited you here." They asked where I wished to 
go, and I replied, "On the warpath." "Why do you go on the warpath?" they 
asked; and I answered: "It is winter. The Crows do not tie their horses so near 
the tipis as in summer, so we can get them more easily. We will ask the women to 
make moccasins for us all day tomorrow, and we will start in the evening." 

The next day, toward evening, 3 men came to my lodge, then more came until 
there were 16 men, though I had asked only 10. We sat in a circle and smoked in 
my lodge until the village was asleep. Then we started away. The snow was 
deep, and walking was slow and difficult. At our first camp we cut low plum trees 
and made a bed of branches in the snow. As we journeyed we sometimes saw a herd 
of buffalo. Then we killed one for food, cooking the meat on pointed sticks. We 
used the hide for a bed, but left it when we went on our way. 

After camping the tenth night I said, "Two of us will go ahead and see if we can 
see the enemy's village." A tliird man asked to go with us, and early the next morn 
ing we started. We had traveled some distance when my companion said, "Let us 
climb that butte and look over." We climbed the butte, and looking over the 
top, we saw a very large Crow settlement, and beyond the tipis was a herd of horses 
like a cloud. My companion said, "Let us take two horses and go back." But I 
replied: "No. The Crows will follow us, and as we will be the only ones on horse- 
back the others will be killed." 

We at once turned back toward our camp, traveling a little way at a dogtrot, 
then stopping to rest, and then taking up the dogtrot again. It was just daybreak 
when we approached the camp. I gave the wolf howl by which a war party announces 
its return, and I heard our friends cry: "The scouts are coming back. The scouts 
are coming back. Come and meet them." 

The people stood in a line to receive us. In front of them a stick was placed upright 
in the ground, and I knocked down this stick as a guaranty that I would tell the 
truth. [See p. 441.] My companions joined me in the long-drawn wolf howl. After 
I had knocked down the stick the people all sat down. Then a man filled a pipe, 
offered it to the cardinal points, to the sky, and to the earth, and gave it to me and 
my companion. He did this four times, and then we smoked awliile together. 

At length the man who had offered the pipe asked: "What have you done? Have 
you looked across the prairie or climbed a butte? Did you see a four-legged animal 
[meaning a wolf]? Do not deceive me, but tell the truth." 

I said: "I went on a butte, looked over and saw notliing. Then I went farther, 
and what did I see but buffalo coming toward me. I looked again, and it was a 
Crow village wliich I saw. There were many horses. I beg that you give us some- 
thing to eat, lor we must start at once and travel far. We must reach there at night 
and take the horses in the dark." 

They hastened and brought us food. We kept our blankets tied down as we ate and 
only waited to put on dry moccasins. As we journeyed toward the Crow village we 
hung food in trees, so that we would find it on our return. We could see our tracks in 
the snow when we started, and we came in sight of the Crow village at daybreak. 
All that day we stayed on the butte. We had no food that day. When night came we 
went in and out of a creek, and so reached a second butte, from which we had a full 
view of the Crow camp. The smoke was thick above the tipis. We put on fresh 



380 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

moccasins and tied them very firmly. We fastened our belts tight and arranged our 
buffalo-hair lariats so they could be let out most freely. As we started for the Crow 
camp I said: "Don't take too many horses, or they wdll make a wide track in the 
snow and we shall be followed. Whoever first reaches the trees where the food is stored 
must wait for the others. " 

Although the snow was deep we secured 21 horses. I had 6 horses and no colts, so I 
could travel rapidly. The man with me rode 1 horse and led 4. I heard a sound, 
and looking back, I saw a mule following us. The mule came up and joined us, as 
he had probably been raised with the horses. Mules were highly valued by the 
Sioux, and I claimed this mule as mine. 

A few of our men reached the meeting place before I and my companion arrived. 
We waited for the rest, but two men did not come. W^e fastened our moccasins and 
were about to go back for them when they came in sight. "Hurry!" they cried; 
there is excitement in the Crow camp. They have seen us and are jumping on their 
horses." Some of us were eating when the alarm came, but we made ready to start 
at once. Four went ahead so the horses would follow, and the rest of us drove the 
herd. The cold was intense. We traveled all that night, and I often went back to see 
if we were being pursued . The next morning we made a fire and put on dry moccasins. 
We were afraid that if we traveled slowly we would be caught and killed, so we has- 
tened. That day we let the horses trot awhile and then walk awhile, but we did not 
dare stop to rest. The second night a man who had been on the lookout said, "The 
Crows are after us; they are right on our trail. " 

I said: "We are not cowards. We must stand our ground and not run away." 
My companions cried, "What shall we do?" I said, "We will go to that little rough 
ravine and take the horses down there." It was a "draw" in the prairie, and at the 
end of it there were some great rocks. It was a moonlight night, and bright as day. 
We got the horses into the ravine and could hear the voices of the Crows. Evidently 
there were many of them. I made up my mind that we had a hard time before us, 
but we had good guns and plenty of bullets. I said: "We will crawl up on top of the 
ridge of land and lie flat in a line, far apart. We can see them on the prairie, and as 
soon as they are in range we will fire." We threw off our blankets and were clad 
only in our calf-skin sliirts. So we lay in a row watching for the Crows. I said, "Be 
ready with your guns." 

There was a great crowd of the Crows. They were following the horses' tracks, 
and when they came near us we sprang up, yelled, and fired at random. The Crows 
turned and ran, leaving one man dead whose horse had run away, and one horse whose 
rider was going on foot. We all got together and ran a little way after them, firing 
as fast as we could reload our guns. We shot from above their heads so they could not 
tell where to shoot at us, and only once in awhile they shot in our direction. I said 
to my companions: "The Crows are too many for us. If we go out on the prairie to 
run away they will see how few of us there are. We will keep on shooting and stay 
out of sight. Then they will think there are a great many of us. ' ' 

We could see the Crows. They were still there, like a big burned spot on the 
prairie. Once in awhile one of our men went toward them and shouted: "Come and 
fight. It is good to fight. " [Cf. song No. 157.] This continued all day, and the Crows 
thought there were a great many of us because we called them to come back and 
fight. At last our scouts reported that the Crows had given up and gone away. I said , 
"Hurry; let us start for home." We rode our fastest horses, drove the herd before us, 
and went as fast as we could across the prairie. We camped three nights before we 
reached home with our horses. 

The Sioux occasionally sent a man ahead of a returning war party, who gave a false 
report to the village. Thus when an old man came forward to receive his report, the 
man might say, ' 'All were killed except me. ' ' Then would follow great wailing on the 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 57 



^ 




ONE BUFFALO 




ONE FEATHER 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 58 




HEADDRESS OF WOLF HIDE 



DENSMOKE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 381 

part of those who were easily deceived, but most of the people understood the trick. 
The war party came immediately after, so the people were not left long in uncertainty. 

On the expedition of which I have told you my brother-in-law was the one to make 
the report, and he said, "Eade Shield was the very first one killed." 

I suspected that he would do this, so I said to my companions, "Hurry, before my 
friends harm themselves with grief." So we fired guns, whipped up our horses, and 
came dashing into the village with not even one man wounded, and driving before us a 
fine herd of captured horses. 

Eagle Shield said that on one of his war expeditions he and his 
companions were five days without food, except a few roots which 
they gathered. He said, further, "We were all so very sleepy." 
Wlien they secured food they ate only a little at a time, and even that 
caused them great distress. 

The singer of the following group of songs is Wi'yaka-wagzi'la 
(One Feather), plate 57, weU known as one of the old warriors of 
the Standing Rock Reservation, He was 57 years old when giving 
these songs in 1913. On the warpath in the old days he wore on his 
head the skin of a wolf (pi. 58). Attention is called to the upright 
feathers on the head of the wolf, which were said to resemble the 
ears of the animal. A man lying in the grass on a rise of ground 
could lift his head to spy the enemy, and the feathers would look 
like the ears of a prowling wolf. The quills are very light, and the 
feathers tremble with every motion of the wearer. 

The narrative concerning the first song of the group is as follows: 
Wlien One Feather was 18 years of age he went with a war party 
against the Crows. It was winter, and they traveled as far as the 
Rocky Mountains. There were 22 Sioux in the party, three of 
whom were sent in advance as scouts. He was one of these scouts, 
and when coming near the Crow country, he saw a. Crow butchering 
a buffalo. Pursuing the man, he IdUed him close to the Crow camp. 
One Feather said that he sang the following song as he ran back 
to his comrades after killing the Crow. It was said to be a dancing 
song of the Miwa'tani society. (See p. 326.) 



tmmiiiiTininiTinmninniiiiiB"'"*"'"""'"™'™™""""™™"*"*' 



382 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 156. "May I Be There" 

Sung by One Feather 



(Catalogue No. 623) 






Voice J — 63 
Drum not recorded 







pi kiq-haq ko -la he - ma - tu 



nuq - we 




kola^'pila friends 

ta^ku yaku^wapi kighag^ . . whenever you pursue anything (see p. 349, 

footnote 2) 

kola'' friend 

hema''tu nugwe' may I be there 

Analysis. — This melody lias a compass of an octave and contains 
all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh. The pro- 
gression is principally by whole tones, about 60 per cent of the inter- 
vals being major seconds. A change of time occurs with the intro- 
duction of the words. (See song No. 5.) The song is rhythmic 
throughout, but the rhythmic unit is found only in the first part of 
the melody. 

The following song refers to the fu-e which a war party sometimes 
kmdled on the prairie as a signal of defiance to the enemy: 



densmobe] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



383 



No. 157. "A Prairie Fire' 

Sung by One Feather 



(Catalogue No. 624) 



Voice J ~ 72 
Drum not recorded 




gg. 



^=1 



-^ 



E=^ 



na wa - ye ciij - haij wi - i - lia - kta §i - ca waij -la - ka so e - 6a 




he mi-ye he-6a-moi) we 



ona^ a prairie fire 

wa^ye I started 

6ighag' when 

wi''ihakta ^ida^ you were intent on women and hindered by 

them 

wagla'ka so did you see it? 

e6a.^ he well 

miye' it was I 

he^damog we who did it 

Analysis. — This melody is an example of interval formation rather 
than of key relationship of tones. All the tones of the octave are 
present in the song, wliich is transcribed and analyzed in the key 
of D major, though D is not entirely satisfactory as a kejmote. The 
progressions are cliiefly by small intervals, about 54 per cent of the 
intervals being minor thirds and 36 per cent major seconds. The 
other intervals are an ascending ninth and four fourths. The triad 
of A major is prominent in the melody. It is interesting to compare 
tliis with songs Nos. 108 and 166, in wliich the final interval is also a 
descending fourth. These songs are classified as "irregular." 

The death of a brave man is commemorated in the next song. His 
name was Sitting Crow (Kaggi' iyo'take), a cousin of One Feather, 
who was in the war party. Many Crows were killed in the fight, but 
even that fact did not make the Sioux happy. They all were sad 
because they had to leave Sitting Crow where he fell. A lament for 



384 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



a warrior of this name occurs in the chapter on the Sun dance (see 
song No. 23). It is possible that both songs refer to the same man. 
This melody is a praise song of the Karjgi'yuha society, as Sitting 
Crow was a member of that organization. 



No. 158. Song Concerning Sitting Crow 

Sung by One Feather 



(Catalogue No. 625) 



Voice 



76 



Drum not recorded 



£ 



-#- -^ -^ 



- ^ A f:^' 



-ti- 



£ 



-(2^ 



^1 



2i: 




Ko - la Kaij-gi - i - yo- ta-ke ko - la ku - sni 



^ 



^ - ^ ^ •' r 






p • -^ 



-\ — ^-h 



p • J=» 



I fc I ' ». * \-s>- 



s 



;i] 



ye - lo 



kola' friends 

Kaggi'-iyo'take Sitting Crow 

•kola' - - - friends 

ku'sni yelo' ■ returned not 

Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, in all of 
wliich the intonation was wavering. The song has a compass of 12 
tones, is melodic in structure, and contains the tones of the second 
five-toned scale. Only four intervals larger than a minor third are 
found in the melody, a fact which may account in part for the uncer- 
tainty of intonation, the Indian usually finding it difficult to sing a 
long succession of small intervals with correctness. The total 
number of minor thirds and major seconds in this song is 32. 

One Feather said the following song was sung in connection with 
a fight with the Assiniboin, in which he took part. The "spotted 
horses," strongly mottled with black and wliite, were greatly prized 
by the Sioux, and a few of these are seen among them at the present 
time. 



DEXSMOEE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



385 



No. 159. "A Spotted Horse" (Catalogue No. 626) 

Sung by One Feather 



Voice J = 96 
Drum not recorded 




Ko - la - pi - la 




wa - u we 



WORDS ' 



kola'pila friends 

hiya^yapiye yo come with me 

^uggle'ska a spotted horse 

ca it is 

hiyo^ waii' we I am coming after 

Analysis. — This is a pleasing rhythmic melody on tlie fourth five- 
toned scale. The song is based on the tonic triad, but the second is 
twice accented, classifying tlie song as melodic with harmonic frame- 
work. The eighth rest in the third measure from the close was 
clearly given in the three renditions. The intonation was good on 
all except the highest tones. As frequently occurs in songs on the 
fourth five-toned scale, the minor third is prominent, in this instance 
forming one-third of the number of intervals. An ascending minor 
sixth is found in the early part of the melody. It is interesting to 
note that the minor sixth appears much oftener than the major sixth 
in the Sioux songs under analysis. (See Tables 11, 12, pp. 16, 17.) 



» The first part of this song is addressed to friends, the remainder to the enemy. 



386 



BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

No. 160. "Owls Hoot At Me" (Catalogue No. 627) 

Sung by One Feather 



Voice J r= 96 
Drum not recorded 



^^ " 



.^- ^- .^. 



^^-F=t=& 



#-^ 



-t: 



-^ -#- -i^-* -0- -#- 



:a 



#— ^ 



^ 



^a 



s 



^e=[|3^H 



•- ^- ^ 



^— *- 



:p=P= 



i^^ 



^ 



^#.. f: f:_^ .#. 



^SgEEgE^ 



• -I 1— -F- -F- -•-•-•- -•■ 



^ 



-r- -F- ' -H- -I — F 



^ 



Hiq-har) a - ma ho - toq po hiij-haij a - ma 






T- 






:p=*^=P 



i^i 



:i!sSEe 



ho-toi] po he -ca na - lioi] wa- oij we - lo 



=t=t 



5^ 



^ 



3^E 



(First rendition) 

hiqhag^ owls 

ama' hotog' po hoot at me (see p. 180, footnote) 

highag' owls 

ama'' hotoij' po hoot at me 

he'ca ." that ia what 

nahog^ waog'' welc I hear in my life 

(Second rendition) 

sug'ka wolves 

ama'' hopiye howl at me 

sug'ka wolves 

ama'' hopiye howl at me 

he'ca that is what 

nahog' waog' welo I hear in my life 

Analysis. — This melody progresses chiefly by whole tones, 62 per 
cent of the intervals being major seconds. The minor third is also 
prominent, constituting about 22 per cent of the intervals. The song 



1 The idea of the song is, "owls may hoot and wolves howl at me. To these I am accustomed in all 
my life." 



m nn nnH H iMnum m nm ii 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 59 







DEN.sMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 387 

contains all the tones of the octave except the second and has a 
compass of an octave. The second count of the rhythmic unit is 
divided in three different ways, giving variety to the rhythm of the 
song as a whole. Three renditions were recorded, which are identical. 

Songs Accompanied by Native Drawings 

Four men contributed their drawings to this section of the work. 
Tlioir names are Jaw, Eagle wShield, Swift Dog (Suri'ka-lu'zahai)), and 
Old Buffalo. The work of each man has certain characteristics apart 
from the peculiar outlines of his sketches of men or horses. Thus in 
the drawings of Jaw, most of the incidents concern the capture of 
horses and the numbers of the enemy are not shown, while in those of 
Eagle Sliield the latter feature is clearly indicated, the work including 
more detail than the drawings of any other native artist except per- 
haps Old Buffalo. Several rescues are shown in Eagle Shield's work 
and none in that of any others. The coup stick appears frequently 
in Swift Dog's drawings, but in none of the others. 

There is a difference in the part of the sheet on which the drawing 
"begins." This is determined by the narrative, as an observer 
would not know which sketch the artist regarded as the opening of 
the series. 

The manner of dehneating the Crows and the Assiniboin is similar 
in all the drawings, the}- being distinguished b}^ the upright hair on 
top of the head. 

The man who gave the material in the next succeeding pages 
is commonly known as Jaw (Cehu'pa), plate 59, a name which he 
received from a white brother-in-law. His childhood name was 
Ma'za-ho'wai^te (Loud-sounding Metal), and at the age of 17 he 
was given the name of Oki'cize-ta'wa (His Battle), which is his true 
name at the present time. He was given this name after takhig part 
in a fight for the first time. He had been out with a war party 
once before and had stolen horses, but this was his first experience in 
actual warfare. On being asked his connection in the tribe, he 
replied: "I am of two bands. My mother was a Gi'gilas'ka, a divi- 
sion of the Hunkpa'pa band, and my father was a Sans Arc, of the 
Tc'toQwai)." He said that he was 63 years of age at that time 
(1913), and when asked the year of his birth, he said that he was 
born in the year known as Ke woyu'spa ta wani'yetu, 'winter that 
Turtle Catcher died.' On consulting the picture calendar (see p. 69) 
this year was found to be 1850. 

As a further test of his memory Jaw was asked to name several 
succeeding years of the picture calendar of the Standing Rock 
Sioux. He did this with accuracy except for a different naming 
of one year. On reaching the name of his seventh year he added, 



llliiiiuiiiiuiHiiiiwmiiiMwoiiiiwHw.i.M».«««M». 



388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

''that was the year I killed the bird.'' In explanation of this he said 
that the people were moving camp and he was with his grandmother, 
who had taken care of him since his infancy, when his mother died. 
He said, "I killed the bird and took it to my grandmother." (See 
pi. 60, B.) "lil killed many she woidd carry them all, and when we 
camped at night she would eat my hunting, and I would eat some 
too." He said that his father first called him Ma 'za-ho 'waste when 
he killed the bird. His name before that time is not recorded. 

In his young manhood Jaw was known especially for his success 
in stealing horses from the enemy. In addition to his narratives of 
expeditions for this purpose he gave, general information concerning 
war customs. Among other things he recalled that in the old days 
each warrior carried his own wooden bowl (pi. 61), hung by a cord 
from his belt. It is said that "A man on the warpath always ate and 
drank from his own dish. When he returned home the dish was put 
away with other articles which he used on the warpath and sweet 
grass was put with it." ' 

Jaw's manner of painting himself and his horse when going on the 
warpath was as follows : He painted a red crescent over his mouth, 
the points of the crescent extending upward halfway to his cheek- 
bones. His hands were painted red from the wrists and his feet from 
the ankles. A large crescent like that on his face was painted on 
his horse's chest, and a smaller one on the animal's left hip, while 
the entire end of the horse's nose was painted yellow. If a horse suc- 
ceeded in some difficult undertaking it was his custom to reward the 
animal by putting a feather in its mane or tail, or a band of red list- 
cloth around its neck. (See p. 298.) 

Jaw had two medicine bags containing the same 'medicine,' one 
for his horse and one for himself. The horse's medicine bag was tied 
to the bit of its bridle. He said that if his horse "had a headache" 
he chewed a certain herb and put it into the horse's mouth, where- 
upon the trouble was relieved at once. This was probably the herb 
numbered 4 in the component parts of his war 'medicine.' Jaw 
said that when going to steal horses he often went to windward of 
them and chewed this herb, at which the horses at once "pricked up 
their ears, ' ' being attracted by it. 

When on the warpath. Jaw carried a leather pouch containing 
vermiUon paint mixed with grease, for applying to his face and body. 
This pouch is shown in plate 61, together with Jaw's war whistle 
and a warrior's bowl. On his shoulder he wore a wolf skin, to the 
nose of which was tied his war whistle ^ and to this whistle was 

c — ■ 

1 Regulations for protecting the health of a Chippewa war party are given in Bull. 53, p. 85. 

^Thedimensionsanddesrriptionof this whist le are the same as those of the imdecorated Sun-dance whistle 
illustrated on p. 98 except that the sound hole in this whistle bears the marks of having been cut with asaw. 
Mr. E. H. Hawley of the U. S. National Museum states this to be the first instance of such cutting which 
has come under his observation. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 60 




A. THE HUNT (DRAWING BY JAW) 




B- SCENES FROM JAW'S CHILDHOOD (DRAWING BY HIMSELF) 



lUIII l Wm HinW WtWWTWH«t»tt*H«»tMfltMMM*«MI 



iniin rM— mn n im iii n i 



mWlWHllUMm— llMHlMUH gK 



DENSMOKE] TETON" SIOUX MUSIC 389 

fastened the medicine bag, which he tied to his horse's bridle when 
on the warpath. According to Jaw, these medicine bags contained 
a mixture of four herbs, dried and powdered. It was said that tliey 
could be used singly, as indicated, or in combination, as in his war 
medicine, which had power as a charm in addition to its efficacy as 
a curative agency. He secured fresh specimens of the herbs, which 
were identified as follows : 

(1) Echinacea angvstifolia DC. (nigger head). Jaw said: "The 
root of this plant wlien dried is good for toothache. The person 
should chew it. The top also is good, but not so strong." 

(2) Cheirinia aspera (DC.) Britton (western wall flower). This 
was said to be "bitter and good for stomach trouble. The whole 
plant is dried and chewed, or a tea may be made if preferred." 

(3) Erigeron pumilus Nutt. (daisy). A decoction of this was used 
for rheumatism and lameness, and it was used also for disorders of the 
stomach. 

(4) Laciniaria punctata (Hook.) Kuntze (blazing star). A decoc- 
tion of this was given to persons with pain in the heart, the entire 
plant being used for this purpose. The root was also dried and pow- 
dered. This medicine, either in a dry powder or in the form of a 
decoction, was given also to horses. 

An herb used by Jaw in the treatment of rheumatism is included 
in the list of medicinal her])s on page 270. 

A successful war expedition by Jaw is shown in a drawing by 
himself (pi. 62), the same drawing appearing in tlie background of 
his portrait (pi. 59). Jaw said that before any important under- 
taking he smoked a certain pipe in a ceremonial manner and ''offered 
prayers to Wakaq'taqka." Instead of attempting to describe this, 
he enacted it for the WTiter as follows : 

(1) With the bowl of the pipe in his left hand and the stem in his 
right hand he held the pipe upright in front of and close to his body, 
saying rapidly in a low tone: '' Wakar)'tar)ka, behold this pipe, 
behold it. I ask you to smoke it. I do not want to kill anybody, I 
want only to get good horses. I ask you to help m^e. That is why 
I speak to you with this pipe." (See p. 66.) 

(2) Changing the position of his hands, placing his left hand on the 
stem of the pipe and holding the bowl in his right hand, he pointed the 
stem toward his left shoulder, saying: ''Now, wolf, behold this 
pipe. Smoke it and bring me many horses." 

(3) He then placed his right hand once more on the stem of the 
pipe and his left hand on the bowl, and pointing the stem upward and 
forward holding the pipe level with his face, ho said: "Wakaij'- 
taqka, behold this pipe. I ask you to smoke it. I am holding it for 
you. Look also at me." 

4840°— Bull. 61—18 27 



■■ — — — im imi — ■ — —— 



390 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



(4) After placing the stem of the unliglited pipe in his mouth 
(still holding the bowl in his left hand) again he said, "Wakai)'- 
tar)ka, I will now smoke this pipe in your honor. I ask that no 
bidlet may harm me when I am in battle. I ask that I may get 
many horses." 

(5) Having elevated the pipe as in section 3, he lighted and smoked 
it, holding it firmly in both hands. Then he said (referring to his 
participation in the Sun dance) :^ "Wakaq'tagka, behold this pipe 
and behold me. I have let my breast be pierced. I have shed 
much blood. I ask you to protect me from shedding more blood 
and to give me long life." 

When this ceremonial act was completed Jaw filled another pipe, 
which was one that he commonly used, and smoked it. He said: 
"It is the office of a certain pipe that it be smoked in making a 
request of Wakag'tagka. I always did what I have now enacted for 
you, and my blood was never shed after I took part in the Sun dance. 
This was because I asked Wakag'taqka to give me success." 

At that time the following song was sung: 



No. 161. "I Wish to Roam' 

Sung by Jaw 
Voice J = 92 
Drum ^ = 88 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 



(Catalogue No. 651) 



^^ 



> ^- ^ -f- 



m 



:t=^P 



-0-i--^- 



=P=4: 



• • •— n 










Ko-la wa - ya-kte-pi kir) - 



^ 






^. 



m^^ 



itr=f=r=i^^ 



=s 



-f5>- •— 



^^ 



-B^ — ^^ 



na to-kelwa - ciij-ka o - ma - wa-ni kte-lo he siu] - ka-\va-kai] 



fci- 



=^=^F=£=f^^=3= 



►--=-•—» 



o - wa-le kte-lo 



1 Jaw bore scars on his chest and back, also small scars the entire length of his arms, showingthat he ful- 
filled his Sun-dance vow. 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



391 



kola' friend 

waya'ktepi kig'na be alert 

tokeF any way 

■n-adig^ka I ^vish 

oma'wani ktelo' to roam about 

^ug'kawakag horses 

owa'le ktelo' I will seek 

Analysis. — The character of this melody would seem to indicate 
that it is an old song and is correctly sung. The rhythmic unit is 
well defined and has an evident influence on the rhythm of the song 
as a whole. More than half the intervals are minor thirds, and only 
four intervals larger than a minor third appear in the song. The ascent 
of a seventh is somewhat unusual. This ascending interval is found 
only 9 times in the 2,864 intervals of Chippewa songs and 13 times 
hi the present series. This song is melodic in structure, has a range 
of nine tones, and contains all tones of the complete octave. 

See plot of this melody on page 419. 

When the war party came near the camp of the enemy they 
waited for night in order to make their attack under cover of dark- 
ness. At that time the following song is said to have been sung: 



No. 162. *'A Night Is Different" 

Sung by Jaw 



(Catalogue No. 6:2) 



Voice J = 88 
Drcm J = 88 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 




\m^^ts^tr^ 


:if^f^. 




ff0 1 ^ 

H m 1 hi — — 


r. ■ 


1 t^l?!^ 4 ^^ W-^ — L 


LJ ^ 1 




Lb.J 1 U 1 








Kg -la hai]- he - pi waq to - ke-ca Ca mi - ta - guq - ke 



^c=p: 



:§SSS 



^ 



-^-^-^ 



^^ ^ ^ - 



^*=?t: 



i2|^fe^ 



:U^ 



:p=pE: 



:^ 



-ta yaiin\] we 



kola^ friend 

haghe'pi wag a night 

toke'ca .• is different (from the day) 

<5a so 

mita'^ugke o'ta nugwe' may my horses be many 



MW«HWW*Hi«wwtiWMM«""""i'»iitm»«i««n 



392 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Analysis. — The second part of this song, containing the words, is 
an exact repetition of the first part, a somewhat unusual condition. 
The form of the song is simple. It has a compass of an octave and 
ends on the tonic. The melody tones are those of the minor triad 
and fourth, but only the tones of the tonic triad are accented. The 
size of interval varies more than in many of the songs, one-third of 
the intervals being larger than a minor third. The song contains no 
rhythmic unit, but the rhythm of the song as a whole is interesting 
and distinctive. 

When night came the object of the expedition was carried out. 
Under cover of darkness Jaw succeeded in capturing on this occasion 
70 horses. (See pi. 62.) In referring to this exploit he said: "I did 
not waken nor kill any of the Crows; I just took their horses. No 
Sioux ever took more horses than that in one night." 

As Jaw and his party approached their village they gave the long 
wolf howl, at which the people came out to meet them. The fol- 
lowing song celebrated the victory, the women singing with the men: 



No. 163. "I Am Bringing Horses" 

Sung by Jaw 



(Catalogue No. 653) 



Voice J =96 
Drum not recorded 





^¥3^^^^^=^-^^^-^-^^^^-!=^] 



^^i^^M 



!»--• 



■#-^ 



Sui]- ka - wa- kai] o-wa - a 



as? 



-^ — ^ 



iiizziti 



^^^^— !-•— ♦ 



^ 



-• — •- 



fc^ 



le 6a 



a-wa - ku we 



sui)ka''wakaq horses 

owa^le I seek 

<5a so 

awa^ku we I am bringing them 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 64 






INCIDENTS IN 



THE LIFE OF EAGLE SHIELD (DRAWINGS BY HIMSELF) 



A. HIS FIRST FIGHT 

B. DANCE OF THE KANGIYUHA 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 393 

Analysis. — Four renditions of this song were recorded. In all the 
renditions the accidental G flat appears, though the pitch of the 
tone varies slightly, the mterval between G flat and F being usually- 
sung too small. The song is based on the fourth five-toned scale 
and is melodic m structure. Though the song is major m tonality, 
44 per cent of the intervals are minor thu*ds. 

Events similar to those of the preceding narrative are depicted in 
plate 6.3, but no songs were recorded concerning them. 

The foUowing pages contain narratives of personal experiences on 
the warpath by Eagle Shield, illustrated by his own drawings. With 
few exceptions a song is associated with each drawing. Plate 64, ^, 
depicts his first fight, which took place when he was 14 years of age. 
As he was so young he had no song to sing in this fight, neither did 
he commemorate it in a song, as he might have done had it occurred 
in his later life. His second drawing (pi. 64, B) represents the 
members of the Kai]gi'yuha society (see p. 318 et seq.). The customs 
of this society among the Teton Sioux are described by Wissler. Thus 
Eagle Shield said, ''I am leader of the dancers, and when I rise to 
dance the singers begin to beat their drums," while Wissler states 
that "the two rattle-bearers gave the signal for the dancing," and, 
further, that "the four drummers each carry a small hand-drum." 
(See pi. 64.) 

The followmg was said to be a characteristic song of the Kaijg-i'yuha. 
The words express reproof. 



^— "" - — 



394 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL, ei 



No. 164. "Even the Eagle Dies" (Catalogue No. 507) 

Sung by Eagle Shield 



Voice J =88 
Drum not recorded 






S 



:=iF 




'^jt ^O ^ p~y 



^^ 



4 1^" ^ F^ ~^ 




A - ki - ci - ta na - ya - pa - pi kiij waq - bli ka-yes 



P^ 



i\ 



:?EZ=^ 



^ — |- — >— 



V=(f^=W-- 



±L 



±1 



:#=?- 



te ye - lo 



aki'<^ita soldiers 

naya^papi you fled 

kig wagbli^ kayes' te yelo' even the eagle dies 

Analysis. — The upward and downward progressions are more 
nearly equal in this than in many songs, as it contains 25 ascendmg 
and 28 descending mtervals. The principal progressions are major 
seconds (48 per cent), and fourths (22 per cent). The intonation 
was somewhat wavering throughout the renditions, but the tones 
transcribed as C sharp and C natural were clearly distinguished. 
This was the first song recorded by Eagle Shield, and his voice grew 
steadier when he became accustomed to singing mto the phonograph. 
This song is melodic in structure and contains all the tones of the 
octave except the seventh. ShriU war cries were given during the 
rest which precedes the words of the song. 

Plate 65, A, depicts an incident in a Sioux expedition against the 
Crows which took place in midsummer. The Sioux were away from 
their village only 16 days, yet they returned with 100 Crow scalps. 
Approaching the Crow village, the Sioux sent forward a few men, 
who went around the camp and captured some horses. The Crows, 
supposing this to be the entire Sioux force, came out of the camp 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 65 




C C. 




"^ c c c c^^ 




INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF EAGLE SHIELD (DRAWINGS BY HIMSELF) 

A. EAGLE SHIELD KILLS A CROW INDIAN 

B. EAGLE SHIELD CAPTURES AN ASSINIBOIN WOMAN 



miMilWtliWl— MgMWIt 



densmore] 



TETON" SIOUX MUSIC 



395 



and pursued them. Immediately the Crows were surrounded and 
most of them were killed. 

Eagle Shield said that he sang the following song when he killed 
one of the Crows, and that it is a song of the Miwa'tani society: 



No. 165. "I Took Courage" 

Sun^ by Eagle Shield 



Voice J — 92 
Drdm not recorded 

(1) 

V- #-■ A , 



-^ 



0) 



(Catalogue No. 508) 



(1) 



#- -^ ^ 



Si 



ft-d 



" — ^^fci — ^^^■'— 




0) 



g sxtir-^ 



=-& 



^ 



^ 



^ 



Kai]-gi wi - ca - sa kiij na- 
(2) 



I#— t 



# r^ — — • — a — a — •- 



^Pi 



:^=]K 




he - mi - 6i ye - lo 



Kaqgi^ wida^sa kig i the Crow Indians 

natag^ hiyu^kina rushing to fight 

Miwa^tani kighag^ la Miwa^tani 

blihe^midi yelo^ took courage 

Analysis. — ^The rhythmic structure of this song is mteresting. 
The two rhythmic units are almost alike, yet their difference gives 
variety to the rhythm of the song as a whole. With the exception 
of the ascent of an octave with the entrance of the words there are 
only three intervals in the song — the fourth, the minor third, and 
the major second, the last-named forming 60 per cent of the entire 
number of mtervals. The song is major in tonality, yet 28 per cent 
of the intervals are minor thirds. The only tones in the melody are 
those of the major triad and second. This would suggest that the 



396 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



song might be harmonic in form, but the second is frequently accented, 
causing the song to be chissified as melodic with harmonic frame- 
work. The melody has a range of eight tones, extending from the 
dominant above the tonic to the dominant below the tonic. 

In the time of ripe cherries ^ a party of Sioux were in the country 
of the Assiniboin. There they found a little group of cherry pickers 
and attacked them. This act was seen by the Assiniboin in the 
camp, who charged the Sioux in a vain attempt to save the cherry 
pickers. All the men v/ere killed, but the women escaped with the 
exception of one whom Eagle Shield captujed, carrying her away on 
his horse, as shown in plate 65, B. Eagle Shield took the captured 
Woman to the Sioux camp, but the next autumn she ran away and 
returned to her o\x\\ people. 

The following song celebrates this victory: 

No. 166. "Captives I Am Bringing" (Catalogue No. 510) 
Sung by Eagle Shield 
Voice J - 96 
Drum not recorded 




-fi^ 



ggjgs^ 



\p » ■' > n 



=?*=FS 



S 



s 



112 



^^m ^,-d Trir f \\4 



:a 



^ 



^ 



:£ij 



t^-^^-^^^s^ 




wa-ya - ka ko a - wa - ku - we 




kola^ friend 

naya^honpi huwo' do you hear? 

waya^ka captives 

ko also 

awa^kuwe I am brins-ino; home 



1 The month of July is called by the Sioux Canpa' sa'pa wi, 'black-cherry moon.' 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 66 






INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF EAGLE SHIELD (DRAWINGS BY HIMSELF) 

A. EAGLE SHIELD CAPTURES HORSES 

B. EAGLE SHIELD RESCUES A WOUNDED FRIEND 



densmore] TETON SlOUX MUSIC 397 

A)ialysis. — In regard to a keynote, this melody is classified as 
irregular. (See analysis of No. 108.) For this reason the signature 
should be understood as indicating only the pitch of the tones. Of 
the intervals, 45 per cent are minor thirds, and the minor second 
appears six times. The descending fourth at the close of each part 
of the song is peculiar and was clearly given in every rendition of the 
song. The song contains a change of tempo. (See No. 5.) 

A memorable incident is depicted in plate 66, A. The Sioux attacked 
a Crow camp, capturing 80 horses. This was not the entire number 
of horses oAvned by the Crows, but the expedition was considered a 
successful one. The Sioux killed tliree Crows. On their way home 
they sang this song, the melody being the same as that of the preceding 
song. 

WORDS 

kola'' friend 

naya^honpi huwo^ do you hear? 

taiug^ke their (the enemy's) horses 

ko also 

awa''kuwe I am bringing home 

The narrative of the exploit illustrated by plate 66, B, runs thus: 
Eagle Shield said that the advance section of the war party deserted 
•their leader, who was wounded in the knee, leaving him to the mercy 
of the enemy. Eagle Shield was a member of the second section of 
the war party. When he saw the leader's plight he went to him 
and succeeded in carrying him to a place of safety. In connection 
with the event he sang the following song, the words of which express 
derision for warriors who would desert their wounded leader. 



398 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 167. "They Deserted Their Leader" (Catalogue No. 520) 

Sung by Eagle Shield 
Voice J = 96 
Drum J = 96 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8 



(1) 



>•- . b-»-. 



(1) 



bE 



4=: 



tiS: 



^ A 



Sfe^H ^ 



m^ 



^=e: 



^ 



(2) 



(2) 






-•-= — 0- — • — s> 




Psa- lo - ka kiij na - taq a - hi - ye - lo bio - taij-huij-ka ui] - yaij 

(2) (2) 



II 






2E?S:2 



K — -r — ' — » » • 



na - pa - pi ye - lo 

WORDS 

Psa'loka ' kiij the Ciow Indians ' 

natar)' came 

ahi^yelo attacking, 

blotag^hugka their leader 

ug^yag napa^pi yelo^ was left behind 

Analysis. — Several renditions of this song were recorded, in every 
one of which E flat was sung. This suggests the key of B flat, but 
the melody progressions are along the lines of the minor triad on D, 
and the song is accordingly analyzed as being in the key of D minor. 
The song has a compass of nine tones and lacks the sixth and seventh 
tones of the complete octave. Two rhythmic units are found in the 
song, the division of the last count being the same in each. 

Eight of Eagle Shield's companions made a litter of poles and 
placed the wounded man upon it. They were 50 miles from home 
and were obliged to cross the Missouri River with their burden. 
After traveling about 25 miles they made a camp and also killed a 
buffalo. Food for a war party was obtained from the country through 
which it passed. Mention is frequently made of the killing of buffalo, 
the flesh being used for food and the hide for robes or for making 



1 See p. 337, footnote. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 67 




IMPLEMENTS USED IN SKINNING BUFFALO 



den$moke] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



399 



moccasins. The use of the clamshell as an implement for skinning 
buffalo may have had its origin in some emergency. Plate 67 shows a 
clamshell which was said to have been used for that purpose, with the 
case in which it was carried. The size of the shell mdicates that it was 
found at some distance from the territory of the Sioux, while the slits 
at the top of the case show that it was attached to the belt of the 
owner. This specimen was purchased from the mother of Eagle 




Fig. 32. Apparatus for cooking meat without a kettle. 

Shield, who was a very old woman. Plate 67 shows also a skinning 
knife made of the shoulder blade of a buffalo, the handle being wound 
with buffalo hide. The wounded man wanted soup, but the party 
carried no utensil large enough for boiling meat. Eagle Shield, re- 
membering, however, that his grandfather told liim how the wamors 
of his day cooked meat in the stomach casing of the slain animal, 
resolved to try the experiment. The casing, suspended on a tripod, 
was filled with water in which heated stones were placed. (See fig. 32.) 



400 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



When the water was boiling the meat was put into it, and the process 
of cooking was accompKshed without difficulty.^ 

The wounded man was refreshed by the broth, and after making 
him comfortable and cooking a quantity of meat, the war party left 
him in charge of a young man. Eight days later another war party 
passing that way found the wounded man able to travel. He and 
his companion joined this war party and reached home in safety. 

As Eagle Shield, who gave this narrative, is a medicine-man who 
makes a specialty of treating wounds and fractures, his account of 
the man's injury was somewhat professional. He said the injury 
was so severe that at first the bones protruded and buckshot came 
from the wound for some time, after which the flesh began to heal, 
and that in one moon and the fii-st quarter of the next moon the leg was 
entirely well. 

Eagle Shield said that on one occasion he was pursued by Crow 
Indians as he was carrying with him a friend whose horse had been 
shot. This incident is depicted in plate 68, A. 

The following song was said to have been sung at this time, but 
the meaning of the words in this connection is not clear: 



No. 168. "One of Them Will Be Killed' 

Sung by Eagle Shield 



Voice J— 104 
Drum not recortled 



0) 



• #- ^ 



0) 



(Catalogue No. 521) 



0) 



-0- ^ 



£E 



m 



"^^ 



t€^± 



^ 



:tit= 



0) 

n>f "l P^^ i 


(1) (1) 

1 1 1 i .0- 


\z^±=M=^i=^ 


r^ ■ -^^J— « J — 1 r^ ^— 4 ^: ^ - 

1 1 — -4-* *- ^ ^— ^-^— -4-^h-^-T 1 



(2) 



lo - ka kii] 



^ 



^—^ 



P^=P-i= 



4' m 



5=aaES5 



■4 ^^— -i^-^ 



-75^- 



Psa- 



(2) 

1 1 


-•- 


(2) 


(1) (2) 

1 --V 1 1 1 




^^ . 


b^ifa^4=^ 


7^^ 




:^n \ f -W- P f 




g — r 




-* 


- 


-4-^. t^r=t;-^--^=^= 




• 



na - taij hi -ye - lo ki - ci yaij-ka yo ki 
(2) .— ^ (2) 



I 



ci yaij-ka-yo ki - ci yaij-ka - yo waq-zi kte-pi kte-lo he yo 



1 The writer saw a cooking outfit of this kind prepared and used in a Sioux camp at Bull Head, S. Dak., 
on ,Tuly 5, 1913. The stones were heated in a fire near the tripod, each stone being lifted on a forked stick 
and placed in the water. A blunt stick was used m pushing the heated stones on the forked sticks, and 
a short stick was used for stirring the boiling meat. All these articles (shown in fig. 32) are now in 
the U. S. National Museum, at Washington. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 68 






INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF EAGLE SHIELD (DRAWINGS BY HIMSELF) 

A. EAGLE SHIELD IS PURSUED BY CROW INDIANS 

B. EAGLE SHIELD CAPTURES HORSES IN CROW CAMP 



ll—Willll l ll im i P m uumaia ai M inttMiatwnatnr vmHMM HMWitHimnitmmawn 



DENSMOEE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 401 

WORDS 

Psa^loka kig the Crow Indians 

natag ^hi^yelo come attacking 

ki<^i^ yagka' yo sit you with them 

wag zV one of them 

kte'pi ktelo^ *. . will be killed 

Analysis. — The rhythmic form of this song is interesting. Two 
rhythmic units appear, which in the middle of the song are used 
alternately. In the second complete measure containing words the 
rhythmic unit begins on the second count of the measure, the first 
count being clearly accented by the singer. The progressions of the 
melody are chiefly by whole tones, 60 per cent of the intervals being 
major seconds. The other intervals are varied and range from a 
minor third to a tenth. The song is based on the second five-toned 
scale and has a compass of 12 tones. In structure the song is melodic, 
with harmonic framework. 

On one accasion when Eagle Shield led a war party against the 
Crows they found that the latter had picketed their horses within the 
circle of tents. Eagle Shield and a companion, having entered the 
village as scouts, saw these horses. (PI. 68, B.) Eagle Shield said 
to his companion, "Let us go and get some of the horses." His com- 
panion replied, "No; if we do that the rest of the party will be angry." 
Eagle Shield then said, "Let us each take one horse." His com- 
panion replied, " You do it." Thereupon Eagle Shield, creeping into 
the circle of tents, took two horses, a black and a brown, and escaped 
without detection. Each mounting a horse, he and his companion 
reached their camp about daybreak. 

The loss of the horses was soon discovered by the Crows, who in- 
creased their watchfulness, so that the other members of the Sioux 
war party were unable to secure any horses. So it happened that 
Eagle Shield and his companion were the only ones who returned on 
horseback, the rest being obliged to walk. 



H»llilIH»lJHi«»»».««i«iI.»..«il-»-.l..«»» 



402 



BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL.- 61 



Eagle Shield said that he sang the following song when he went to 
steal the Crow horses: 

No. 169. "I Intend to Take His Horses" (Catalogue No. 522) 
Sung by Eagle Shield 

Voice J =80 (or J^ =160) 
Drum not recorded 




Kaq-gi to-ka kiij 



-*- 












\') * P p 


-p;- 


' 


^^h-^—S-^ — ^^i- 


■Hp — 1 — \ — H-<- 


-Rh i — ^ — • — •— 


waij - bla-ke ci - na - haij 

^^^^ pi.^, \ ^ 4=^ 


ta-Siuj-ke kiij-hai) 


-Cl-=- — •- 1 1 1 1 

- 6u wa - cai] -mi 


\^^Y^ i~j J Tl\ 


4^ P- « • • m 


-A ^ V- 

4 4eJ 


M^H 



ye he - ca- moij kiij-haij o - ma - tiij - ii] 



kte 



Kai)gi^ to'ka kig the Crow enemy 

waijbla'ke <5i'nahag if I see him 

ta^ug'ke kirjhag^ icu^ wadag'mi 

ye it is my intention to take his horses 

he^camog kighag' if I do this 

oma'tag ig kte it will be widely known 

Analysis. — The tempo of this song is slightly hastened in the first 
measure containing words, but the change is not steadily main- 
tained. The 5-8 measures, however, are clearly given and are accu- 
rate in time. (See song No. 64.) The triad of D major is strongly 
suggested by the melody progressions ; but F, the third of that chord, 
does not appear. The song, however, is analyzed as in the key of 
D major. The third is absent from 12 songs in the series of 340 
Chippewa songs, this peculiarity being considered in the analysis of 
song No. 53 in Bulletin 53- (p. 140). In the present work the third 
is a])sent from only five songs. (See p. 135.) The interval of tlie 
fourth is remarkably prominent in this song, constituting more than 
half the entire number of intervals. 

Swift Dog (!5ur)'ka-lu'zahar)) was one of the oldest informants 
among the Sioux, being 68 years of age in 1913, when giving his 
information. Before beginning his narrative Swift Dog (pi. 69) 
said: "I am the son of an Hunkpati chief and it is from him that I 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



ULLETIN 61 PLATE 69 




SWIFT DOG 



X 



^'^ ±,hhhh^ 








J: 





If v: 



% 




rTNSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



403 



get my fame. My father's name was Rmming Fearlessly (Kagi'- 
jsni-ir|'yai]ka). When he went to Washmgton, long ago, he was 
] given one of the first medals that ever were made. It is now in my 
possession. I belonged to Sitting Bull's band, known as the Band 
of the Bad Bow. In his portrait Swift Dog is shown wealing a 
headdress known as a ''four-homed bonnet." He said that the 
Sioux once killed an enemy who wore a headdress similar to this 
and imitated the design for their own use. This incident occurred 
ill the year 1852, designated in the Sioux picture calendar Heto'pa 
III)' way He/ pi, 'winter of the killing of the four-horned enemy.' 

Several of Swift Dog's war exploits are shown in his own drawing 
(|)1. 70), and the songs accompanying these exploits are given here- 
with. In this drawing (A) Swift Dog has shown the first encounter in 
which he killed a man. He was then 24 years of age and had been 
to war several times. This expedition was to the country of the As- 
siniboin, and the man whom he killed was a member of that tribe. 
In describing the event he said that the enemy was on foot, while 
he was on horseback, on higher ground. On this expedition he sang 

the following song: 

No. 170. " It is I, Myself" (Catalogue No. 583) 



Voice J = 80 
Drum not recorded 

(1) 



Sung by Swirx Dog 



(2) 



(2) 



0) 



^^t 



^_LdX-U:::= t 






m 



i2£^ 



^^=F^ 



4: 



(2) 



m^^- \ ^ ^^^^ - &^-^ 



-"^^ 



^^- 



^^ 




Ko - la-pi-la tu-wacaq-te ka-cas mi-6aij- 
(2) 



~^\,^TT'- 


-•^rf- \pp- •\1 \*\f [H^t^ ■ •-:r-r wA 


1 1 


-^^VA- 


-tJ^L-jrB= \^\ III -^it-^^ ^ -^-J 


•^d_^ >__ 1 



te mi- ye o-ma-wa - ni ye 



kola'pila friends 

tuVa no one's 

,;.aqte^ heart (cf . song No. 177) 

kacas' it is 

micag^te my own heart 

miye' I, myself 

oma^wani ye I am wondering 



404 



BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Analysis. — Progressions of a semitone characterize this melody, 
55 per ceiit of the intervals being minor seconds. Strange to say, the 
major third is next in point of frequency, constituting one-fourth oi 
the mtervals, though the song is minor in tonality, and the minoi 
triad on F forms the framework of the melody. The trend of the 
melody is such that F is considered to be the keynote, and the song is 
analyzed as in the key of F minor, though E and B are always sung 
natural instead of flat. This is one of many instances in wliich the 
term "key" is used for convenience, not as indicating a system oi 
tones, all of which have an established relation to a keynote. In 
every rendition of this song the tempo began as indicated and after 
10 or 12 measures began to retard, the words being sung in the 
indicated time. A dotted eighth and sixteenth note division of the 
count characterizes the rhythm of the song, and forms part of both 
rhythmic units. The upward and downward progressions are more 
nearly equal than usual, the ascendmg progressions being 20 and the 
descendhig intervals being 25. A change of tempo occurs m the 
song. (See No^ 5.) 

While Swift Dog was chasing the Assiniboin they ran and hid in 
a white man's house. Those who came near the window of the 
house were fired at by the Sioux. Meantime he stole one of the 
Assinibom horses and rode away. He took a white horse with a 
saddle on it. (See pi. 70, B.) He said that he had a bow and arrows 
and shot as fast as he could, but did not know whether he hit anyone. 
At that time he sang the following song : 



No. 171. "Horses I Seek" 

Sung by Swift Dog 



(Catalogue No. 584) 



Voice 



84 



Drum not recorded 




(1) 

1 ^_ 


_^ 1 

m • > 










+ 




^ 


\^ 


r*\' 








1-9 


~9^b±^-^ — ^ 


~\—^—_ 


-i 5^— 


^ — -^- 


-1 1 H- 


-#- 


-h2^ 


R-^ 


9f[y 4. 






1 








-J 


— 1 1 


1'+ 1 



= 88 



©±|Slfe^ 



i5z^ 




(2) 



84 



Suq-ka - wa-kaij o-wa 

(0 



^±A^ 



IS 



p p- 



=/» — ft- 



g=R 



d d. d 



H 



:»: 



le 6ag-nahe-ca - moq we 



DENSMOBE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 405 



WORDS 



^uq'kawakai) horses 

owa'le I seek 

dag'na whenever 

he^camog we I do this 

Analysis. — This melody contains little that is of special interest. 
It is based on the second five-toned scale and has only one interval 
larger than a major third. Two rhythmic units appear, each having 
the same division of the first two comits. A sliglit increase of tempo 
was made as indicated, with a return to the original tempo at the close 
of the song. This was uniform in the two renditions of the melody. 
(See No. 5.) 

Swift Dog said that he once struck a woman with a coup stick. 
(See p. 359.) Later he struck a young man with the coup stick 
and took away his quiver. (See pi. 70, C.) He was a handsome 
young man. Afterward two others struck the young man, and he was 
kiUod by the last man who struck him. 

The melody of this song is the same as that of the song next pre- 
ceding, hence only the words are given. 

WORDS 

ite^ isa^bye black face paint (see p. 359.) 

ao^pazag (and a) feather 

owa^le I seek 

6a so 

he^camor) ye I have done tliis 

Concerning D of this drawing Swift Dog said: "I once struck an 
Assiniboin with a sword given me by a soldier. The man's name was 
Short Bull. He is still alive though I gave him a terrible wound on 
his temple." 

4840°— Bull. 61—18 28 



406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

The following soiig is said to have been sung at this time: 

No. 172. "When I Came You Cried" (Catalogue No. 585) 
Sung by Swift Dog 

Voice J — 84 
Drum not recorded 



5^ 



3: 



2: 



a 



-f^ 



\Az 



m 



M 



e=& 



ie=3r 



^ 



;j) (:^ j_4^ B 



^ — d- 



^3S^^\± 



*=£4-^- 



S^S^ 



s 



2=t:a 



:2: 



* 1 14 ^J ^-H ^ — ^ m d d 



-s^ 



Ta - ku o- we 



m. 



ESteESEf335 



B 



• w •- 



ii=^ 



3ES 



^=±1^ 



hi-lu-hu-wo liel i- to - he - ya ho hi-bu we ya - fie 




_ye - lo 



taku'' owe' why 

hilu'huwo do you come 

hel ito'heya toward here? 

he when 

hibu' we I came 

yace' yelo you cried (cf. words of song No. 12) 

Analysis. — The minor third and major second comprise all except 
four of the intervals in tliis melody. The final tone is low but audible 
in the phonograph record. As in many of these songs, the rhythmic 
unit appears in the first and last parts, but not in the middle part, 
which contains the words. This shows a rhythmic form, which is 
interesting. This song contains all the tones of the octave except 
the second, has a compass of 10 tones, and is melodic in form. 

In explanation of E, Swift Dog said that he chased a number of 
Crow Indians, but they escaped. This song relates to the expedition: 



dexsmore] 



Voice J =60 
Drim not recorded 
• _ -•- 



^&=& 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

No. 173. "I Struck the Enemy" 

Sung by Swift Dog 



407 

(Catalogue No. 586) 



ii 



SS^ 



;j : .j 



m 



-y^ 



'-^"r^h^ 1 


m s 


^fF^ 


-tr- 




rH- 


-^n 


m 


1 


-#- ^ -#-■♦- ^ -•- -•- 
— 1 — H — 1 — F--^ — 1 — 1 — 1 


^25;yj= 


^=f=t 


U-^ 




-| 


_taL 


-*-^ 


'-S*— 


bt 


: 3 


.••».-! 



E -har)-na he-ca - moij 




kte cui] nom - la - la kes a - wa - pe - lo he 



^ 




M 



=Sz? 



titltii 



ho na-ya - lioq - pi liu - wo 



ehag^na a long time ago 

he^camor) kte (-ui) I would have done this 

nom'lala ke^ only twice again 

awa^pelo I struck (the enemy) 

ho now 

naya^ogpi huwo^ do you hear it? 

Analysis. — This song was recorded t^\^ce, the duplication being 
accidental. Both records were transcribed and are given herewith. 
The first was by Swift Dog, the second by Kills-at-Xight (Haqhe'pikte) 
and his wife Wita'hu (Woman's Neck), women being accustomed to 
join in these songs. The melody tones in both instances are the 
major triad and sixth, but it will be seen that the n(Vte values differ 
slightly with the difference in the words, and that in the second 
rendition the words are so placed as to repeat the rhythmic phrase 
of the previous measures. This seems to indicate a feeling for a 
rhythmic unit. The first rendition is by an old singer, the second 
by a comparatively young man, who usually "sits at the drum" 
at tribal gatherings of the present time. His vnie is considered one 
of the best among the younger singers. The first rendition is the 
more complete, as it gives a considerable part of the song before 
the introduction of the words. In both renditions about 28 per cent 
of the intervals are minor thirds. The song has a range of 12 tones 
and is melodic in form. 



408 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Duplication of preceding 

Sung by Kills-at-Night 



Voice J =: 60 
Drum not recorded 




t ^^4-^ ='^J-J- ^J=^=q =q 



E - hai}-na he-ca-moq mo kta ca e - eel tag iij-yai] yuij-ke lo 




wa - ua na 



ya - lioij pe-lo 



ehag'na he'camog a long time ago 

kta 6sl I would have done tliis 

eceF well 

tag iri^yag yuijke^ lo it is widely known 

wana^ now 

naya''lioi) pelo'' you have heard it 

Analysis. — This is a duplication of the preceding, and its struc- 
ture is considered in the analysis of that song. The renditions by 
Kills-at-Night and his wife were recorded on two cylinders, each 
containing four renditions of the song. In every instance her voice 
was silent during the opening measures, the point of entrance varying 
one or two measures. The transcription shows the earliest point of 
entrance. The words, of course, are the same in both parts. 

Tlie reason for twice recording this song by Kills-at-Night and his 
wife was that in the first performance there was a suggestion of "part 
singing," the wife holding a tone during the length of several tones 
in his part and then singing the delayed words rapidly in order to 
overtake him. The writer questioned the- singers concerning this 
and asked whether they couid repeat it. The woman said it was 
imintentional on her part, as she had a "catch in her throat," and 
the seven other renditions showed no trace of it. Much concerted 
singing has been heard by the writer. In this the women invariably 
sing an octave above the men, the note values being identical. 



bEKSMOkE] 



TETOK SIOUX MUSIC 



409 



F of plate 70 was said to represent animals killed by Swift Dog on 
the hunt. Depicting war exploits is resumed in G, concerning which 
Swift Dog said: 

It was almost winter when we went to the Crow country. It was very cold, but the 
river had not yet frozen. We made a corral near the river; then we jumped into the 
water and swam across to the side where the Crows were camped. The splash of the 
water was Like that of great falls when we swam across. We drove all the Crow horses 
into the river and made them swim over. Then we put them into the corral until we 
were ready to start for home. 



No. 174. 

Voice J — 58 
Drum not recorded 



'I Come After Your Horses' 

Sung by Swipt Dog 



(Catalogue No. 587) 



1 


f-_f-'^fi^ 


r^ — ^n 


1 . 1 — •-^^ — 1 




1 

-0 

-1 ^ 




Kai]-gl to - ka ni 



-^^» 



m^ 



t=^ 



^niz 



g^^ 



=63 



ta 



Sui) - ke hi -yo wa - u we - lo blu-ha - kta ca hi 



m^:^ 



^pza: 



:^ 



a 33 



yo wa - u we - lo 

WORDS 

Kangi^ to^ka Crow enemies 

nita^sugke your horses 

liiyo^ waii'' welo' I come after 

bluha'kta I want to own them 

ca so 

hiyo^ wau^ welo^ I come after them 

Analysis. — In this melody will be noted what is often referred to 
as "tlie influence of the rhythmic unit on parts of the song in which 
it does not occur in entirety." Thus in the measure following the 
third occurrence of the rhythmic unit we have one quarter note 
followed by a group of four sixteenth notes, a reversal of count 
divisions appearing m the unit. Tlie time ciuickens with the intro- 
duction of the words, a pecuUarity often found in Sioux war 
songs, but not noted among the Chippewa. The song is major in 
tonahty and progresses largely by whole tones, tho major second 
constituting 46 per cent of the entire number of intervals. With the 



410 



BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



exception of three ascending fourths all the remaining intervals are 
major and minor thirds. The melody tones are those of the fourth 
five-tonod scale, but the tonic is not prominent, the song beginning 
and ending on the third. The melody is harmonic in structure. 
Three renditions were recorded; these show no points of difference. 
Concerning a change in tempo see song No. 5. 
See plot of this melody on page 419. 

No narrative was given regarding // of this drawing (pi. 70), Swift 
Dog simply stating that he and his brother-in-law went after horses 
and each secured three, the following song being sung : 



No. 175. "Two War Parties" 

Sung by Swipt Dog 



(Catalogue No. 588) 



Voice J— 54 
Drum not recorded 



l^|5=^r==t£:=^Fr=r=M^ 


-^^:=,3--f-t^ 


-^^-^ - -4^ — L-J — ! — 





533^^t=M*=^=.^. 



] I F • # 



-I* h 



P=i= 



-• F i 



Ep%=^^53 



4 — * — • — *- 



— • •- 



p.. ^- 



^ 



^b:^ 



Zu 



ya nom-la - la 



-imzti 




ma-wa-ni ye-lo 



zuya'' nom^lala : . . two war parties 

oma'wani yelo' I roam with 

miye^ I, myself 

sugki^cu to capture horses 

wacig''hci was my desire 

oma^wani yelo^ in roaming about 

Anal>/sis. — The proportion of minor thirds in this major song is 
larger than usual, the minor third forming about 60 per cent of the 
entire number of intervals. The major second is the only other 
interval used in descendmg progression. The song is based on the 



DENf5M0RE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



411 



fourth five-toned scale, has a compass of 10 tones, and is melodic in 
structure. No rhythmic unit appears in the melody, and the time 
was not strictly maintained. 

The mcident depicted in / is connected with the song which 
appears below. Swift Dog said: ''When the railroad first passed 
through the Black Hills we went on the warpath as far as the end of 
the road. We went through Shell River. I do not remember what 
tribe we went after, but I think it w^as the Omaha." Swift Dog 
captured a horse which he gave to his sister with the following song: 

No. 176. "Sister, I Bring You a Horse" (Catalogue No. 589) 

Sung by Swift Dog 
Voice J =80 
Drum not recorded 

-(=2- .0-' -^ ^. -^ .0. ^ _0. 



isi 



-r- 




3^^ 



^-.-0L^ ^-^ 




Tai] - ke hi-ua - pa 



yo Sur)-ka-wa-kai) a-wa - ku-we 




ho hi-na - pa yo waij-zi lu-ha kte 



tanke' older sister 

hina'pa yo come out 

sui]'kawakaij horses ' * 

awa'kuwe ho I bring 

hina'pa yo come out 

waijzi' one (of them) 

luha' kte you may have (cf . words of No. 145) 

Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, in each of 
which a short pause was made after the third and sixth measures, and 
also after the fourth measure contaming the words. These pauses were 
not such as are indicated by rests, but appeared to be merely breath- 
hig spaces. Such pauses are unusual in the singing of Indians and were 
probably due to the fact that Swift Dog recorded his songs during a 
period of intense heat, in a small, close building. 

Considermg B flat the keynote implied by the trend of this melody 
we find the melody tones to be those of the fourth five-toned scale. 



412 



BUHEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



fBtJLL. 61 



This scale is major in tonality, yet about 55 per cent of the intervals 
m the song are minor thirds. Only four intervals occur which are 
larger than a minor third, all of these being in ascending progression. 

Old Buffalo's War Narrative 

In August, 1913, Old Buffalo (Tatai)k'-ehai)'ni) (see pi. 41), with 
Swift Dog came to McLaughlin, S. Dak., to confer with the writer. 
They regarded this conference very seriously. Old Buffalo said, 
"We come to you as from the dead. The things about which you 
ask us have been dead to us for many years. In bringing them to 
our minds we are calling them from the dead, and when we have 
told you about them they will go back to the dead, to remain forever." 

Old Buffalo was born in the year 1845, designated in the Sioux 
picture calendar Titay'ka ohle'ca kaha'pi kiy vxini'yetu, 'Winter in 
which lodges with roofs were built.' When he was 28 vears old he 




Fig. 33. lucidont in the life of Old Buflalo (drawing by himself). 

led a war party against the Crows. On this expedition he and his 
comrades were entirely surrounded by the Crows, an event which 
Old Buffalo depicted in a drawing. (Fig. 33.) Old Buffalo said that 
at the time of this expedition his band of the Sioux were living in 
the "Queen's Land" (Canada), but had come down to the United 
States on a buffalo hunt. From this temporary camp the expedi- 
tion started under his leadership. 
Old Buffalo said further: ' 

One night the Crows came and stole our horses. I had an older sister of whom I was 
very fond. The Crows stole her horse, and she cried a long time. Tliis made my 
heart very bad. I said, " I will go and pay them back. " A friend said that he would 
go with me. I said to my friend, "We will go and look for the Crows. Wherever 
their horses are corralled we will find them." Eleven others went with us, so there 
were 13 in the party, and I was the leader. It was in the coldest part of the winter, 
the moon called by the Sioux Cay napo^pa wi, 'Wood-cracking moon'. The 

1 This narrative was Interpreted by Mrs. Hattie Lawrence (see p. 365) , and is given as nearly as possible 
in her words. Another narrative by Old Buffalo appears on p. 274. 



DENSMOKEJ 



TETOlvT SIOUX MUSIC 



413 



snow was deep, and I am lame in one leg, but I was apgry, and I went. I thought, 
" Even if I die, I will be content." The women made warm clothing and moccasins 
for us to wear, and we started away. We carried no shelter. When night came we 
shoveled aside the snow and laid down brush, on which we slept. At the fork of the 
Missoiiri River we took the eastern branch and followed its course. It was 11 nights 
from the fork of the river to the enemy's camp, and every night we sang tliis song. 
It is one of the "wolf songs. " (See p. 333.) 



No. 177. Song of Self-reliance 

Sung by Old Buffalo 



(Catalogue No. 636) 



Voice 


J = 


-76 










Drum 


J = 


76 










Drum- 


rhy 


hm similar to No. 


5 




-^- 


-#- 


A' 


^ 


^ 





-9##ia^- 




A' 


=5= 


1 




— 1— ■ 


-^ 


^' 


J: 


f- 




^ 


p-^ip 






























m ^^^ 



-#-^ 



4^-^ 



^•: 



E 



1-4 - =-^^^ 







o - wa-le 



eya^ well 

miseya^ tuwa^ cagte^ I depend upon no one's heart (or courage) but 

my own (cf . song No. 170) 

kacas' so 

ecig^ thinking this 

sugk owa^le I look for horses 

Analysis. — Like many other melodies on the fourth five-toned 
scale, this song contains a large proportion of minor thirds, in this 
instance 58 per cent of the intervals, while the major third does not 
appear. The song has a compass of an octave, extending from the 
dominant ahove to the dominant below the tonic. Two-thirds of 
the progressions are downward. The chord of B major is prominent 
in the melody, which, however, is not harmonic in structure but is 
classified as melodic with harmonic framework. Three renditions 
were recorded; these are uniform in every respect. 

See plot of this melody on page 419. 



414 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[boll. 61 



Old Buffalo continued: 

As we neared the end of our journey, we were overtaken by a fearful blizzard. 
There was a butte in wliich we found a sheltered place and stayed for two days, as my 
leg was very painful. After the storm subsided we looked around and could see the 
enemy's village. Night came again, but my leg was so painful that we rested another 
day. The next afternoon, as the sun was getting low, I tightened my belt and made 
ready for whatever might befall. We walked toward the enemy's village and entered 
a rocky country, like the Bad Lands. Then it was dark. 

A great number of Crows were camped at tliis place, and there was dancing in two 
parts of the village. We were close to the village, but no one saw us. Only the dogs 
barked. We went up to the edge of the village and got in where there were many 
horses in a bunch. We drove the herd before us, and they trotted quietly along. 
After getting a safe distance from the camp we mounted some of the horses and drove 
the rest before us. We did not stop, but kept the horses trotting fast all night. When 
daylight came we counted the horses and found that there were 53. All that day we 
traveled, and as the sun sank we rested. We were tired, as we had no saddles, and 
that night we slept. 

The next morning there came another terrible blizzard. My eyelashes were frozen 
so that I could scarcely see. I went back a little distance to see if we were being 
followed, then I returned to my companions. I had realized that the tracks of the 
horses made a trail and I saw that the enemy were pursuing us. This was my war 
party and I felt a great responsibility for its safety. 

The Crows overtook us and secured most of the horses which we had captured from 
them. We jumped down a steep rocky place, and soon we were entirely surrounded 
by the Crows. A Sioux boy, about 15 years old was with us, and he was shot in the 
back. We fought as long as the sun moved in the sky. It was a hard struggle. Every 
time we fired a gun it turned wliite with frost. During tliis fight I sang a very powerful 
Bong of the Fox society, to wliich I belong. [Concerning the Fox society, see p. 314. 
et seq.] 

No. 178. "I Am the Fox" (Catalogue No. 637) 



Sung by Old Buffalo 



Voice 



66 



Drum not recorded 
A ^ ^ 

4= t 




^—1^ 




^ ifL i ^ i ^ :^ 



To - ka - la koq mi - ye ye - lo ta - ku o - te - 



r-— — * — * — ^ — ^-Ti-rr-* — • — •— ^ '-rrTr-* — • 1 ^r"^ ^ — r^ 1 


F — ^1-4^ 5i^ — !z^|-4- ' LJ-i-, *--i — r^l — ^-| 



lii - ka o - \va - le ye - lo 



bicx.sMoRE] TETOX SIOUX MUSIC 415 

WORDS 

toka^Ia koij the fox 

miye^ yelo^ I am 

ta^ku sometliing 

ote^liika difficult 

owa^Ie yelo^ I seek 

Analysis. — This is a particularly interesting melody. It contains 
only the tones A, B, C, and E, these bemg the tonic triad and second 
m the key of A minor, and the song is analyzed as being in that key. 
The melody is framed on the interval of a fourth, almost half the 
entire number of intervals being fourths. The major third occurs 
four times, but the minor third does not appear; there are, however, 
four minor seconds, or semitone progressions. In structure the song 
would be harmonic except for the accented B near the close; it is 
therefore classified as melodic with harmonic framework. Songs 
containmg only one accented nonharmonic tone are frequently noted 
in both Chippewa and Sioux music. At the openmg of the song 
there is a repeated phrase, which is not considered a rhythmic unit 
because it has seemingly no influence on the rhythm of the song as a 
whole. Its repetition on the same tone suggests that it may be 
simply an introductory phrase. The final tone is immediately pre- 
ceded by a tone a major third lower, this close being somewhat unusual 
in the songs under analysis. 

The account of his exploit was resumed by Old Buffalo as follows : 

The Crows took the saddles from their horses and charged back at us, but our fire was 
more than they could stand, and they finally retreated, leaving their saddles on the 
ground. We captured these saddles and took them back to the place where we were 
first overtaken by the Crows. There we found only four horses alive. We put one 
of the captured saddles on a horse and lifted the wounded boy to the horse's 
back. I held the reins and walked beside the horse all that night. "When daylight 
came we rested. The boy had no pillow, so I lay down and he laid liis head on my 
body. There was timber near the place, and the next day we made a travois for the 
boy, and I rode the horse that dragged it. That night we traveled on, and about 
midnight we reached a certain place and made a camp. We had occasionally killed 
a buffalo for food, and as the men on foot had worn out their moccasins, we took fresh 
buffalo hide and tied it on their feet. The three horses ran away, but we caught 
them. 

All the following night we traveled, and the next day we we're at the fork of the 
Missouri River, where we stayed two nights. 

Wliile we were on the warpath our friends had finished their buffalo hunt and 
returned to Canada. I kept four men with me and the sick boy, and sent the others 
home to make a report of the expedition. We kept the horses with us and followed 
slowly. The boy was tliirsty, and as there was no cup I took the hide of a buffalo 
head, put snow in it and then put a hot stone in the snow. Thus the boy had hot 
water to drink. He wanted soup, so I took the buffalo tripe and boiled meat in 
it. So the boy had soup. (See p. 399.) 



416 



fetJ&EAi; OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BtlLL. 61 



We camped for a time beside a creek, and as we came near the "Queen's Land" we 
camped again. There the father and mother of the boy met us. They had heard 
the news from the other members of the party and started at once to meet us. After 
we had given the boy to his parents we went on with the horses, leaving them to 
travel more slowly. It was dark when we reached home, and we fired our guns to let 
the people know of our coming. The next day the boy arrived. For two days and 
nights I stayed with liim constantly. I did this because I felt myself to be the cause 
of Ms misfortune. The boy had come to call me " father," and at the end of tliis time 
he said, " Father, you can go home now to your own lodge." I went to my own lodge 
and slept that night. The next morning the boy died. He is always spoken of as 
Wana^gli ya^ku, 'Brings the aiTow,' because he brought home the arrow in liis body. 

I did not keep any of the horses for myself, because I was the leader of the war 
party. 




Fig. .34. Incident in the life of Old Bullalo (drawing by himself). 

Another expedition was described by Old Buffalo and illustrated 
by a drawing (fig. 34). Concerning this expedition he said: 

A large number of Sioux were once moving camp, and five men left the party to 
steal horses. They were successful, and brought back 30 horses. The enemy were 
also moving camp. I made up my mind that I would go and see if I could get some 
horses, too. So I sent for a young man and talked with him about it. Then I said, 
" We will go; " and he replied, " I will go with you." One man asked to go with us, 
making three in the party. I said, "We will start without telling anyone and travel 
in the creek, so they will not know how we went." The one whom I invited gave up 
going at the last moment, but the man who had volunteered to go left camp with me 
while everyone was asleep. 

On our expedition we sang tliis song, hoping that we would capture many horses: 



DENgMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 
No, 179. "I Look for Them" 

Sung by Old Buffalo 



417 

(Catalogue No. 638) 



Voice J=r 72 



Drum 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 



^- A -^ 

-t:,r r 



^ A 



^ia^ 



S!4: 



-H i ' — 1 1 — •-•-#- -t— H — •-• -0-0-^ -»- M . 






^ — ^— • — — r» — • — •- 



#-= — »-f0- — » — ^: I 




Kai]-gi wi-6a - sa kiq o-wi - 6a-wa-le i ya e i ya i - 



=§^4 



a^SE^.^^ 



& 



ii 



•— #— # 



• — •- 



Sii^^E^ 



ye-wa-ya ca i ya ta - suq-ke kiq a-wa-ku-we 

WORDS 

Kaqgi^ wida'^a kiq the Crow Indians 

owi^cawale I look for them 

iye^waya I found them 

da so 

tasuij^ke kiq their horses 

awa^kuwe I brought home 

Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the minor triad 
and fourth. UnUke the preceding song, from which the minor third 
was entirely absent, that interval constitutes about one-third of the 
intervals in this song. The fourth is also prominent in the melody. 
Exactly two-thirds of the intervals are downward. Except for the 
accented B the song would be classified as harmonic in structure. 
The form of the melody is simple, the song beginning on the octave 
and twice descending to the tonic along the intervals of the tonic 
chord. 

In conclusion Old Buffalo said: 

We found the direction in which the Crows were traveling, went around, and headed 
them off. It wa.>i almost dark when we appro.ached their village. They were camped 
in a circle. The afterglow was still in the sky and this light was back of us as we went 
up a little creek from that direction toward the village. We could see the cooking 
fires. We were on horseback, and we lay flat on our horses, leaning close to the 
horses' heads. So we crept near to their horses. 



418 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

When we stepped among the horses, one of them snorted at a stranger. Then the 
Crows came with their guns. They had seen us. though we did not know it. My 
eyes were only for the horses. They began firing, and before I had a chance to get 
away my horse was shot. I snatched the reins and pulled, but the horse's jaw was 
broken. I went on. They shot again, and he fell. I jumjDed as he went down. 
The man who went with me ran away at the first attack and left me alone. I ran 
ahead, and as the Crows were loading their guns, I dodged from one shelter to another. 
They kept firing in the direction I had started to go. 

The young man who ran away saw me. He was in a safe place, and he shouted, 
"Come this way." He was on horseback, and we sat double on his horse. We 
traveled some distance and came to the creek by which we had approached the Crow 
camp. We staid at the creek that night. The Crows broke camp, and late the next 
day we went back to the deserted ground. There lay my horse, dead. We examined 
the horse and found that his shoulder was broken. My oldest sister had raised that 
horse. 

We went back to the creek and staid that night. The Sioux were moVing to their 
last camp of the year, and there we joined them. 

Plots of Songs of War 

The songs of war, as already noted, are called "wolf songs." Many 
of them make reference to the wolf and many pertam to horses, hence 
we find among the plots of these songs (fig. 35) numerous examples of 
Class D (see p. 54). Song No. 120, however, is an example of Class A; 
No. 101 has the same general trend; and No. 136 is a good example 
of Class B. These types, as already stated, appear throughout the 
series. The interval of a fourth is prominent in songs concerning 
animals and implying motion, and this appears in the plots of the 
songs. Songs Nos. Ill, 127, 145, and 174, as reference to their 
respective titles will show, are songs concerning horses, and the plots 
of the songs are seen to resemble one another. Songs 146 and 161 con- 
cern man and contain the idea of motion; their titles are, respectively, 
"He is returnmg," and "I wish to roam." These plots show the 
characteristics of Class D. No. 177 is called "A song of self-rehance," 
and we note in the plot of the song the emphasis and dwelling on the 
lowest, or ke^'note, which characterizes Class C and appears to be 
comcident with firmness of purpose and self-confidence. The interval 
of a fourth characterizes songs Nos. 99 and 1 00, the first of which is 
a song concerning the buffalo, and the second, the personal song of 
a man named Brave Buffalo, the words being "Brave Buffalo I am, 
I come." Such a song as the latter would undoubtedly be received 
in a dream of buffalo. The ascending interval at the opening of song 
No. 99 suggests Class E (see p. 519), and on reference to the words 
of the song we find in them the idea of suffering on the part of the 
buffalo, who are being driven in such a way that the wind strikes their 
faces like a lance. 



de.\§more] 



teton sioux music 
Analysis of War Songs 



419 



The songs of the niihtaiy societies and the songs of war are divided 
into two analysis groups, the first comprising songs a majority of 
which are beheved to be more than 50 years old and the second 
comprising songs believed to be of more recent origin. 



ii 





5; 



HI 



No. 120 



No. 101 



No. 136 



<>-• 1> » I H>- 




No. Ill 



No. 145 



lliliill 



No. 127 




No. 174 





No. 146 



No. 161 




No. 177 







No. 99 
Fig. 35. Plots, Group 5. 



No. 100 



In the first group are the songs of the Miwa'tani and Karigi'yuha, 
the older of the military societies, together with the older war songs. 
This group comprises songs Nos. 122, 125-177, and No. 179. In the 
second group are those of the mihtary societies more recently 
organized among the Teton — that is, the Fox, Badger, and Strong 
Heart societies, and the White Horse Riders — together with war 
songs foimd in the description of the Sun dance, and in the 



420 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BILL. 61 



section on war customs; also such songs in honor of an individual as 
were sung to the melodies of these war societies. This group com- 
prises songs Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 
33, 34, 35, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 178, 223, 
224, 225, 231. The age of many war songs can not be stated with 
exactness, but the division between these two classes has been made 
as nearly accurate as possible. 

The first of these analysis groups marks the end of the older songs 
contained in this volume, and with the second analysis group we 
enter on a consideration of musical material which is comparatively 
modern. 

Old Songs — (6) War Songs {section 1) 
Melodic Analysis 

TONALITY 



Major. 



Minor. 



Irregular . 



Total. 



Number 
of son};s. 



31 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



128,131, 132, 134, 137, 144, 151, 153, 155, 
156, 157, 159, leO, 163, 164, 165, 169, 171, 
173, 174, 175, 176, 177 

122, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 133, 135, 136, 
138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 
148, 149, 150, 152, 154, 158, 161, 162, 167, 
168, 170, 172, 179 

166 



FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Beginning on the 

Twelfth 

Eleventh 

Tenth 

Ninth 

Octave 

Fifth 

Third 

Keynote 

Irregular 

Total 



122, 130, 136, 139, 143, 158, 168 

150 

142, 172, 173 

138, 157 

129, 133, 134, 135, 141, 145, 148, 152, 154, 

159, 160, 161, 162, 179 
126, 131, 140, 144, 146, 147, 151, 153, 155, 

156, 164, 165, 166, 170, 175, 177 
128, 137, 163, 171, 174, 176 
125, 127, 132, 149, 169 
166 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



421 



Old Songs — (6) War Songs {section i) — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Ending on the 

Fifth 

Third 

Keynote. . 



Irregular. 



126, 129, 131, 138, 140, 147, 151, 153, 155, 
156, 164, 165, 166, 169, 170, 177 

128, 132, 137, 163, 171, 174, 175, 176, 122, 
125, 127, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136, 139, 
141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 
152, 154, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 168, 
172, 173, 179 

166 



Total. 



LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs in which final tone is— 


53 

1 
1 


122, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 


Immediately preceded by whole tone below 


133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 1.38, 139, 140, 141, 
142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 
151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 
160, 161, 162, 1&3, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170, 
171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179 

164 

166 






Total 













NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Compass of — 

Thirteen tones 


4 
14 

2 
4 

7 
23 

1 


129, 148, 149, 154 

122, 125, 130, 133, 136, 138, 139, 

145, 152, 158, 168, 173 
150, 169 

126, 166, 172, 175 
128,153,157,159,161,164,167 
127, 131,132,134, 135,137,140, 

147, 151, 155, 156, 160, 162, 163 

171, 174, 176, 177, 179 
146 


142, 

141, 
165 






143, 






Ten tones 










144, 




170, 






Total 


55 









4840°^Bull.--fil— 18- 



-29 



422 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Old Songs — {6) War Songs {section 1) — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

TONE MATERIAL 



First five-toned scale 

Second five-toned scale 

Fourth five-toned scale 

Major triad 

Major triad and second 

Minor triad and fourth 

Octave complete 

Octave complete except seventh 

Octave complete except seventh and sixth. , 
Octave complete except seventh and second 

Octave complete except sixth 

Octave complete except sixth and third 

Octave complete except fourth 

Octave complete except second 

Other combinations of tones 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


, 


1 


131 




11 


122, 125, 126, 129, 133, 136, 137, 
15S, 16S 


150, 152, 


11 


130, 132, 151, 153, 159, 163, 171, 
176, 177 


174, 175, 


1 


155 




3 


144, 165, 173 




5 


135, 139, 142, 162, 179 




3 


138, 157, 161 




5 


128, 146, 154, 160, 164 




2 


156, 167 




2 


127, 134 




2 


140, 170 




1 


169 




1 


147 




6 


141, 143, 145, 148, 149, 172 




1 


166 





ACCIDENTALS 



Songs containing — 
No accidentals . 



Seventh raised a semitone 

Seventh and fourth lowered a semitone 

Sixth lowered a semitone 

Third lowered a semitone 

Second lowered a semitone 

Irregular 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 




47 


125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 


133, 




134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141 


142, 




143, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 151 


152, 




154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161 


162, 




165, 168,169,171,172,173,174,175 


176, 




177, 179 




2 


122, 147 




1 


170 




1 


163 




2 


153, 164 




1 


167 




1 


166 





I 



DENSMORE] , TETON SIOUX MUSIC 423 

OM Songs — {6) War Songs {section 1) — Continued 

Melodic Analysis— Continued 

STRUCTURE 



Melodic 

Melodic with harmonic framework 

Harmonic 

Irregular 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



55 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 134, 135, 137, 138, 
139, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 
153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 163, 164, 
165, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175, 176 

125, 132, 136, 141, 143, 144, 159, 168, 177, 
179 

122, 1.30, 133, 140, 142, 155, 162, 174 

166 



FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



Downward. 



Upward. 



Total. 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



122, 129, 130, 131, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 
139, 140, 141, 143, 145, 147, 150, 151, 154, 
155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 162, 163, 165, 166, 
168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 
179 

125, 126, 127, 12S, 132, 133, 142, 144, 146, 
148, 149, 152, 153, 159, 161, 164, 167, 173 



Total number of progressions— downward and upward 



Downward. 
Upward 



Total. 



1,251 

757 



intervals in downward progression 



1 iiterval of a — 
Major sixth. . . 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third . . 
Minor third . . 
Major second. 
Mmor second. 



1 
3 

lis 

102 
409 
559 
59 



Total. 



1,251 



424 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Old Songs — (6) War Songs {section i ) -Continued 

Melodic Analysis — Continued 

INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval of a — 

Tenth 

Ninth 

Octave 

Seventh 

Major sixth. . 
Minor sixth. . 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major tliird . . 
Minor third . . 
Major second. 
Minor second. 



Total. 



AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN EACH INTERVAL 



Total number of intervals 

Total number of semitones 

Average number of semitones in an interval. 




KEY 



Key of— 

A major 

A minor 

B flat major. . . 
B flat minor. . . 

B major 

B minor 

C major 

C minor 

C sharp minor. 

D major 

D minor 

E flat minor. . . 

F major ; . . 

F minor 

F sharp major. 
F sharp minor 

G major 

G minor 

\ flat major... 
G sharp minor 
Irregular 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


3 


131,155,164 


6 


125, 133, 13ti, 142, 143, 168 


7 


128,130,151,156,153,174,176 


2 


140, 152 


1 


177 


2 


139, 158 


2 


132, 137 


1 


150 


2 


146, 147 


2 


157, 169 


3 


138, 161, 167 


1 


162 


3 


144, 159, 160 





127,129,135.170,179 


1 


153 


5 


126,145,148,149,172 


3 


134,165,175 


2 


141, 154 


2 


171, 173 


1 


122 


1 


166 


55 





DEN-gMORE] TETOl^ SIOUX MUSIC 

Old Songs — (6') War Songs (section 1) — Continued 

Rhythmic Analysis 

part of measure on which song begins 



425 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Beginning on unaccented part of measure 


22 
33 


122, 125, 126 127, 132, 135 136 138 142 


Beginning on accented part of measure 


144, 147, 150, 152, 154, 161, 165, 166, 167, 
168,173,177,179 
128 129 130 131 133 134 137 139 140 




141, 143, 145, 146, 14S, 149, 151, 1.53, 155, 
156, 157, 158, 159, 160. 162, 163, 164, 169, 
170,171,172,174,175,176 


Total 


55 









RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 





Number 
of songs . 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


First measure in — 

2-4 time 


27 

28 


122 l'^7 1''9 130 133 134 138 139 140 


3-4 time '.... 


142, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 153, 156, 158, 

161, 164, 167, 168, 172, 174, 175, 176, 179 

125, 126 128 131 132 135 136 137 141 




143, 147, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 157, 159, 
160, 162, 163, 165, 166, 169, 170, 171, 173, 
177 


Total 


55 









CHANGE OF TIME, MEASURE LENGTHS 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs containing no change of time 


1 
54 


155 


Songs containing a change of lime 


122 125 126 127 1''8 129 130 131 132 




1.3:?, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 
142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 
151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 
161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 
170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177,.179 


Total 


55 









426 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



Old Songs — (6) War Songs (section 1) — Continued 

Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 
RHYTHM OF DRUM 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Eighth notes unaccented 

Quarter notes unaccented 

Eighth notes accented in groups of two 

Each beat preceded by an unaccented beat correspond 

ing to third count of a triplet. 
Drum not recorded 



Total . 



130, 133, 162 . 

142, 143 

129, 167 

125, 127, 128, 132, 135, 151, 154, 161, 177, 
179 

122, 126, 131, 134, 136, 137, 13S, 139, 140, 
141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 
153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163, 164, 
165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 
175, 176 



RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG 



Songs containing — 

No rhythmic unit 

One rhythmic unit. . . 

Two rhythmic units . 
Three rhythmic units 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



22 



27 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



122, 125, 126, 127, 130, 135, 140, 143, 146, 
147, 148, 149, 152, 157, 158, 159, 162, 163, 
169,173 175,179 

128, 131, 132, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 
141, 142, 144, 145, 150, 151, 153, 154, 
155, 156, 160, 161, 164, 166, 172, 174, 
176, 177. 

165, 167, 168, 170, 171 
129 



METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO) 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome— 

,48 


1 
1 
2 

2 
1 
2 
2 

3 
3 
4 

6 
5 
2 


141 


'54 


175 


56 


146, 147 


58 


131,174 


60 


173 


63 


142, 156 


66 


122, 148 


69 


138, 144, 155 


72 


140, 157, 179 
143,150,158,177 


76 


80 


126, 134, 135, 169, 170, 176 


84 


137,145,153,171,172 


88 


162, 164 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 427 

Old Songs — (6) War Songs (section 1) — Continued 

Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO)— Continued 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome — Continued. 

92 


8 
7 
2 
1 
2 
1 


127, 128, 132, 151, 152, 159, 161, 165 
125, 130, 133, 160, 163, 166, 167 
129, 168 


% 


104 


112 


136 


116 


149, 154 
139 


144 






Total 


55 









METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 





Number 
of songs . 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome — 

63 


1 

1 
2 
1 
2 
4 
4 
1 
1 
38 


142 


72 


179 


76 


143, 177 


80 ' 


135 


88 . .. . 


161, 162 


92 


127, 128, 132, 151 


96 


125, 130, 133, 167 


104 


129 


116 


154 


Drum not recorded 


122, 126, 131, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 




141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 14S, 149, 150, 152, 
153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163, 164, 
165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 
175, 176 


Total 


55 









COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Drum and voice having same metric unit. 



Drum faster than voice . , 
Drum slower than voice. 
Drum not recorded 



125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 135, 142, 
143, 151, 154, 162, 167, 177, 179 

161 

122, 126, 131, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 
141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 
153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163, 164, 
165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 
175, 176 



Total. 



42 8 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

COMPARATIVELY MODERN SONGS ^ 
(1) War Songs (Section 2) 

Melodic Analysis 
TONALITY 



[BULL. 61 



Major tonality. 
Minor tonalit.v. 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



32 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



8, 9, 10, 27, 29, 30, 32, 35, 114, 116, 121, 123, 

124, 225 
6, 7, 22, 23, 26, 28, 31, 33, 34, 115, 117, 1 IS, 

119, 120, 178, 223, 224, 231 



FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Beginning on the— 

Twelfth 


1 
5 
3 
6 
6 
1 
1 
2 


6, 30, 34, 35, 117, 118, 224 




23 


Tenth 


27, 28, 32, 33, 119 


Ninth 


26, 116, 124 


Octave . . . . . . 


22, 114, 120, 123, 223, 225 


Fifth .. .. 


9,29,31, 115, 121,231 


Third 


8 


Second . . . v 


7 


Keynote 


10, 178 






Total 


32 









LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



Ending on tlie- 
Fifth 



Third.... 
Keynote. 

Total... 



Number 
of songs. 



32 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



7, 9, 10, 26, 31, 32, 114, 115, 116, 124, 178, 

231 
8,29,33, 119, 121 
6, 22, 23, 27, 28, 30, 34, 35, 117, 118, 120, 

123, 223, 224, 225 



1 This group comprises songs a majority of which are believed to be less than 50 years old. 



DEN'SMOBE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



429 



Gomparatively Modern Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs in which final tone is— 

Lowest tone in song 

Immediately preceded by major third below. . . 

Immediately preceded by whole tone below 

Immediately preceded by semitone below 

Songs containing a minor third below the final tone 

Total 



6,7,8,9, 22,23, 26, 27, 29,31,32,34,35, 
114, 115, 116, 117, lis, 119, 120, 121, 123, 
124, 223, 224, 225, 231 

178 

28 

30 

10,33 



32 



NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 




Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Compass of— 

Thirteen tones . . . . . . . 


5 
10 
1 

6 
2 

7 
1 


32, 34, 35, 124, 178 


Twelve tones . . .... 


6, 7, 26, 21, 30, 114, 116, 117, 118, 224 
23 


Eleven tones . . . . . . 


Ten tones 


8, 28, 29, 33, 120, 121 




123, 223 




9, 22, 31, 115, 119, 225, 231 




6 






Total 


32 









TONE MATERIAL 



Second five-toned scale v. 

Fourth five-toned scale 

Major triad and seventh 

Major triad and second 

Minor triad and fourth 

Minor triad and second 

Octave complete 

Octave complete e.xcept seventh 

Octave complete except seventh and sixth 

Octave complete except seventh and fourth 

Octave complete except seventh and second 

Octave complete except sixth 

Octave complete except sixth, fifth, and second 

Octave complete except sixth and second 

Octave complete except fourth 

Octave complete except third and second 

Octave complete except second 

Total 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



23, 120 

8, 29, 225 

9 

124 

118, 119, 231 

178 

34,114,117,224 

27, 32, 35, 123 

7,31,223 

26, 115 

10 

28 

33 

6 

30, 116 

22 

121 



430 



BUREAU OF AMEEICAN" ETHNOLOGY 



[BtlLL. 61 



Comparatively Modern Songs — {1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued 



Melodic Analysis — Continued 

ACCIDENTALS 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing — 
No accidentals. 



Seventh raised a semitone 

Sixth raised a semitone 

Second raised a semitone 

Seventh lowered a semitone 

Sixth lowered a semitone 

Fourth lowered a semitone 

Third and second lowered a semitone, and foiirtli 

raised a semitone. 
Third lowered a semitone 



Total. 



7, 8, 10, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 
35, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 178, 223, 
231 

6, 120 

224 

225 

9 

123 

22 

114 

124 



STRUCTURE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Melodic 


16 

10 
6 


7,22,23,26,28,29,30,33,35,114,117,120, 

124,224,225,231 
31, 32, 34, 115, 116, 119, 121, 123, 178, 223 


Melodic with harmonic framework 




6,8,9,10,27,118 




Total 


32 









FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Downward 


26 

6 


6, 7, 9, 10, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 
33, 35, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 
178,224,225,231 

8, 34, 120, 123, 124, 223 


Upward 






Total .. .. 


32 









TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



Downward. 
Upward 

Total. 



Number 
of songs. 



707 
390 



1,097 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



DEXSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



431 



Comparatively Modern Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 



Number 
of songs. 



Interval of a— 

Minor sixth 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third 

Minor third 

Augmented second. 

Major second 

Minor second 



Total. 



49 

186 

3 

316 

52 



707 



INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval of a — 

Ninth 

Octave 

Major sixth. . 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third. . 
Minor third. . 
Major second. 
Minor second . 

Total 



1 

12 
4 

28 
63 
44 
90 
116 
32 



390 



AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL 



Total number of intervals 

Total number of semitones 

Average number of semitones in an interval . 



1,097 

3,374 

3.07 



432 BtlREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. ei 

Comparatively Modetn Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

KEY 



Key of — 

A major 

A minor 

B flat minor . . 

B major 

B minor 

C major 

C minor 

D major 

D minor 

E flat major. . . 
E flat minor . . 

E major 

E minor 

G major 

G minor 

A flat major. . . 
G sharp minor, 

Total 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



22,29 

31,178 

34 

35 

117,231 

8,121 

6,23,115,119,224 

27,30 

26,33,120 

116, 124 

28 

10,32,114,123 ■ 

7 

225 

223 

9 

118 



Rhythmic Analysis 

PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Beginning on unaccented part of measure 


7 
25 


7, 8, 26, 27, 117, 119, 178 




6, 9, 10, 22, 23, 28, 29, 30, 31 , 32, 33, 34, 35, 




114, 115, 116, 118, 120, 121, 123, 124, 223, 
224,225,231 


Total 


32 









RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


First measure in— 

2-4 time 


27 
5 


6, 7, 8, 9, 22, 23, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 


3-4 time 


34, 35, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 
123,178,224,225,231 
10, 28, 114, 124, 223 






Total 


32 









DEN'SMOKE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



433 



Comparatively Modem Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 

CHANGE OF TIME, MEASURE LENGTHS 



Number 
of song!^. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing no change of time 
Songs containing a change of time. . 

Total 



31,32,34, 121 

6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 22, 23, 20, 27, 2S, 29, 30, 33, 

35, 114, 115, IIG, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123, 

124, 178,223,224,225,231 



RHYTHM OF DRUM 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Eighth notes unaccented 

Quarter notes unaccented 

Eighth notes accented in groups of two 

Each beat preceded by an unaccented heat correspond- 
ing to third count of a triplet. 
Drum not recorded 

Total 



28, 32, 35, 117, 121, 231 

6, 26, 27, 29, 31, 33, 34, 114, 120, 123, 124 
8,30, 118 

9, 10, 115, 119 

7, 22, 23, llti, 178, 223, 224, 225, 



RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs containing— 


5 

19 

6 
1 
1 


22, 23, 178, 223, 231 




9, 10, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 35, 114, 115, 116, 




117, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 224, 225 
6,8,26,33,34, 118 




7 




30 






Total 


32 





434 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Comparatively Modern Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued 



Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 

METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO) 



Metronome 

56 

63 

66 

69 

72 

76 

80 

84 

88 

92 

96 

104 

112 

176 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



32 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



23 

22 

123, 178, 225 

224 

223 

27, 124 

6,29,30, 115, 120,231 

31, 35, 116 

26, 114, 117, 119 

28 

7,9 

8, 118, 121 

10 

32, 33, 34 



METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome — 

56 


1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
4 
2 
3 
1 
2 
4 
3 
8 

32 


114 


60 


29 


63 


124 


66 


123 


76 


27 


80 


6, 30, 115, 120 


84 


31,35 


88 


26, 117, 231 


92 


28 


96 

104 

176 


8,119 

9, 10, 118, 121 

32, 33, 34 


Drum not recorded 


7, 22, 23, 116, 178, 223, 224, 225 


Total. 









DENSMORHl TETOlSr SIOUX MUSIC 435 

Comparatively Modern Songs — (1) War Songs (sec. 2) — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 

COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Drum and voice having same metric unit 


16 

3 
5 

8 


6, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 115, 117, 


Dnim faster than voice 


lis, 120, 121, 123 
9, 119, 231 


T>nma slower than voice 


8, 10, 29, 114, 124 




7, 22, 23, 116, 178, 223, 224, 225 






Total 


32 









A majority of the remaining songs in this work are comparatively 
modern, their analyses, together with section 2 of the war songs, com- 
prising Group 2 in the collective analyses shown oh pages 12-21. 



THE BUFFALO HUNT (WANA'SAPIi) 

The buffalo may be said to have been the essential element in the 
life of the Plains Indians, as it supphed them with material for their 
tents, clothing, and moccasins; with food and containers for food, 
and household articles; with tools for their handicraft, and even 
with fuel for their fires. Every part of the animal was utihzed. 
Among the less famihar articles made from parts of the buffalo were 
handlers for small tools. These were fashioned from a certain heavy 
sinew of the neck, sharp needles of bone or metal, and knife blades, 
being inserted in pieces of the ''green" sinew. When dry the sinew 
served as a firm and servicable handle for the tool. It is said also 
that a heavy sinew of the buffalo's hind leg was dried and cut into 
arrowpoints. 

The tribal life of the Sioux passed away with the herds of buffalo. 
The last great buffalo hunt on the Standing Rock Reservation took 
place in 1882, under the supervision of Maj. James McLaughhn, 
then Indian agent on that reservation. During this hunt 5,000 
buffalo were killed, the hunting party comprising about 600 mounted 
Sioux. 2 Major McLaughhn became agent at Standing Rock in 1881, 
that year being designated in the Sioux picture calendar Wable'za 
Tatay'lia-iyo'take wana' najpe'yuza wani'yetu, "Winter in which 
Major McLaughhn shook hands with Sitting BuU." The following 
year is called waMe'za Lako'ta oh wana'sa ipi' wani'yetu, "Winter 
in which Major McLaughhn with the Sioux went on a buffalo hunt." 
The drawing which marks this year is shown in figure 36. 

A graphic account of buffalo hunting is given by Catlin, who took 
part in the buffalo hunts of the Indians in the same part of the 
country, many years ago.^ 

In studying the customs of the buffalo hunt among the Teton 
Sioux the writer interviewed many old men, later reading the 
unfinished narrative to them so they might discuss it and make cor- 
rections or additions. The completed material comprises an account 
of the making of buffalo bows and arrows, and the cutting up of 
the buffalo, by White Hawk, a narrative of the searching party by 
Siya'ka, and an account of the hunt consisting chiefly of information 
given by Swift Dog and Gray Hawk. 

1 This word means "hunt," the name of the animal to be hunted being understood. (Cf. use of the 
word itay'can, footnote, p. 70.) 

2 McLaughlin, James, My Friend the Indian, pp. 97-116, Boston and New York, 1910. 

3 Catlin, George, The Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, vol. 1, pp. 
251-261, London, 1841. Cf. also a description of the hunting customs of the Omaha in The Omaha Tribe, 
Fletcher and La Flesche, op. cit., p. 275, 

43§ 



DKN.SMORK] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 437 

The usual time for a buffalo hunt was the early fall, when the 
buffalo came down from the north, but a few could be found at 
ahnost any season of the year. The medicine-men had an important 
part in maintaining the food supply for the camp. They sometimes 
gave warning of times of scarcity and advised the procuring of a 
Uberal supply of food. This advice was heeded and a special hunt 
was made. There were times when it was not 'permissible for a man 
to hunt independently. At such a time, if a man were found with a 
supply of fresh meat wliich he could not satisfactorily account for, 
it was the duty of the aki'cita to seize it. Further, they might beat 
the man with clubs and tear down his tipi. (See p. 313.) 

The making of bows and arrows for the buffalo hunt was described 
by White Hawk ((^'etai^'ska), a Sioux from the Cheyenne River 




P'iG. 3;J. Drawing from picture calendar— the year of the last buffalo hunt. 

Reservation (Mr. Edward Swan interpreting). Although these were 
said to be "buffalo bows and arrows," it is probable that they were 
similar in design to those used in war. White Hawk said: 

The buffalo bows of two men were seldom exactly alike, either in pattern or in 
strength, but one characteristic which all had in common was that the place for fitting 
the arrow was nearer the upper than the lower end of the bow, the lower section being 
longer and thicker than the upper. Some men used the wood of the cherr>' or plum 
tree for their bows, while others preferred the crab apple or some other hardwood. 
The back of the bow was covered with sinew wliich had been made flexible by rub- 
bing and then dried. When this was ready the back of the bow was cut in numerous 
places and covered with glue made from the hide of the buffalo, the part used for this 
• purpose being a strip between the horns, back of the eyes; the sinew was then applied 
ajid became part of the bow. The string of the bow was of the sinew of the buffalo 
bull, twisted and dried. 

White Hawk said further he knew of three kinds of arrow points : (1 ) 
; His great grandfather used arrow points of cut flint; he had seen 
4840°— Bull, 61—18 — -30 ' : 



438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill, ei 

these as a boy, but had never used them. (2) His father used arrow 
points of bone, made from the outer tliickness of ribs or marrow 
bones. (3) He himself used arrow points of steel. It was the 
custom in his hunting days to cut arrow points from the thin frying 
pans sold by traders or used by the soldiers. Feathers used on the 
arrows were not confined to any one kind. Some used feathers of 
the prairie hen, owl,* or chicken hawk that were large enough to 
spHt, while others used the smaller feathers of the eagle or buzzard. 
White Hawk said that after splitting a feather he held one end in his 
mouth and "scratched it carefully wdth a knife to smooth it." Three 
feathers were fastened to each arrow. Glue was placed under the 
feathers and under the arrow point, both being fastened by wrappings 
of deer sinew. 

It was said that a good bow would send an arrow into a buffalo so 
that the arrow point was imbedded in the flesh, an excellent bow 
would drive it in almost to the feather, while a. fine bow would send 
the same arrow clear through the animal. 

The proper length for a man's buffalo arrow was the distance on 
the outside of his arm from the elbow to the end of the third finger, 
plus the length of his hand from the wrist to the large knuckle of 
the third finger. It was the intention to make the arrow as light as 
possible, therefore the woods preferred for the shaft were juneberry 
{wi' pazukaJiu) and ^vild currant (wica/ ganasJcahu) . These were so 
flexible that if a buffalo fell on an arrow, the latter bent without 
breaking. Thus the arrow could be recovered and used again by its 
owner. 

Certain lines were cut in the shaft of an arrow "to make it go 
straight." A straight line about an inch long was cut in the shaft, 
extending downward from the point of attaclunent of the feather. 
Then the graving tool was held firmly in the hand while the shaft 
was moved sidewise, so that the line became wavy. At a distance of 
about 3 inches from the arrow point the shaft was held still so that 
a straight line was again secured. White Hawk said that the proper 
manner of cutting these hues was "the result of long experience," 
and that an arrow would not move in a direct course without them. 

After fastening the arrow point and the feathers, and cutting the 
hues, the maker used a pair of small whetstones in polisliing the shaft.- 
These were said to be composed of a certain kind of stone found in 
the Black Hills, which was rather soft. A groove was cut in each 
whetstone, the grooves being of such size that when the stones 
were fitted together, the opening formed by the two grooves was 
the diameter of the arrow shaft, which was polished by moving 
the stones to and fro. In order that the surface of the arrow shaft 
might be kept clean the whetstones were brushed with buckskin after 
being used and were tyhen carefully wrapped in the same material. 



DENSMORK] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 439 

Each man had a special mark for his arrows. Bear Face (p. 78) 
said that he considered pehcan feathers as best for arrows, and that 
he ahvays used one peHcan feather on liis arrows, the other feathers 
being taken from some other bird. Others are said to have painted 
their arrows red, or with a blue section in the middle, or to have 
made ''dents" in the shaft, each man using his own device. 

As a final process the shaft of the arrow was smeared vnth buffalo 
blood. White Hawk saying this made the arrow go more smoothly 
through the tissues of the animal. 

Most quivers held 10 arrows. A man might make his own quiver, 
although he usually ordered arrows from an arrow maker, a hundred 
at a time. Red Fox (pp. 90, 375, et seq.) was known as a skillful arrow- 
maker in the old days. 

A buffalo hunt frcciuently took place wlien the tribe was about to 
move to a new camping place. In describing such a hunt Siya'ka said: 

Wlien the tribe was about to move to a new camp the old men met to decide 
whether there was enough food to last for a considerable time. If it was decided that 
a hunt was advisable these old men consulted the leaders in the various societies 
(as the Strong Heart or White Horse societies), and together they decided on the 
young men who were to go and search for the buffalo. This task required young men 
who were known to be truthful and faithful to duty, as well as possessed of the neces- 
sary physical ability and general equipment. Only men were selected who were 
known to be ready, as there was not sufficient time to prepare after they were notified. 
This was one of the greatest honors which could be conferred on a man, as it indicated 
that the tribe depended upon him for help in the food supply, without which it could 
not exist. It was necessary that these men know the topography of the country and 
understand the ways of the buffalo. 

These young men were notified, and as soon as they could make the arrangements 
which of necessity must be left till the last moment, they went to the center of the 
tribal circle, with their equipment of food and extra moccasins, each man carrj-ing 
also a drinking cup and perhaps some cooking uten.sil. The man who was first 
selected was the leader of the searching party.' Their relatives were so gratified that 
the young men were thus honored that they gave away many presents when the party 
started out, these presents being valuable and including horses and blankets. 

The departure of the searching party was a great event. ^ They were gathered in 
the midst of the camp circle, surrounded by rejoicing and gifts. A man recognized 
for high standing in the tribe was chosen to "start them off." A stick was placed 
upright in the ground, and he led them as they marched single file around this stick. 
The stick signified an enemy or a buffalo, and no one was allowed to strike it unless he 
had killed either an enemy or a buffalo. The man chosen to start off the party was 
usually a man who had done both these. People on horseback were ready to escort 
the party from the camp. The direction in which the buffalo were probably located 
was pointed out, and the party started in that direction. They moved with a dancing 
step, and no drum or rattle was carried. The foUo^vdng song was sung at this time. 

1 Siya'ka was once appointed leader of a searching party, and six times was a member of such a party. 
Bows and arrows were used on those hunts. 

2 Compare description of departure of those who went to select the Sun-dance pole, p. 107. 



440 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

No. 180. Song of the Buffalo Hunt (a) (Catalogue No. 475) 
Sung by Siya'ka 



Voice J = 92 



Drum J= 92 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




^iE^^ ^3 3 S^ i^ 



Anali/sis. — The tones in this song are E flat-G-B flat and C. By 
the test of the ear E flat seems the most satisfactory keynote; the 
song is therefore classified as major in tonality, and its tone material 
is considered to he the major triad and sixth. The tonic is found 
only in the upper octave and in connection with C, forming the interval 
of a minor third, which comprises 69 per cent of the entire number of 
intervals. In this, as in many other Indian songs, the fact that 
a certain tone seems the keynote of the song does not imply that 
the corresponding ''key" is fully established. Six renditions were 
recorded; these are uniform throughout. The song as a whole has 
an interesting completeness of rhythm, though there is no repeated 
phrase which can be regarded as a rhythmic unit. 

Siya'ka cont niued : 

After the escorting party had returned to the camp, the searchers were entirely 
under the control of their leader. Sometimes he assigned a territory to each of his 
men and scattered them over the prairie, directing them to meet at a certain time 
and place. ^Yhen the men made their report to him. they were expected to be definite 
and sure in their statements. If they reported that they had seen buffalo they must 
be able to give an estimate of the numljer in the herd. It occasionally happened 
that a searching i>arty was unsuccessful. In that event they straggled back to the 
main camp, attracting as little attention as possible. The longest absence of a party 
remembei'ed by Siya^ka was 12 days. 

As soon as the searching party had started, the tribe broke camp and began its 
journey to the place designated for the next camp, where the searchers were expected 
to make their report. Having reached this place and made their camp, they began 
an anxious watch for the return of the searchers. Men were stationed to watch for 
them, and if these men saw them coming they returned to the camp, and the crier 
announced to the people that the searching party was in sight. The searching party 
gave certain signals to indicate the result of their search, running back and forth if 
the buffalo were close at hand, or waving a blanket at its full width and then laying 
it flat on the ground if they had seen a particularly large herd. Some went on horse- 
back to meet them, and the entire tribe assembled in the middle of the circle to hear 
their report. The following song was sung as they returned. 



dkxsmore] 



TETOX SIOUX MUSIC 



441 



No. 181. Song of the Buffalo Hunt (b) (Catalogue No. 47G) 
Sung by Siya'ka 



Drum J - 80 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




tt 



4t 






m&- 



i=t^ 



Analysis. — Five renditions of this song were recorded. The time 
was not strictly mamtained, and the rhythm of the opening measures 
was difficult to discern; however, as in all such songs, when the 
correct note values are determhied it is found that all the renditions 
are alike, and that the rhythm is m reality quite simple. The only 
ascending intervals in this song are the major second and fourth, and 
the only descending intervals are the major second and minor third. 
The song is based on the fourth five-toned scale, has a compass of 
nme tones, and is melodic in structure. 

The party entered the tribal circle with the leader in advance.' The stick was 
again placed upright in the ground, and they circled around it, many striking it. In 
the middle of the council tent a small space of bare ground had been made ready. 
This was hard and smooth, not pulverized as in the Alo'wagpi ceremony, the Spirit- 
keeping lodge, and the Sun-dance ceremony. [See pp. 71, 82, 122.] A buffalo chip 
was placed on this bare ground, and beside it were placed a little sweet grass and a 
pipe filled and ready to smoke. The searcher who was first to see the buffalo entered 
the lodge in advance of his companions. As they entered the lodge many of the 
people stood with hands upraised, then saying Hi, hi! they stooped and placed the 
palms of their hands on the ground. 

Beside the spot of bare ground stood a man whose record was above reproach, and who 
had been selected to act as itag'car), master of ceremonies. [See footnote, p. 70.] His 
entire body was painted red. Lifting the pipe from the ground, he took a little of the 
buffalo chip and sprinkled it on the tobacco in the pipe. He then took flint and steel, 
lit the cliip on the ground and laid the sweet grass upon it. After passing the pipe 
over the smoke of the sweet grass four times, he pretended Uj light it, holding the bowl 
first to one side and then to another side of the chip. This was done tlu-ee times, and 
the fourth time he lit the pipe. The itag'cag then swung the pipe in a circle over the 
chip, holding the bowl in the center, after wliich he offered it to the man who first saw 
the buffalo. He puffed it four times. The itag'caq swung it again four tim es above 
the buffalo chip, and offered it to the other searchers, who also puffed it four times. 
It was necessary that tliis be done four times, and therefore if there were only two 
searchers the pipe was offered, to each of them twice in order that the proper number 
be observed. After the searchers had puffed the pipe it was offered to all those sitting 
in the lodge, and they touched their lips to the pipe, even though it had gone out. 
^\Tien this was finished, the itag'cag emptied the pipe, and the people in the front 
row of listeners sat with the palms of their hands on the ground as the searchers were 

» From this point the narrative is chiefly that of Swift Dog, interpreted by Mrs. McLaughlin. 



442 



BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BUI 



asked for their report. The itaij'car) did not ask a direct question but said to the man 
who first saw the buffalo, "You are not a cliild.' You must tell me truthfully what 
you have seen, and where you saw it." The man might reply thus: "I mounted a 
certain butte and looked down where I have seen buffalo before, and there I saw two 
herds, near the butte on which I was standing. " [It was the custom when speaking 
of buffalo to point with the thumb, not with the finger, and this custom was followed 
by Swift Dog when describing the event.] 

"You say that you have seen the wallows and those who make the wallows. I am 
sure you have spoken truly, and you have made my heart good, " said the itag'dag, 
while the listeners cried //('', and touched the ground again with the palms of their 
hands. 

Then the itag^cag said, "If you saw anything beyond this which is worth reporting, 
tell it to me." The searcher might reply, "Beyond the two herds I saw the plain 
black with buffalo. " And the people would say HV once more. 

Thus far the people had remained very quiet, but when the report was completed 
tiiere was great excitement. The crier shouted, "Put saddles on your horses! Put 
saddles on your horses! We go now to hunt the buffalo!" As soon as this announce- 
ment was made to the whole village, the horses were brought in, and men and horses 
were painted. Wlietstones were brought out and knives were sharpened. The scene 
was one of busy preparation for the great event. 

Five or more men were selected from among the aki'cita to keep order during the 
hunt. These men went to the council tent and received their final instructions from 
the chiefs, who told them to be sure to secure beeves for the helpless, the old and 
cripples, as well as for women who had no one to provide for them. These aki''cita 
were men of executive ability, and were men to v/hose authority the people were 
accustomed. They directed the people on their journey and required them to move 
quietly so that the buffalo would not become alarmed, ^^^len nearly in sight of the 
buffalo other aki^cita were selected. The method of approaching the herd was of 
coiu-se not always the same, but in an ordinary hunt the party was divided into two 
sections, each led by about five aki'cita, under whose direction they surrounded the 
herd, and at whose command they plunged into the chase. Those who were to chase 
the buffalo took the saddles from their horses. Every man had liis arrows ready, with 
the special mark so he could claim the animals he killed. It was like a horse race. 
As soon as the man shouted "Ready!" they were off, and you could see n6thing but 
dust. The men who had fast horses tried to get the fattest buffalo. Each man tried 
to get the best possible animals as his trophies of the hunt. 

The following is a song of tlie chase, sung by Gray Hawk (pi, 71), 
a successful buffalo hunter in the old days, who contributed interesting 
details to the foregoing narrative. 



No. 182. Song of the Buffalo Hunt (c) 

Sung by Gray Hawk 



(Catalogue No. 545) 



Voice J — 92 
Drum J — 92 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




=9t*# 



:p=pc 



[^ 



SE! 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



3ULLETIN 61 PLATE 71 




L scd In iii'iuussiuii. 



GRAY HAWK 



UKNtjMORE] 



TKTON SIOUX MI^SIC 443 



Analysis. — In many respects tliis song is like No. 181. E flat 
appears to be most satisfactory as its keynote, and analyzing it in 
the key of E flat major, we find the tone material to be the tonic 
triad and sixth, yet 73 per cent of the intervals are minor thirds. 
The remaining intervals are two major seconds and one ascending 
fourth. The song is so short that the phonograph cylinder contains 
a large number of renditions, in wliich there are no points of difference. 
The song was usually sung twice with no break in the time, then 
sliriU cries were given, after wliich the song was resumed, the drum 
continuing a steady beat throughout the entire performance. 

When the killing of the buffalo was finished the meat was dressed 
and prepared for transportation to the camp. Wliite Hawk gave a 
description of the cutting up of a buffalo, wliich was read to Heha'ka- 
wa'-kita (Looking Elk), who pronounced it correct. These two men 
were said to be especially proficient in this phase of the buffalo hunt^ 
The description, wliich follows (interpreted by Edward Swan), is that 
of the cutting up of a buffalo cow: 

If the hide were to be used for a tent it was removed whole instead of being cut 
idong the back. In tliis process the aninial was turned on its back, the head being 
turned to the left so it came under the shoulder, and the horns stuck in the ground 
so that the head formed a brace. In old days a clamshell was used as a 'skinning 
knife; such a tool with its case was carried by the mother of Eagle Shield. [See pi. 
(i?.] When steel knives became available they were used instead of the shells. 

In removing a liide to be used for a tent they began on the under side of a front 
leg, cut to the center of the breast, to the lip, then up to a point between the horns, 
and then from one horn to the other. A cut was made down the belly and the inside 
of the hind legs; the tail was also split. When removing a hide for use as a robe, 
they laid the animal on its belly with legs extended front and back. In this case the 
cut began on the upper lip and extended along the backbone to the tip of the tail. 
The liide of one side was folded back and spread on the ground, and the carcass was 
laid on that while the cuts were made along the belly as described above. 

When removing a hide they did not cut all the meat from the inner surface, but 
left a layer of meat on the liide of the back and a still thicker piece along the belly. 
This was later removed by the women and was said to be very good to eat. After 
removing the hide it was the custom to take out the tongue, which was the part of. 
the animal considered most delicate by the Sioux. 

Beyond this point there were no established rules. White Hawk said, however, that 
the front quarters were usually removed first. He said there was a "blanket of flesh " 
on the back and sides of the animal which was removed in one piece, but that before 
taking this off they "worked up under it" and detached the front quarters. The 
hind quarters were removed at the hip joints. The hump was underneath the outer 
"blanket of flesh." It was composed of fat aud was cut off at the backbone. Below 
the outer ' ' blanket of flesh " is tlie inner ' ' blanket, ' ' which was removed in two parts. 
One side of it was turned down, exposing the ribs and the entrails. The carcass was 
then cut along the belly, up the shoulder, and along the backbone. A fresh hoof 
was used as a hatchet, and in the old days a knife made of the shoulder blade 
was used in cutting up the animal. [See pi. 67.] The ribs were removed in the form 
of a slab, and the kidneys, liver, and fat also were taken out, as were the brains. 
White Hawk said: "In the intestines there is a pocket-shaped piece about the size 



444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bum,, ei 

of a man's arm. Thi^s was tiinieil wrong side out, fastened with a stick, and tied 
at one end. The brains were put into it. and the Uver and himip were tied in a 
bundle with it. The paunfh was turned wTong side out and the heart, kidneys, and 
fat were put into it. The lower backbone was split and later would be chopped for 
boiling to extract the grease." 

Each hunter usually provided two horses for bringing home the meat of one buffalo. 
Tliis meat was divided into eight portions, as f ollo\ys: ( 1 ) The outer ' ' blanket of flesh " ; 
(2) the hiunp, brains, and liver; (3) the intestines and small split bones; (4) the inner 
"blanket of flesh"; (5) the slabs of ribs; (6) the front quarters; (7) the liind quarters; 
(8) the hip bones and backbone. 

If the hide had been split for a robe It was customary to put half the liide on each 
horse, then to lay the "outer blanket of flesh," which is in one piece, on the horse, 
and the inner "blanket of flesh," which is in two pieces, on the other horse, then to 
pile on the other bundh>s of meat but not tie them, as the ends of the hide were folded 
over and held them in place. If the liide had been removed in one piece for a tent, 
it was made into an additional bundle, and the hunter packed it separately. 

A few women who were good riders usually went with a hunting party to help herd 
the pack horses until the men had the meat ready to load. After the hunting party 
Tetm-ned to their camp the women finished cutting up the meat, the long strips for 
drying being cut ^vith the grain of the meat. These long strips were hung in the 
open air and when thoroughly dried were pounded and mixed with wild cherries, or 
with the fat of the animal Meat prepared in tliis way was kept for an indefinite 
length of time and constituted a staple article of food among the Pioux. 

The following song is a medicine-man's song to socnro l)uffalo in 
time of famine, oiya'ka said that lie had known of its successful 
use in this connection. 

The medicine-man painted a buffalo skull with red aiid blue 
stripes and laid beside it a filled pipe on a bed of fresh sage/ It 
was believed that ''the skull turned into a real buffalo and called 
others." This song was sung in the dark. In the song it is the 
buffalo who speaks. Sij-a'ka said that in the old days, after this 
ceremony on the part of the medicine-man and the singing of tliis 
song, the buffalo came near the camp and thus the famine was 
relieved. 

I See p. 1S.5, footnote. 



DioNsMoiti:] TETON" SIOUX MUSIC 445 

No. 188. Song To Secure Buffalo in Time of Famine (Catalogue No. 4«9) 

Sung by Siya^ka 

Voice J = 76 
Drum not recorded 




^S 



Epi 



%-i'~r-i'-^ 



:p=P=p: 



'-c^ — P^f^ 



f-f T f "^f if ^ 



^ JL 



L==^ 



-ji=±L4 



Ca-noq-pa waq ca-ze - yal 




WORDS 

{First rendition) 

canoq^pa wai) a pipe ' 

(^aze^yal they mentioned 

ma'nipi as they walked 

o^ta many times 

eya^peya I have offered this 

mawa'ni as I walked 

(Second rendition) 

maka'' sa wai) a red earth 

<5aze^yal they mentioned 

ma^nipi as they walked 

o'ta many times 

icah^tak. it has been placed upon me 

mawa'ni as I walked 

( Third rendition) 

maka^to wag a blue earth 

daze' yal they mentioned 

ma'nipi as they walked 

o'ta many times 

icah'tak it has been placed upon me 

mawa'ni as I walked 



This was said to refer to the pipe brought to the Sioux- by the White Buffalo Maiden. (See pp. 63-66.) 



446 BUREAtf OF AMERICAN ETPINOLOGY " [bull, ei 

Analysis. — All the ''verses" of this song were recorded, the repe- 
titions of the melody showing no differences except in note values 
affected by the words. It is not a rhytlimic melody. In structure 
the song is melodic. The tonality is minor, and all the tones of the 
octave are present except the second. Two-thirds of the progressions 
are downward, and about 57 per cent of the intervals are major 
seconds. 

A white buffalo is said to have been particularly swift and wary; 
for this reason, as well as because of its rarity, it was very difficult to 
secure. It was a handsome animal, the rougher parts of the fur be- 
ing soft and fine, and the smooth parts shiny and glossy. The horns 
were black and the hoofs pinkish, the end of its nose, too, being 
pink. The last white buffalo seen on the Standing Rock Reserva- 
tion was killed near the Missouri River, in the vicinity of the present 
town of Pollock. 

If a white buffalo were killed in a hunt the fatal arrow was purified 
in the smoke of burning sweet grass. A knife was similarly purified 
before the animal was skinned, and the hide was removed in such 
manner that no blood was shed on it. Only men who had dreamed 
of animals were allowed to eat any portion of the flesh of a white 
buffalo. 

Although a large prize was offered for the killing of this animal, 
the hide was not disposed of while the tribe was on the hunt, but was 
held until the people reached home, so that all the requirements could 
be fulfilled. The skin was not treated like an ordinary buffalo hide. 
Only women noted for purity of life could touch or tan it, and after 
the tanning was finished certain important ceremonies were required. 
It was the custom for a medicine-man to purify the hide with sweet 
grass. 

The tanned robe was always kept in a rawhide case. The owner 
of such a robe usually retained it to be buried with him. If, however, 
he was willing to dispose of it, he might call together men who had 
owned similar robes and make this known to them. Great honor was 
given a man who was willing to dispose of a white buffalo robe. A 
small piece was worth a horse; even the smallest portion of the 
robe was a "sacred article" to the person who secured it, and could 
be taken only by one who had owned part or all of a similar robe. 

Jaw said that he killed a white buffalo when his band of the tribe 
were in Canada. He was only 13- years of age at the time, and the 
buffalo which he killed was the only white one in a herd of about 
a hundix^d. Not caring for the others, he killed only this one. It was 
a beautiful animal, only its horns being black. Jaw killed it in the 
fall and kept the hide all winter, selling it in the spring to a man 
named Bone Club (Hohu'-caij'hpi) for two horses, a big buffalo-hide 



m;^^iM^Kl:] TKTOX SIOUX MUSIC 447 

tent, and many other articles . This exploit, as well as his killing of a 
bear and an elk with bow and arrows, is shown in one of his drawings. 
(See pi. 00, A.) 

Jaw said that on three occasions he killed a bear with a gun, 
but that it was very hard to do so with bow and arrows. The cir- 
cumstances under which he was successful in this are as follows. 

One summer he and another man had been hunting deer and were 
returning with their horses loaded with meat. Jaw had a gun, while 
his companion carried a bow and arrows. They saw a mother bear 
and two cubs coming toward them. Giving the gun to his companion, 
Jaw took his bow and arrows. The bear tried to fight him, and as it 
turned he hit the beast with an arrow. Three times the bear re- 
newed the attack, but each time he wounded it with an arrow, finally 
killmg it. 

The elk hunt (shown in pi. (iO) took place in winter, when he was 
22 years old. He had recently married a Yankton Sioux girl and was 
staying in her part of the country. There were two other families 
camping near them, making three tents in all. Early one morning 
Jaw's wife left the tent, but returned, saying: ''"Wake up! There 
are lots of elk. Come and see." Putting on moccasins and leggins, 
and taking his arrows and Ms best horse, he went after them. The 
snow was very deep. It was early in the morning when he shot 
the elk. 



COUNCIL AND CHIEF SONGS 
Council Songs 

The following are known as "council songs"; these were sung 
when the chiefs met m the council tent to decide matters of tribal 
importance. This tent was placed inside the camp circle and was 
decorated in various ways. Plate 72 shows the council tent at the 
gathering at BuU Head, S. Dak., July 4, 1912. 

The first song of this group was sung by Many Wounds (Wopo'- 
tapi), who preceded the singing by an announcement of the song, 
which was recorded by the phonograph and translated as follows: 
"Tribe, listen to me. I will sing a song of the dead chiefs. What 
are you saying? The chiefs have come to an end, and I sing their 
songs. I wish I could do as they liave done, but I will try to sing 

their song.' ' 

No, 184. "I Sing of the Dead Chiefs" (Catalogue No. 669) 



Voice J— 63 

Drum not recorded 
-PL .^. ^. 



Sung by Many Wounds 



5i¥ 



-^ JL 



^ ^ 



3: 



^■J I 



izi: 



i ^ P ^^~^ f 



7r=p=p=jC 



' — I 



S^S 



^i^ J J"] | -j =4: ^; :j-^^ff^ ^ - - r :J^ 



Ko - la ta - ku ya - ka pe - lo i - 




taq - eaq kii) he - na - pi - la ye - lo he 




mi - ye ka - ke^ e - 6uq u - wa - ta - he we yo he 

WORDS 

kola' friend 

ta'ku yaka'' pelo' what you are saying (is true) 

itag'c^ai) kig the chiefs 

448 



ofl 



DE.V^MORi:] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



449 



hena'pila are gone 

yelo'' he so 

miye^ kakes' ecui)' uwa^tahe 

we I myself will try it 

Analys'is. — This song contains only the tones of the major triad and 
second. Of the mtervals 55 per cent are whole tones, and about 22 
per cent minor thirds, the remammg mtervals presenting a variety 
of progressions, including fifths, fourths, and one major third. In 
structure the song is melodic with harmonic framework. 

Siya'ka stated that the following song is very old, having been 
used in the days when the entire tribe assembled for a council. It 
is still sun<r before a council of the tribe. 



No. 185. "I Fear Not" 

Sung by Siya^ka 



Voice J— 76 
Drum J = 76 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 



(Catalogue No. 455) 




If-f'-rV 



'« • • f P • VW # 



9_SI^S 



^i 



P=- F 9 0- 



^ 



zrr. 



-0- w 




o - te - lii - ka 



ku - wa - pe 



^|3@ 



he - ua ko - wa - ki - pe sni le wa-oq we he 



kola' friends 

ta'ku ote'liika with all manner of difficulties 

ima'kuwape I have been pursued 

he'na these 

kowa'kipe ^ni I fear not 

le still 

waoi)' alive 

we am I 



450 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, and in 
every instance the difference between the tones transcribed as C 
natural and C sharp was clearly marked. This accidental is the 
sharped seventh, often present in songs of minor tonality, making a 
semitone between the seventh and eighth tones of the octave. This 
sons: contains the tones of the second five-toned scale and has a 
compass of 11 tones. Almost one-third of the intervals are minor 
thirds, a proportion which corresponds with the tonality of the song. 
Two-thirds of the intervals are downward progressions. 

The following is a typical song of the chiefs in council: 

No. 186. "I Wish To Do My Part" (Catalogue No. 614) 
Sung by 1Tskd-as-a-Shieli) 
Voice J - 66 



Drum 



66 



Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 6 




^ — fi ,-0—it pL_^ ^- 



' P T f 



'f' p p « « fl M 


^ f P P- m 


^ •• • • 


r— 


:9^-^J 1 -^ LJ 


=■ ' r c^ 


j fe-j' L^- 






;a^ 



- -1 1 B ^ 1 1 



- ya - te kiq - liaij ija ta - ku loa a - ki - ya - pi 



♦ •i^A 



caq - 7(0 - na he he-na o - ki - hi wa - cai]-mi ye - lo 

" ' P F »- 



Slit^E 



m 



-p — ^— ^ 



^ 



l;^ii::=h 



=^=^ 



H 



WORDS 

oya''te kighag'' ta'ku aki''yapi 

dag'na he whatever the tribe decide upon in council 

he'na oki'hi wa<;ar)'mi yelo'. . that is what I wish to do my part in accom- 

pliahing 



Dexsmork] 



TETOX SIOUX MUSIC 



451 



Ar^ahjsis. — In prominence of the fourth and the minor second this 
song resembles No. 194. The proportion of fourths is about 22 per 
cent, and of minor seconds about 36 per cent. A combination of 
these two intervals is unusual. Next in number are the minor 
tliirds. The intonation is not good, yet in both renditions the flatted 
fourth was clearly sung. The song is minor in tonality and lacks 
the seventh tone of the complete octave. It is melodic in structure 
and has a compass of an octave, extending from the dominant above 
to the dominant ])elow the tonic. 

This council song is similar in use to the preceding: 

No. 187. "His Customs I Adopted" (Catalogue No. 615) 
!Sung by Used-as-a-Shield 
Voice J = 66 
Drum J = 66 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




ate^ father (referring to the old men, his ancestors) 

ta^vi'cohag'pi kig Ms customs 

owa'pii] I adopted 

na and 

he hence 

iyo'tiye a hard time 

waki' yel(/., I am having 



452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [blll. ei 

Analysis. — -This song contains a large variety of intervals, there 
being seven kinds of upward, and six kinds of downward, progres- 
sions. Of the intervals 75 per cent are minor thirds and major 
seconds. The song is major in tonality, melodic in structm'e, and 
lacks the seventh tone of the complete octave. Three rhythmic 
units are found in the song, the second and third having one count 
division in common. The manner in which these units are used is 
particularly interesting. 

Chief Songs 

There appear to be two kinds of Chief songs: Those which 
voice the thouglit of the chiefs, and those sung in honor of the chiefs. 
Thus the second song in the Sun-dance group was said to be a Chief 
song. It contains tlie words, "Friends take courage; right here we 
are coming; they see us." In explanation of tliis class of songs 
a Sioux said, "The chiefs do not sing these songs; the people sing 
them meaning 'the chief says so and so'." The following belongs 
to the second class of Chief songs and is said to bje an old and par- 
ticularly good example. Two Bears was the head;cliief of the Lower 
Yanktonais band of Sioux, the most numerous baiid on the Standing 
Rook Reservation, and was prominent in tribal councils. He died 
about the year 1886. An interesting record concerning tliis man is 
preserved in the report of the Indian agent for the year 1874.' Tliis 
record is as follows : .^ 

On the Isl. of July 1 was informed that a party of young mejn had left this agency 
to make war on Indians up the river. I asked the principal chiefs to stop these pro- 
ceedings. They promptly responded by sending their soldiers out, who overtook 
the war party and brought them back. The conduct of Cliief Two Bears and Chief 
Antelope on this occasion deserves particular credit. The defeat of the party is 
mainly attributable to the energetic action of these two chiefs. 

' Palmer, Edmond, in Indian Affairs Rep. for 1874, p. 248, Washington, 1874. 



J 



DENSMOBE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



453 



No. 188. Song in Honor of Two Bears (Catalogue No. 454) 
Sung by Siya'ka 
Voice J=z112 
Drum J:^112 

Drum-rhythm simihxr to No. 19 
^ f -0- ^ • 

-■— 1 H 1 'mmwir- 




- ya - te kir) ta - ku a - ki - ya - pi 




6ai} - na Ma- to - noq - pa wi - ca - la Sni wa - ni - ce 



152 



^ 



-^- 



£= 



WORDS 

oya^te kiri the tribe 

ta^ku aki^yapi cag^na whenever they council 

Mato^-nog'pa Two Bears 

wica^la ^ni wani'ce never refuses 

Analysis. — Like many other melodies on the fourth five-toned 
scale, this song has a large proportion of minor thirds, that interval 
forming more than 55 per cent of the entire number. The major 
third and the fourth each appears three times. The indicated change 
of tempo occurs in all three renditions, the metronome speed of each 
part of the song being accurate. The tempo of the drum remains the 
same thi'oughout the song. (See song No. 5.) The song has a com- 
pass of an octave and was sung with good intonation. 

The two songs next following are in honor of Gabriel Renville, 
chief of the Sisseton Sioux, and were recorded at Sisseton by his son, 
Moses Renville. The following information concerning him has been 
published by the South Dakota Historical Society:^ 

• Gabriel Renville, chief of the Sissetons, was a representative of one of the most 
noted families of the frontier. . . . The first representative of the Renville family 
in the Northwest was Joseph Raenville, or Renville, a French Canadian voyageur and 
fur hunter, who married into the Kaposia, or Little Raven band of the Sioux. The 



' Robinson, De Lorme W., in South Dakota Historical Collections, vol. 1, p. 126, Aberdeen, S. Dak., 1902. 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 31 



454 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



result of this union was two half-breed sons, Joseph and Victor, father of Gabriel. 
The elder Joseph Renville died about 1790. . . . Gabriel, the subject of this 
sketch, was born at Sweet Corn's village on the west shore of Big Stone Lake, April, 
1824, and died at Brown's Valley, witliin 10 miles of his birthplace, August 26, 1892. 
He became chief of the Sissetons through the aid of the military, after liis band had 
been located on their reservation in the northeast part of South Dakota. Subsequent 
to the Minnesota massacre he became cMef of scouts under Gen. Sibley and gained 
distinction for his ability. 



No. 189. Song in Honor of Gabriel Renville (a) 

Sung by Moses Renville (Ma wis) 
Voice J = 92 
Drum J = 84 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 



(Catalogue No. 665) 




ta wa - oi] 



-^-# — ^ 



Jt—^- 



a ya he ya nai] - ke noij 
) 



SH 



1:3= 



^^-^^^g 



na na de 



wa- on we 



WORDS 

Ti'wakai) ^ Holy House (known as Gabriel Renville) 

heye^do has said 

aki^cita a soldier 

waor)^ we I am 

nagke^ noi) na de it is but a short life ^ 

waoD' we I have to live 

Analysis. — This and the following song were recorded at Sisseton; 
the words are in the Santee dialect. The rhythmic form of this song 
is interesting. Three phrases comprise practically the entire melody, 
the first consisting of three measures, the second also consisting of 
three measures, and the third (after a connecting measure) of four 
measures, after which two unimportant measures close the song. 
Several renditions were recorded, in all of which the drum is slightly 
slower than the voice. The song has a distinctly minor quality, 
though fewer than one-fourth of the intervals are minor thirds. 
All the tones of the octave except the sixth are contained in the 
melody, which has a compass of nine tones. 

See plot of this melody on page 461. 

1 Full form is Ti'piwakar) . 2 Of. words of songs Nos. 222 and 231. 



DENi^MOBE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



455 



No. 190. Song in Honor of Gabriel Renville (b) (Catalogue No. 666) 

Sung by Moses Renville 
Voice ^-92 
Drcm J = 84 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 




m m 



^-#- 



• # 



^^^^ 



^=t 



f=:2=:fc?; 



Ti-pi 




wa - kaij Ivii) he to - ki i- ya - ye ca tu-we ni wa-ciij wa 




ye Sni a 



Si- si 



te-toq-vraq kiq he e 



ha - ya-pi do 



Ti^piwakai) Holy House (known as Gabriel Renville) 

kig he even he 

to^ki iya^ye is departed (I know not where) 

(Ja therefore 

tuwe' upon 

ni no one 

wacir)^ waye^ sni he can I rely 

Sisi'tor) waq kig the Sisseton Sioux 

heya'pi do have said ' 

Analysis.— In general character this song resembles the preced- 
ing," but it is longer and contains a rhythmic unit. The drum is 
persistently slower than the voice, as in the preceding song, through- 
out five renditions. Of the intervals 80 per cent are minor thirds 
and major seconds, the other intervals consisting of five fourths and 
one ascending fifth. The song has a range of an octave and is melodic 
in structure. 

Songs Nos. 191 and 192 are in honor of men living at the pres- 
ent time who were chiefs of the Teton Sioux under the old tribal 
organization. While their actual authority has passed away, they 
are still regarded as chiefs and accorded some of their f ormer.honor. 

This melody was recently composed and was said to be a grass- 
dance tune. During a gathering of Sioux at the Standing Rock 
Agency in the summer of 1912 this song was sung in honor of John 



456 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Grass (pi. 73), one of whose native names is Mato'-wata'kpe (Charg- 
ing Bear) . John Grass is the most prominent Sioux chief living at the 
present time (see p. 89). 

No. 191. Song in Honor of John Grass (Catalogue No. 643) 

Sung by Shoots First (Toke^ya-wica^o) 
1st rendition 
Voice J— 63 
Drum J— 63 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




M^ 






:4: 



he ye ye e ti-hi-hi-ya o-ma - wa - ni ye-lo he ye ye 




Ma-to - wa - ta - kpe ya he-ya - ke - ya pe - lo he ye 



yo 



oya'te kig the tribe 

wacig'mayag'pi depend upon me 

cag^na he thence 

tehi'hiya through difficulties 

oma^wani yelo' I have traveled 

Mato'-wata^kpe Charging Bear 

heya'keya^ pelo' said this (it is reported) 

Analysis. — This modern melody contains a larger variety of inter- 
vals than most of the older songs. Thus we note five different 
ascending and four different descending intervals. The numbers of 
ascending and descending intervals are more nearly equal than in the 
older songs. All the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh 
are found in the melody. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 73 




JOHN GRASS 



458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Analysis. — -The triplet of eighth notes is so constantly repeated that 
it can scarcely be called a rhythmic unit. It resembles a vibrato, 
yet was evenly and distinctly sung in all the renditions of the song. 
With the exception of the octave, which occurs midway of the song, 
there are no intervals other than minor thirds and major seconds. 
There are 24 progressions in the song, 17 of which are downward. 
The melody tones' are those 'of the second five-toned scale, and the 
song is melodic in structure. 

Probably no Sioux chief is more famous than Sitting Bull (Tatar) 'ka- 
iyo'take, literally translated "Sitting Buffalo Bull"), plate 75, of 
whom the Handbook of the Indians (pt. 1, pp. 583-584) says: 

Sitting Bull ... a noted Sioux warrior and tribal leader of the Hunkpapa Teton 
division, born on Grand R., S. Dak., in 1834, his father being Sitting Bull, ... a 
subcliief. . . . HetodkanactivepartinthePlainswarsof the sixties, and first became 
widely known to the whites in 1866, when he led a memorable raid against Ft. Buford. 
Sitting Bull was on the warpath with Ms band of followers from various tribes almost 
continuously from 1869 to 1876, either raiding the frontier posts or making war on the 
Crows or the Shoshoni, especially the former. . . . His refusal to go upon a reserva- 
tion in 1876 led Gen. Sheridan to begin against him and his followers the campaign 
which resulted in the siu-prise and annihilation of Custer's troop on Little Bigliorn R., 
Mont., in June. Diuing tliis battle, in wliich 2,500 to 3,000 Indian warriors were 
engaged, Sitting Bull was in the lulls "making medicine, " and liis accurate foretelUng 
of the battle enabled liim "to come out of the affair with liigher honor than he pos- 
sessed when he went into it." (McLaughlin.) Sitting Bull . . . escaped to Canada, 
where he remained until 1881, when he surrendered at Ft. Buford under promise of ' 
amnesty and was confined at Ft. Randall until 1883. Although he had siurendered 
and gone upon a reservation Sitting Bull continued unreconciled. It was through 
his influence that the Sioux refused to sell their land in 1888; and it was at his camp 
that Kicking Bear organized the first ghost dance on the reservation. The 
demand for Ms arrest was followed by an attempt on the part of some of his people 
to rescue him, during wMch he was shot and killed by . . . the Indian poUce, 
Dec. 15, 1890. 

Part of the writer's work was done near the site of Sitting Bull's 
camp, and a majority of her informants had known him in the days 
of his power. It was said that a striking feature of his every-day 
appearance was a bunch of shed buffalo hair painted red, fastened 
on the side of his head.^ There is a large number of songs connected 
with his name, these being either songs which he sang or songs 
into which his name has been introduced. No attempt was made 
to collect many of these songs or to study the character of Sitting 
Bull. Two songs said to have been used by him in the practice of 
medicine appear as Nos. 191 and 192. Sitting Bull is also mentioned 
on pages 218 and 220. 

The following two songs of Sittmg BuU's are connected with the 
last years of his hfe. 

1 Shed ■buffalo hair was, and still is, greatly valued by the Sioux. It is said to " signify the times when 
the buffalo were plenty and also a remembrance of the coming of the White Buffalo Maiden." In the 
old days it was used as an ornament for the head, especially at a buffalo dance, and also as a charm by the 
Buffalo societies. (See p. 64.) 



I 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 75 




SITTING BULL 



densjmore] 



TETO]^ SIOUX MUSIC 



459 



The following song was sung by Sitting Bull after he had sur- 
rendered to the United States authorities, some time after the Custer 

massacre. 

No. 193. Song of Sitting Bull (a) (Catalogue No. 612) 

Sung by Used-as-a-Shield 
Voice J- 60 
Drum J rz 60 
Drum-rhythm similar to Xo. 6 

1 




3- 


, HttL^ 


f— 


1 

^^r^ 





p 


1 


-^ 


-#- 


1 

1— 


-^ 


-•*-•- 


zrr^ 


— •- 


-#- 


-^«— 


^ 


w^:. 




















— ^ 


--A — 


■■1 




J — 




I - ki - ci - ze wa - oq koij he wa - na he - na - la ye - lo 



1, -^ 1 

^"^"H^ — _i - ^-^^ ^' ^^ =J — LJ — \ — 


r 

f X - 



Ae 



i - yo - ti - ye ki - ya wa-oq 



iki''(5ize a warrior 

waog'' koq I have been 

wana' now 

hena^la yelo' it is all over 

iyo^tiye kiya' a hard time 

waog'' I have 

Analysis. — There is an unusually large variety of intervals in this 
song, two renditions of which were recorded. It contains six kinds 
of upward and four of downward progressions. The song is charac- 
terized by the descendmg fourth, about one-fourth of the mtervals 
being fourths, this number bemg exceeded only by the number of 
intervals of a major second. The tone material is the minor triad 
and fourth. The tonic chord is promment in the melody, but the 
accents are so placed that the song is classified as melodic with 
harmonic framework. 

See plot of this melody on page 461. 

In explaining the following song Used-as-a-Shield said: "The last 
time that Sitting Bull was in a regular tribal camp was hi the year 



460 



BUKEAtf OF AMERICAK ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



1889. The Sioux were camped together on the Standing Rock 
Reservation to consider ceding some land. Sitting Bull used to go 
around the camp circle every evening just before sunset on his 
favorite horse, singing this song." This gathering of the Sioux is 
mentioned on page 4. 

No. 194. Song of Sitting Bull (b) (Catalogue No. 613) 

Sung by Used-as-a-Shield 
Voice J = 60 
Drum J = 60 • 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




I 



II 






0-ya - te kiq-haij Ca 



ha - ze ma - ya - ta - pi ca 
(2) 



bli - 




he - ci - ya wa - oq kte he 

(2) 



ya ke - ya pe 




~1^ 



e^=f=f=»=<*ESF^l 



-4 =S^— £..P-4.^-|| -4-| 



E 



11 



Ta-taq-ka - i-yo-ta-2/a-ke he he-ya ke-ya-pi lo 

WORDS 

oya'te kighai)^ the tribe 

i^aze'' maya''tapi named me 

da so 

blihe''iciya in courage 

waog' kte I shall live 

he heya'' keya'' pelo' it is reported 

Tatar) 'ka- iyo'take Sitting Bull 

he heya** keya'pi lo said this. 



he yo 



i 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



461 



Analysis. — The upward and downward progressions are more 
nearly equal in this than in many of the songs under analysis, the 
upward intervals being 18 and the downward intervals 22. The 
fourth is prominent, constituting 37 per cent of the intervals, while 
the minor second constitutes 31 per cent. Like the fourth five- 
toned scale, this song lacks the fourth and seventh tones of the com- 
plete octave, but the fourth five-toned scale is major in tonality 
(the fu'st third being a major third), while tliis song is minor in 
tonality. This tone material is found in a few Chippewa songs and 
is considered in the analysis of No. 26 in this work. Syncopations 
occur in this melody, being clearly given in both renditions. These 
are unusual in Sioux and Chippewa songs. (See Songs Nos. 165 and 
237, also Bull. 53, p. 130.) 



PLOTS OF CHIEF SONGS 



Although both Buffalo and Chief songs are included in the tabu- 
lated analysis, the plot of the hunt songs is considered with the war 
songs, the plot of song No. 177 appearing in figure 35, page 419. 



4H> 



S 



3s; 



l=: 




No. 1S9 



No. 193 



Fig. 37. Plots, Group 6. 



An interesting peculiarity appears in the plots of the Chief songs. 
(Fig. 37.) Of the 8 songs constituting this group, 5 have a com- 
pass of an octave, beginning on the upper tonic and ending on the 
lower tonic, the note bemg repeatedly sounded in both octaves. It 
will be recalled that emphasis on the tonic is a characteristic of songs 
expressing self-reliance. The songs of the medicine-men and also 
certain war songs show this emphasis on the lower tonic. The placing 
of the emphasis on the upper as well as the lower tonic suggests a 
quality of character in the chiefs which was not in the medicine-men 
or tho warriors. The two plots here^vith shown are the songs of two 
men of radically different character. The first (No. 189) is a song 
concerning Gabriel Renvdle, whose stability of character won him 
an enduring place in history. His song, in addition to the emphasis 
on the tonic, shows the steadily descending trend which may be said 
to be the simplest as well as the most prevalent type of Indian 
melody. No. 193, a song of Sitting Bull's, shows as great a contrast 
as there was between the two men. Not only are the intervals wider 



462 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



and more irregular, but there appears an ascent from the lowest to 
the highest tone midway through the song. Such an interval at the 
openmg of songs has been found associated with disappointment or 
distress. In this connection it is interesting to note that this song 
was associated with the last years of the life of Sitting Bull, and is 
said to have been sung by him during a gathering of the Sioux in 1889. 
This gathering was for the purpose of considering the ceding of a 
large portion of their land and was the preface to the breaking up of 
the tribe. Sitting Bull, who was a man of unusual discernment, 
may have foreseen what must inevitably follow. In this, as in other 
remarks concerning the form of these songs, the writer desires to be 
understood as offering only tentative observations. 

The songs of this analysis group have neither origin nor use in 
common, the grouping being chiefly for convenience. The songs of 
the buffalo hunt (Nos. 180, 181) were favorite songs for- that pur- 
pose, but the same songs could be used by those who went out to 
look for the enemy. These are followed by a song of the chase and 
a song to secure buffalo during a famine. (Nos. 182, 183.) Some 
of the council songs (Nos. 184-187) are undoubtedly very old, 
but it is impossible to determine their exact age. Some of the 
Chief songs (Nos. 5, 188-194) may also be old, as new names were 
often substituted for old names in songs of honor, but one of the 
songs (No. 191) was said to have been composed only three years ago. 

Comparatively Modern Songs — (2) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also 
Council and Chief Songs 

Melodic Analysis 
TONALIT.Y 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Major tonality 
Minor tonality 

Total.... 



180, ISl, 182, 184, 187, 188, 191 

5, 183, 185, 186, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194 



FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 





Number 

of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Beginning on the— 

Twelfth 


1 

1 

4 
1 

1 
1 




Tenth 


1S5, 192 


Octave 


183, 187, 189, 190, 193 


Sixth 


182 


Fifth .: 


1.S4, 186, 191,194 


Third 


188 


Second 


181 


Keynote 


180 






Total 


16 









dek$moee] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



463 



Comparatively Modern Songs — (2) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also 
Council and Chief Songs — Continued 

Melodic Analysis — Continued 

LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Ending on the— 

Fifth 


5 
3 

S 

It; 


181,184,186,191,194 


Third 


180, 182, 188 




5, 1S3, 185, 187, 190, 192, 193 


Total 









LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs in which final tone is lowest tone in song 

Songs containing a minor third below the final tone. . . 


15 
■ 1 


5, 180, 182, 1S3, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 

190, 191, 192, 193, 194 
181 


Total 


10 









NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 



Compass of — 
Twelve tones 
Eleven tones. 

Ten tones 

Nine tones. .. 
Eight tones. . 
Six tones 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



5 

185 

180, 192 

181, 187, 189 

183, 184, 186, 188, 190, 191, 193, 194 

182 



TONE MATERIAL 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Second five-toned scale 

l-ourth five-toned scale 

Major triad and sixth 

Major triad and second 

M inor triad and fourth 

I )ctave complete except seventli 

Octave complete except seventh and sixth. 
Octave complete except seventh and fourth 

Octave complete except sixth 

Octave complete except second 

Total 



185, 192 

181, 188 

180, 182 

184 

5, 190, 193 

186, 187 

191 

194 

189 

183 



464 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



Comparatively Modern Songs — {2) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also 
Council and Chief Songs — Continued 



Melodic Analysis — -Continued 

ACCIDENTALS 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs 


Songs containing— 

No accidentals .... ... 


13 

2 
1 


5, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188 

192, 193, 194 
185, 189 
186 


190 


191, 


Seventh raised a semitone. . ... . ... 




Fourth lowered a semitone 




Total 


IG 








STRUCTURE 


• 


Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of song«. 




11 

5 
None 


181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 187, 189, 

192, 194 
5,180,1,84,188,193 


190, 


191, 














Total . . 


16 








FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 








Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of .songs. 


Downward 


11 
5 


5, 180, 181, 183, 184, 186, 188, 190 

194 
182, 185, 187, 189, 191 


192 


193, 










Total 


l(i 




TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 


Downward ., 


328 
196 








Upward .... . 








Total 


524 








INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 


Interval of a — 

Fifth 


2 

47 

13 

106 

139 

21 








Fourth 








Minor third . . . 
















Total ... 


328 









dkn^more] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



465 



Comparatively Modern Songs — (£) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also 
Council and Chief Songs— Continued 



Melodic Analysis — Continued 

INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval ol a — 

Ninth 

Octave 

Seventh 

Major sixth . . 
Minor sixth . . 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third . . 
Minor third . . 
Major second. 
Minor second . 

Total 



AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL 



Total number of intervals 

Total number of semitones 

Average number of semitones in an interval. 




KEY 



Key of — 

A minor. . .. 
B fiat minor 

B major 

B minor . . . . 
D major . . . . 
D minor . . . . 
E fiat major. 
E flat minor 
E major. . . . . 
E minor . . . . 

F major 

F minor 

G major 

Total 




466 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Comparatively Modern Songs — (2) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also 
Council and Chief Songs — Contiimed 

Rhythmic Analysis 
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Beginning on unaccented part of measure . 
Beginning on accented part of measure . . . 



Total. 



5, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 
190, 192, 193, 194 





RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 




Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


First measure in — 

2-4 time 


10 
6 


5, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192, 194 


3-i time - : 


180, 181, 185, 186, 191, 193 










Total 


16 





CHANGE OF TIME, MEASURE-LENGTHS 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing no change of time. 
Songs containing a change of time. . 



None. 
16 



5, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, l&i, 186, 187; 188, 
189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194 



Total. 



RHYTHM OF DRUM 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Eighth notes unaccented 


4 

8 

1 
3 


188, 189, 190, 192 


Quarter notes unaccented. . 


180, 185, 186, 187, 191. 193, 194 


Each beat preceded by an luiaccented beat correspond- 


5 


Drum not recorded 


181,183,184 






Total 


16 





RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing — 

No rhythmic unit 

One rhythmic unit . . . 
Two rhythmic units. . 
Three rhythmic units , 

Total , 



180,181,183,185,189,192. 
182, 184, 186, 188, 190, 191, 193 
5,194 

187 



DEXgMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



467 



Comparatively Modern Songs — {2) Songs of the Buffalo Hunt, also 
Council and Chief Songs — Continued 



Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 
METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO) 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Xos. of songs. 



Metronome- 

60 

63 

66 

76 

80 

92 

112 

126 

Total 



193, 194 

184, 191 

186, 187 

183,185 

181, 192 

180, 182, 1S9, 190 

188 

5 



METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Metronome — 

60 


2 
1 

2 
1 

1 
2 
1 
2 

1 
3 


193, 194 


6,3 . ... 


191 


66 


186, 187 


76 


185 


80 ; 


192 


84 


189, 190 


88 


5 


92 


ISO, 182 


IT' 


/ 


188 




181,183,184 








Total 


16 









COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Drum and voice having same metric unit . 



Drum slower than voice. 
Drum not recorded 



Total. 



ISO, 182, 1S5, 186, 187, ISS, 191, 192, 193, 

194 
5, 189, 190 
181,183jl84 



SONGS CONNECTED WITH DANCES AND GAMES 

Dances 

In every Sioux village there was a lodge of suitable size for social 
gatherings or dances. An old type of Sioux dance lodge is sho\\ai in 
plate 76, A, the walls being of logs and the roof of branches covered 
with earth, a large smoke-hole being left in the center. Plate 76, B, 
shows a lodge on the Standing Hock Reservation in which the writer 
witnessed a dance in 1912. The following summer she learned that 
it had been torn down, as the Government was enforcing more 
vigorously the restrictions on dancing among the Indians. In this 
lodge, as in the older type, the construction was of logs, branches, 
and earth, but the shape was rectangular, the logs were plastered 
with earth, and the roof was almost flat with projecting stovepipes, 
indicating that the lodge was heated by stoves instead of an open fire. 

Concerning Indian dances it was said that — 

In dancing the Indians imitate the actions of animals. In the grass dance the 
men imitate the motions of the eagle and graceful birds. In the buffalo dance they 
imitate the buffalo. The old-time dancing dress of the Indians imitated the animals, 
but there was always a charm or a headdress which indicated the personality of the 
wearer. The Indians imitate the cries of birds or animals when they dance. Some 
headdresses imitate the comb of a bird, and a man wearing such a headdress would 
imitate the actions of that bird. The actions of a dancer always correspond to his 
costume. This is a matter of choice and usually is not connected with a dream. 

THE GRASS DANCE 

The grass dance (pezi' waci'pi) may be said to exist at the 
present time among all the tribes of the northern plains, even to the 
Kutenai. The name Omaha identifies it vdth the Omaha tribe, 
from which it was received by many other tribes, but in transmission 
it has lost its significance, having become simply a social dance. 
According to Miss Fletcher, the dance originally was connected with 
the Hethu'shka society of the Omaha, a society whose object "was to 
stimulate an heroic spirit among the people and to keep alive the 
memory of historic and valorous acts." ^ 

Miss Fletcher descHbes one of its meetings, stating that ^ — 

No clothing except the breechcloth was worn by the members, and a long bunch 
of grass representing scalps the wearer had taken was fastened to the belt at the 
back. . . . When the dance became known to the Dakota tribes and the Winne- 
bago, the significance of the bunch of long grass having been forgotten, they gave the 

1 Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe, op. cit., p. 459. 2 ibid., p. 461. 

468 



i 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 76 




'< 






SIOUX DANCE LODGES. 



STIl 



: 



DK.N.sMouE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 469 

name "grass dance," or the "Omaha dance," the latter name in recognition of the 
iribe from which the dance had been obtained. Among the Omaha the leader 
liad to be of sufficient rank to be able to wear "the crow, " a decoration of the highest 
(irder. 

The grass dance was noted among the Yankton Sioux by De Smet, 
who described it in a letter to Father Tei'wecoren, dated November, 
1S67, as follows: ' 

The principal one [society] among the Yanktons is called the Grass band or Peji- 
rnaHnnanl'a. All the braves, or men of heart, as the Indians express it, belong to 
this fraternity. ... At the ceremonial dances each member carries a long bunch 
of grass, which is among them the emblem of abundance and charity. . . . The 
l)adge or distinctive mark of the society is the bunch of grass braided and attached 
to the waist of each member in the form and appearance of a long tail. 

In this description we note the use of the grass, but a different 
symbolism is assigned to it. 

Mr. La Flesche, who saw the Omaha and Yankton Sioux dance the 
i^rass dance together on the Yankton Reservation in the seventies is 
quoted as follows: 

The rhythm of the He-thu^-shka songs sung by the Yanktons was the same as that 
I if the songs of the Omaha and the steps and bodily actions that were in accord with 
1 he rhythm of the music were the same as those of the Omaha. In fact the Yankton 
i le-thu'-shka was and is now the same as the Omaha, except for certain preUminary 
ceremonies wliich the Omaha, also, have now omitted. Until witliin very recent 
times men only danced the Ile-thu^-shka, as it was strictly a warrior's dance. 

The grass dance among the Sioux is briefly mentioned by George 
liushotter, a Teton Sioux, in his "Texts," written m 1887-88. He 
includes it among the "intrusive dances" which took place in the 
camp while a Sun dance was in progress, and mentions the wearing 
of grass at the dancer's belt.^ 

In 1903-1912 Wissler found a society called the Omaha among 
the Oglala Sioux,^ which he identifies with the grass dance. ^ "Crow 
belts" were worn in the ceremony of this society, but no mention is 
made of grass, either carried or hung from the belt. The grass 
dance among the Sisseton Sioux is described by Lowie, who says it 
was also called by them the Winnebago dance.^ This widely dis- 
tributed dance is noted by Wissler as existing at the present time 
among the Blackfoot, Piegan, Crow, Gros Ventre, and Assiniboin 
Indians.'' A "feather-tail belt" seems to have been generally con- 
sidered part of the dance regalia by these tribes. 



' Life, Lettsrs, and Travels of Father Pierre-Jean De Smet, S. J. 1801-1873 (edited by Hiram M. 
i.'hittenden and .Vlfred T. Richardson), ni, pp. 1059, lOCO, New York, 1905. 

2 The Bushotter Texts, translated by J. Owen Dorsey, A Study of Siouan Cults, Eleventh Rep. Bur. 
Hthn., p. iG3. 

3 Wissler, Clark, Societies and Ceremonial Associations of the Teton Dakota, op. cit., pp. 48-52. 

* Ibid. (p. 49, footnote) " According to Mr. Nines pezi mignaka is another name for Omaha kaiyoiag, which 
jeached the Oglala through the Yankton." 

5 LowSe, Robt. H., Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op. cit., p. 130. 
•fl Wjaakr, Clark, Sosieties of the Blackfoot Indians, op. cit., pp. 451-456, 

4840°— Bull. 61—18 32 



470 



BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Many similarities ma}^ be traced between the accounts of the grass 
dance already cited and the descriptions of the dream dance, as 
practiced by the Menomini and the Chippewa. These resemblances 
touch, among other thmgs, the custom of "presenting the pipe to 
the sky," the position of the drum in the dancing circle, the wearing 
of "crow belts," and the custom of divorce in connection with the 
ceremony of the society.^ 

Mr. Higheagle said that two kinds of grass dance are now danced 
on the Standmg Rock Reservation— the old men's grass dance and 
the young men's. The foniier is shown in figure 38, reproduced 




FiCr. 38. Grass dance. 

from a photograph taken several years ago on that reservation and 
identified by Mr. Higheagle. This view undoubtedly presents some of 
the old features of the dance which have been changed by the present 
generation. 

An instrmuent used in connection with this dance is called an elk 
whistle (Jielia'lca sVyotayl^a). (Fig. 39.) Mr. Higheagle states that 
this instrument is called by the S^ntee and Yanktonais co'tayTca 
(co, 'pith'; tay'lia, 'large')- The whistle was made from the small, 
straight branches of a tree having a . large pith, which could easily 

1 Cf. (1) Hoffman, Walter James, The Menomini Indians, Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 157-161, 
Washington, 1896. 

(2) Barrett, S. A., The Dream Dance of the Chippewa and Menomini Indians of Northern Wisconsin, 
Bull. Pub. Mus. Milwaukee, I, art. 4, Milwaukee, 1911. 

(3) Skinner, Alanson, Social Life and Ceremonial Bimdles of the Menomini Indians, Anthr. Papers, 
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., xm, pt. 1, p. 30, New York, 1913. 

(4) Bulletin 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 142-180. 

(5) Concerning the custom of divorce, see also Beckwith, Paul, Notes on, Customs of the Dakotahs, 
Smithson Eep., 1886, pt. 1, p. 256, Washington, 1889. 



den^more] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



471 




I 



be removed, a heated iron being commonly used for the purpose. 
Ash and box elder were woods frequently selected. The open end 
of the instrument was usually carved to represent the 
head of a bird. Mr. Higheagle stated further that the 
instrument was called si'yotaylca (si'yo, 'prairie chicken': 
taij'l-a, 'large') by the Teton Sioux. The instrument is 
said to have had two uses: It was used in dances, espe- 
cially in the gi'ass dance, and also by young men as a 
" courting call. " Plain bone whistles and bead-decorated 
whistles were similarly used in dances; these also were 
known as si'yotajjka. Three or four dancers might carry 
these whistles, but the signal was usually given by the 
recognized leader of the dancers. If the singers "came 
near the end of tlie tune," and he wished the dancing 
continued, he blew his whistle, whereupon they continued 
their repetitions of the melody. 

In construction this instrument is a whistle, being an 
open pipe with the usual whistle or flageolet mouthpiece 
near one end. The pipe furnishes the series of harmonics 
obtained from a bugle or trumpet. The specimen illus- 
trated ^ is old, having been in the possession of Mrs. 
James McLaughlin about 30 years, and could not bo 
played, but a similar instrument, in perfect condition, 
was obtained among the Hidatsa at FbrtBerthold, N. Dak., 
in 1915. The length of this instrument below the mouth 
is 22f inches. The instrument was played by its Hidatsa 
owner; and a phonograph record of the performance was 
made. It was played also by Mr. E. H. Hawley, curator 
of musical instruments. United States National Museum. 
The following part of the long harmonic series could be 
produced on the Hidatsa whistle, the tones being named in 
ascending order: A flat (second space treble staff), D flat, 
F, A flat, C flat, D flat, E flat, F. 

The grass dance of the Standing Rock Sioux at the pres- 
ent time (pi. 77, A) was thus described by Kills-at-Night 
(Haqhe'pikte), a comparatively young man, who is a 
prominent singer at the drum whenever a dance is held: 

This dance came to us from the Omaha and at first all the songs were Omaha. The 
melodies were repeated with care, and Sioux words were sung, but now we have many 

' This instrument ha: been described as follows by Mr. Hawley, above mentioned: " Length 25 inches; 
diameter, f inch. A straight stick of wood, its lower end carved to represent a crane with open beak and 
its throat is the open end of the whistle. The bore appears to be from A to ^ inch in diameter. A rec- 
tangular opening i inch wide by 1 inch long, commencing 6.\ inches below the upper end is made from 
the outside into the bore. A little above the middle of this opening a dam of wax or pitch is placed in 
thebore to deflect the current of air so as to impinge against the lip of the sound hole. The sound hole is 
about A inch square. Its cap is a piece of split quill, its lower edge a trifle above the crest of the dam of 
wax. The lip of the sound hole is also a split quill and is about i inch below the lower edge of the cap. 
Both lip and cap are bound to the stick with red colored sinew. The instrument is a whistle." 



472 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull. 61 

grass-dance songs of our own, the melody and also the words being Sioux. There is 
always a feast at a grass dance. The men who have charge of the meeting decide 
who shall provide the feast, and the Crier notifies them. The same people are not 
asked to pro\dde for two successive feasts. Each "cook" brings what she likes — 
dried berries or grapes, wild turnips, and sometimes sweet corn, prepared by boiling 
it with ashes until the husk drops off, then washing it thoroughly and boiling it with 
a bone which has fat on it. Dog is not insisted upon, but if one of the appointed 
"cooks" wishes to provide a dog it is greatly appreciated. The head and chest of 
the dog are cut into four pieces and put in a large dish. Four young men are selected 
to eat them, and after the young men have finished this the bones are put in a pile, 
and the four young men, one after another, dance four times around it. The pile is 
not in the center of the circle made by the young man as he dances; it is near one 
side, and as the young man passes near the pile of bones he extends his hand over it.* 

In a grass dance the cli'um is outside the circle of dancers, near 
that side of the assembly where the men sit, A few women sing with 
the men at the drum. 

One feature of this dance is that a lost article must be redeemed 
with a gift. Thus, if a feather falls to the ground the whole party 
dance around it, and one of the men goes forward and strikes it, 
afterwards giving a present to some old man, who is not expected to 
make any return. More than one may strike a feather, each being 
required to give a present to an old man. Sometimes four men do 
this, after which the feather is returned to its owner. 

The men dance alone. The women also dance alono, but occa- 
sionally summon a few men, whom they call by various terms of 
relationship, as ''brother" or ''cousin." If a woman calls a married 
man into the dancing circle his wife regards it as an honor, which is 
correspondingly greater the longer he is required to dance. His 
wife always gives a present to the woman who asked him to dance. 
Sometimes a woman, rising, tells the brave deed of some relative, and 
all the women respond with the high, quavering cry which is their 
customary applause. 

At the end of the men's dances the participants sit down, but the 
drum continues a moment or two, whereupon one of the men rises 
and dances around the circle, singing a sho^-t phrase. This is called 
"dancing the tail" (see pi. 77, B), and words are often used only in this 
part of the song. The tail dancer is selected by the other dancers, 
and it is considered an honor to be so chosen. Only a man who has 
done some brave deed may be chosen as a tail dancer. According 
to Mr. Higheagle, this feature of the grass dance had its origin in an 
honor dance, signifying that the dancer had acted as rear guard in a 
certain war expedition and been successful, or had been left behind 
on the warpath and had acted nobly. The same honor might be 
given to a man whose horse had been shot under him and who had 

' Cf. the dog feast in the drum-presentation ceremony of the Chippewa (Bull. 53, pp. 173-180), which 
resembles the dream dance of the Menomini. 



dexsmore] 



TETOK SIOUX MUSIC 



473 



been rescued by a friend riding double in a fight. Tlie honor dance, 
in which also a man dances alone, is believed to be the origin of 
the tail dance. 

This is the only recorded grass-dance song in which the words are 
continuous : 

No. 195. "They Are Charging Them" (Catalogue No. 593) 

Sung by Kills-at-Night 
Voice J = 72 

Drum J = 72 • 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 

a ' 




he a - wi - ca u pe - lo 



ha- ki - kta yo 



^ 



gS SLrrr:^ ;^ 



-•—•-= — •-•- 



i^a^ 



he a-wi-ca u pe ni-ta-ko-la he a-wi-ca u pe 



he 



§S^?^=^ 



l&iii: 



^tid 



B -J— i 



-r^- 



jtjiz 



3tjt 



ha-ki - ktayo he a-wi-ca u pe he 



ha-ki - ktayo 




^i^&i^g-H ^ 



he a-wi-ca u pe 



ha-ki - ktayo 



awi^(^a u pelo' (they) are charging them 

haki^kta yo look back 

nita'kola your friends 

aTO'ca u pelo' are charging them 

Analysis. — This song has the remarkable compass of 17 tones, or 2 
tones more than 2 octaves. (See songs Nos. 55, 202.) In order to 
observe this song the more closely it was recorded on two cylinders, 
thus securmg six complete renditions. These were uniform except 
that the last four measures were omitted from the fifth rendition. The 
melody tones are those of the second five-toned scale. The song 



4Y4 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



appears to be a melody of much freedom, but on examination we find 
that only three intervals are used. All the ascending intervals 
are minor thirds. The descending intervals are as follows: 3 fourths, 
14 minor thirds, and 3 major seconds. Minor thirds constitute 82 
per cent of the intervals. The rhythmic unit is repeated throughout 
almost the entire song. 

See plot of this melody on page 484. 

In the following song the words were sung only during the ' 'dancing 
of the tail of the song." Thus the principal part of the melody is 
found many times on the phonographic cylinder, while the part con- 
taining the words appears only at the close. 



No. 196. Song of the Grass Dauce (a) 

Sung by Kills- at-Night 



(Catalogue N. 596o) 



Sli 



Voice J= 116 

DrDM Jrz 116 

Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 19 






-^.^ -^. 



-^ -IL 



#-^- 



4: 



ii: 



-*— ^— #^ 



-(22- 



^r— pgj 



#^-^ 



gg^fgf^ 



^t—»- 



^ 



^-^-# 



^ 



ii^= 









ffi 



i^^[ 



iSiS: 



P— <-r f P • 



t^ 



I^il 



TJ-p-^ ii^zg: 



-I ! r^ F- 



a 



-(2- 



S33 



rf h 



J8-#- 



Suij - ka- wit- ko koij lie-ye-lo he-wa- 



-^ • » • 1^ » m 




wo - ki- ya he wa - oi] xce he - e - ye - lo o a he yo 



Suq^ka-witko'' kor) Crazy Dog himself 

he''yelo said 

hewawo''kiya he "I helped " 

waog^ living 

he''yelo he said (tliis) 

Analysis. — The accidental in the first measure of this song was 
clearly given in all the renditions. The words are found in what is 
called the tail of the song. The intervals in the first part of the 



denrmouk] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



475 



song arc larger than in a majority of iiicso songs, but the intervals in 
the tail of the song are small. The time was not so strictly main- 
tained in this as in many other songs. Thus in the first rendition the 
final tone in the third measure was sung as a half instead of a quarter 
note, and there was also a slight hastening of some measures in one or 
more of the renditions. 

See plot of this melody on page 4S4. 

No. 197. Song of the Grass Dance (b) (('atalogue No. 594) 
Sung by Kills at-Night 
Voice J— 100 
Drum not recorded 



-m- -»- -m- 




^_^_-flL^ 



^^: 




m 



^=w=w 



m-^ 






-«--•- 



Sze: 



tt^^.^t- 



TL-t 




Analysis. — The phonograph cylinder contains three complete rendi- 
tions of this song, followed by four incomplete renditions from which 
the firet and second measures, and also the sixth measure from the 
end, are occasionally omitted. • The first tone in the transcription is 
not regarded as part of the melody, but seems to be a mannerism of 
the singer. The waiter recorded the songs of an Hidatsa at Fort 
Berthold who sang the octave below the opening tone of a song in the 
same manner, but this is not a common custom among Indian singers. 
The progressions of this melody are such as to suggest either E or G 
as a possible keynote, placmg the song in either the second or fourth 
five-toned scale, but as the only accented tones are G and D, the song 
is analyzed as having G as its keynote and being in the fourth five.- 
toned scale. This indicates its tonality as major, yet the major 
third is not present, and about one-third of the intervals are mmor 
thirds. This is one of many instances in which the term "key" can 
scarcely be apphed to an Inilian song with the full significance of the 
term as it is used by white musicians. 



I 



476 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 198. Song of the Grass Dance .{^) (( 'atalogue No. 595) 
Sung by Kills-at-Night 



Voice 
Drum 



Drura-rhythm similar to No. 8 



; 144 

116 



-^— • F 



i=P=i=^^^^^ 



* 1^^ 



Tt V-^ 



g 



I 



m 



-f«^> 



^V— I — £ 



g-^ •-ah 



3?^ 



-^- ^'-&-t It' 



-^ -#-• -t V 



Anahjsis. — This is typical of the songs heard at the present time 
on the reservation when the Indians are gathered for some social 
occasion. Like other modern Sioux songs, it contains a wide variety 
of progressions, there being five different ascending and the same 
number of different descending intervals. The minor second, an inter- 
val occurring infrequently in the older songs, is here found four times. 
The tone material of this song is pecuhar. Considering G as the key- 
note of the entire song, the second, fifth, and seventh tones of the 
octave are not present. Tlie drum was slightly slower than the voice 
in all the renditions. 

No. 199. Song of the Grass Dance (d) (Catalogue No. 597) 

Sung by Ivells-at-Night 

Voice J =112 
Drum not recorded 



±: 



^t-0—& 



a 



3e^^ 



J±. « ^Ltt ^ 



^: 



-P—^ 



or ^-# 



g^f-f— r-pi:^ 



■' ^ \ \ f 0- ^ 00 



i 



t t 



-^ -<S- 



^ 



-^ — • 



^^Sl^^ 



#=r=^=p=i: 



a: 



Q= 



I 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



477 



Analysis. — wSix renditions of this song were recorded, some begin- 
ning with an unaccented tone an octave below tlie opening tone, as 
in No. 197. All but 3 of the progressions are minor thirds and 
major seconds, the remaining 3 progressions being 2 fourths and 1 
ascending ninth. The melody contains the tones of the fourth five- 
toned scale, has a compass of 13 tones, and is melodic in structure. 

No. 200. Song of the Grass Dance (e) (Catalogue No. 526) 

Sung by Two Shields 
Voice J — 66 
Drum J = 66 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 





L«- -«- 


1 1 




'■'th -0- -0- -•-•-•-' 


r^^ 


-•- -•- -•- -•-•-•- 




2ja-^-^=--== 






- — ' u^ 



Analysis. — This is a simple melody, containing only the tones of 
the minor triad and fourth. It contains only 9 progressions, 6 of 
which are minor thirds. The melody has a range of 10 tones and is 
based on the tonic chord. The song was accurately repeated in 
many renditions, the drum and voice coinciding on each count. 

Wlien the gathering comes to a close the men and women stand 
in their places and dance. The men move more than the women, 
but none of them go toward the center of the circle. 

No attempt to record songs of all the social dances has been made 
by the present writer. Two dances, in addition to the grass dance, 
serve to represent this phase of Sioux music, the two additional 
being the shufEing-feet dance {naslo'hay waci'pi) and the night 
dance (harjlie' pi waci' pi) . 

SHUFFLING-FEET DANCE 

The shuffling-feet dance is called also the Cheyenne, the glide, 
and the dragging-feet dance. (PI. 78.) Lowie ^ noted this dance 
among the Sisseton and Santee, and Wissler^ among the Oglala, 
who said they received it from a tribe living west of the Gros Ventre. 
Both men and women joined in the dance, whose step is indicated 
by its name. 

Two songs of this dance are given herewith; a third song is No, 
226. 

> Lowie, Robt. H.. Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota, op. cit. , p. 130 

2 Wissler, Clark, Societies and Cen-monial .Associations ot the Teton-Dakota, op. cit., p. 78. 



478 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY |bui,l. ei 

No. 201. Song of the Shiiffling-feet Dance (a) (Catalogue No. GOO) 

Sung by KiLLS-AT-NlGHT AND HIS WiFE 

Voice J =: 76 
Drum J =76 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 



i£ 



I 



P«iS 



-^F-E 



t: 



'-Tf, 



^^- 



MM 






^-i H 



^ 



ij fcTI F^w^.=j ^ 



2^ 



^ 



^— ^^ 



4-j ^ . • . J J 



4-*-i^^T^ 



^- <^ 



i^j^ 



iizs=je=f±i:?i 



^-f-#"-f- 



-p=i= 



S^^==i=a^=| 



^=^ 



4A 



^5: 



* 



Waij- 6i - ya- ka 



6a-iia 




#— ^- 



^=53 



^e=P=P=P= 



i^— t 



e - ci ya - ta - haq wa-oq 




8^ p-J-h-f i=ita=?:i=j^ 



3ti 



4- f^^*^#-^ 



E^ 



-jt^¥- 



:ji^=3L 



§#*! 



^*— #- 



-p— •-• 



-•^^» 



1*= 



$EE3E 



23 



e^ 






wagdi^ yaka I see (you) 

waq^a'' na once 

e^ ^i ya^ tahag waoij' (as) you stay on your side 

Analysis. — The song, which is very rhythmic, is typical of the 
songs heard at gatherings on the reservation at the present time. 
The part sung by the woman is an octave above that of the man and 
is transcribed to show the manner of its entrance. The song has a 
range of 11 tones and progresses chiefly by whole tones. 



t 



densmork] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



479 



No. 202. Song of the Shuffling-feet Dance (b) (Catalogue No. 592) 
Sung by Isjlls-at-Night 
Voice J =_ 63 
Drum not recorded 







Analysis. — This is typical of the songs heard at gatherings of the 
Sioux at the present time. It has a range of 17 tones, but a less 
proficient singer might omit the lowest tone. Two- other songs 
with similar range are comprised in this series. (See Nos. 55, 195.) 
This song is harmonic in structure and contains only the tones of the 
major triad and second. Two rhythmic units occur, the division of 
the first count in the first unit being reversed in the second unit. 
The song was recorded twice, and the renditions on the two cylmders 
were exactly alike, showing that the two units and the rhythmic 
form of the song as a whole were clear in the mind of the singer. 
No interval larger than a fourth occurs in the melody. 

See plot of this melody on page 484. 

NIGHT DANCE 

The night dance is mentioned by both Wissler and Lowie in con- 
nection with the shuffling-feet dance. It is also mentioned by Dor- 
sey.* Both young men and women took part in this dance, which 
Wissler- describes as follows: 

The young men sat on one side of the tipi, the young women on the other. As 
the songs for this dance were sung, a man would rise and dance with a present which 
he then presented to one of the young women. In the same way the young women 
danced with presents for the young men.[?] This was regarded as a kind of courting 
ceremony. Then all danced in a circle, holding hands. At -the close a feast was 
made. 

1 Dorsey, J. Owen, Study of Sioiian Cults, op. cit., p. 498. 

2 0p.eit.,p. 79. 

3 [Cf. the giving of presents in the woman's dance of tlie Chippewa, Bull. 45, p. 192.] 



480 



BUREAU Of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 203. Song of the Night Dance (Catalogue No. 601) 

Sung by KiLLS-AT-NlGHT AND HIS WiFE 



Voice J = 100 
Dkdm J— 100 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




1 




hiuSi— i=S=^ 






u 



-^— ^ 



9^ 



=tj=a^ 




m 



Analysis. — This song has a compass of nme tones, the entire com- 
pass being attained in two progressions at the openuig of the song. 
The rest in the fourth measure is somewhat miusuaL The Indian 
does not seem to require ''breathing spaces" in his songs, and when 
definite rests are found in a melody they are the more worthy of 
attention. (See song No. 79.) The rhythmic unit consists of a triplet 
of eighth notes on the accented part of a measure, followed by a quar- 
ter note. A similar triplet occurs on the unaccented part of the 
measure, showing the influence of the rhythmic unit on the rhythm 
of the song as a whole. The song is major in tonality and contains 
all the tones of the octave except the fourth. The seventh lowered 
a semitone is present as an accidental. The song is freely melodic 
in structure. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 79 




STICKS USED IN BEGGING 



DEXSMOUE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 481 

BEGGING DANCE 

The begging dance is sometimes mentioned as though it were one 
of the social dances of the tribe, but it should rather be regarded 
as a custom, in which the dance step is merely incidental. The 
begging of food from tent to tent, which has been witnessed by tlie 
writer at tribal gatherings, was accompanied at times with merriment. 
Such a begging dance was seen among the Chippewa at Red Lake, 
Minn. (See Bull. 45, p. 171.) Certain songs are known from usage 
as begging-dance songs ; most of these are very short. The songs origi- 
nally used in beggmg food were "praise songs," the company standing 
in front of a tent and singing the praises of the occupant until he 
appeared with the desired donations. While this might be done for 
a social gathering it was more often done for the council tent or for 
some society. (See pp. 103, 320, 327.) When "praise songs" were 
used in this connection the time was gradually hastened, the beggmg 
party singing the song first in the usual tempo, after which the time 
was increased with each rendition until the gifts were received. 

The council of chiefs might request contributions of food from 
three classes of men — those who had been successful leaders of war 
parties, those who had been victorious, but not as leaders, and those 
who had been wounded in battle. The request was made by means 
of sticks (pi. 79), appropriately decorated, which were placed in tlie 
ground before the tents. It was considered that the chiefs met in 
comicil for the benefit of the tribe, and therefore it was an honor for 
certain members of the tribe to provide them with food, while they 
were thus convened. One of the military societies usually decorated 
the sticks and "sang around the camp" to secure the food. A man 
was sent in advance to ascertain who occupied the various tents and 
to place the proper sticks in the ground. Wlien the party collecting 
the food reached a tent they were ready to sing a song in honor of the 
occupant, who responded with a suitable contribution. Before the 
tent of a man who had been a successful leader of war parties they 
placed a stick covered with black paint and having a black feather 
suspended from it. For a man who had been victorious, but not as 
a leader, the stick was encircled with black bands, the number of 
which indicated the number of his victories, while for the man who 
had been wounded a stick was decorated in red. The elaborateness 
of the stick varied with the honor accorded the man. The sticks 
bearing the feather and the red tassels were used at a gathermg of 
Sioux on the Standing Rock Reservation, July 4, 1911. The site 
of this gathering is shown in plate 80. 

Distinct from the songs which were used when a party of people 
went from one tent to another is the following song of four old women. 



482 



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[BULL. 61 



It is called simply wicVIoway' pi, 'begging song.' Yellow Hair said 
that she had a relative who went to war, and that the man's wife, 
with three other women relatives of the absent warrior, stood in the 
middle of the village and sang this song until donations were brought 
to them. The words are not transcribed, but are taunting in char- 
acter, their general idea being; "If you have no buffalo chips in the 
tipi, go find some on the prairie for us," buffalo chips, used as fuel, 
being mentioned as the smallest gift which could be bestowed upon 
the poor. 

No. 204. Begging Song of the Old Women (Catalogue No. 682) 



Sung ])y Yellow Hair 



Voice J = 96 
Drum not recorded 




Analysis. — In this song, as m No. 215 by the same smger, the only 
tones are those of the minor third and fourth, the song having a com- 
pass of four tones. (See song No. 217.) It is a wailmg melody, well 
calculated to wear out the patience of listeners. The mtonation was 
particularly unsteady, but the repetitions were so many that it was 
possible to determine the tones and make the transcription. The 
minor third and major second are the only progressions. 

The- following song is said to have been composed about the year 
1870, being, therefore, comparatively modern. It came into use when 
the Indians first secured bread and coffee by trading with the white 
men. If it were known that an Indian had bread and coffee in his 
tent a party would go and sing this song, reraaming in front of the tent 
and singhig until he shared his luxuries with them. 



DEXSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

No. 205. Begging Song 

Sung by Used-as-a-Shield 



483 

(Catalogue No. 619) 



Voice Jzr 120 
Drum J^^ 120 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




SE^^^^iB^^ 




:^P^^ 



Wa-kal-ya-pi wa-cii] ye 



=iisfe 



ilE^E^aS^fiBE:^ 




a - gu-ya - pi wa-ciq ye 



wakaFyapi coffee 

wa<Jig^ ye I want 

agu'yapi bread 

Avacig' ye I want 

Analysis. — The interval of the major third is prominent in this 
song, comprising 44 per cent of the intervals and occurring 9 times in 
upward and 12 times in downward progression. The song is based 
on the fourth five-toned scale, has a range of 10 tones, and is melodic 
in structure. The rhythmic unit appears 6 times, as well as in the 
first and second endings of the song where it is not indicated by the 
usual sign. 

See plot of this melody on page 484. 

PLOTS OF GRASS-DANCE SONGS 

The four song plots here presented (fig. 40) are of two grass-dance 
songs (Nos. 195, 196), one shuffling-feet dance (No. 202), and a 
begging song (No. 205). As the first three contain no words, and as 
various kinds of songs could be sung in these dances, it is impossible 
to connect the idea of the song with its form. Songs Nos. 195 and 
202 are of class A, which is a general type, and No. 196 is of class D, 
showing the characteristics of songs of motion or of animals. 



484 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



111 song No. 205, however, we have a plot which merits closer 
inspection. In this song the final interval between accented tones 
is an ascending interval, suggesting class E, in which the first such 
interval is ascending, and which was found to contain songs of dis- 
tress. Songs similar to No. 205 can scarcely be said to constitute a 
class by themselves, yet on examining the plots of these songs in 
connection with their titles and words we find that many of them 
contain what might be called a "sense of indefiniteness." An excep- 
tion to tliis is song No. 16, which was sung after the raising of the Sun- 
dance pole, though at this point in the ceremony there was an intense 
feeling of suspense and expectation. The only other songs having 
this interval between accented tones at the close are as follows: No. 
47, "Owls were hooting in the passing of the night" — the song of a 




i^l M I I 



i 



m 



% 



No. 195 



No. 202 



• MM-f 1 

J I IlZJiILIZ I/I $L_ j!T! %--%vJ j . \\ 

VT T r__LZ_I L ClZalZ 




No. 196 



No. 205 



Fig. 40. Plots, Group 7. 



medicine-man who anxiously watches a patient; No. 92, a medicine 
song of Sitting Bull's containing the words "No one is sacred, you 
said"; Nos. 95 and 97, concerning the buffalo walking in the north; 
No. 178, a war song with the words, "I am the fox, something difficult 
I seek"; No. 181, a song of the buffalo hunt; and Nos. 207 and 208, 
songs of the moccasin game, "svithout words. In addition to these 
the only songs containing an accented tone lower than the final tone 
are as follows: No. 19, the opening song of the Sun dance, and No. 33, 
a dancing song used during that ceremony; Nos. 57 and 89, songs 
said to have been received from the bear, and No. 103 from the 
buffalo; No. 78, a song concerning the sacred stones, with the title 
"A voice I sent"; Nos. 147 and 149, songs concerning warriors slain 
on the warpath; and No. 218, the song of the maiden who leaped 
from the ledge. 



den.imore] teton sioux music 485 

Games 

THE MOCCASIN GAME (hAJJ'pA APE'eCUI^Pi) 

Guessing the location of a hidden object was the central idea in 
one distinct class of Indian games, the object varying in the differ- 
ent games. The moccasin game is a familiar example of this class. 
Culin says: "The moccasin game was played by the Algonquian 
tribes, and is found among the Dakota and Navajo. Two, three, four, 
six, or eight moccasins are used, but four is the standard number. 
The objects hidden vary from one to four, and consist either of bullets, 
stones, or little billets of wood." ^ The game as played by the Santee 
Sioux in Minnesota is briefly described by Rev. E. D. Neill, as follows: 
' ' A bullet or plum stone is placed by one party in one of four moccasins 
or mittens and sought for by the opposite. " ^ In the usual manner of 
playing the game four bullets are hidden, one under each of four 
moccasins. One of these bullets is marked, and the count is deter- 
mined by the readiness with which the marked bullet is found by the 
"guessing side," and also by the position of the moccasin under 
which it was hidden, whether it were at the end or in the middle of the 
row. The manner of playing the game among the Sioux is practically 
the same as among the Chippewa. Illustrated accounts of this 
game among the Chippewa have been given by Culin, ^ and also by the 
present writer.* The Sioux songs of the moccasin game are espe- 
cially rhythmic, but the drum is not steadily maintained in one rhythm, 
as among the Chippewa. Thus we find several drum rhythms occur- 
ring in this group of songs. This is one of the instances which sug- 
gest a freer use of the drum among the Sioux than among the Chip- 
pewa. 

1 Culin, Stewart, Games of the North American Indians, Twenty-fourth Rep. B:tr. A rncr. Ethn. ,p. 339, 
Washington, 1907. 

2 Dakota Land and Dakota Life (1853), Minn. HM. Colls., vol. 1, p. 280, St. Paul, 1872. 

3 Op. cit., pp. 340-344. 

4 Bulletin 53, pp. 210-213. 

Cf. also The Menomini Indians, by Hoffman, W. J., Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Ethn., pt. 1, pp. 242-244, 
Washington, 1896; and Skinner, Alanson, Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians, 
op. oit., XIII, pt. 1, pp. 59-61, New York, 1913. 

4840°— BOIL 61—18 33 ' 



486 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 206. Song of the Moccasin Game (a) (Catalogue No. 551) 
Sung by Gray Hawk 



Voice J— 92 

Drum J— 108 

Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded, the repeti- 
tions being without a break in the time. Throughout the renditions 
the drum was shghtly faster than the voice, as indicated by the 
metronome tempo. The rhythmic miit, which is interesting, occurs 
three times. All. the tones of the octave are found in the song, 
which is freely melodic in structure. The intonation was good. 
Intervals of an unusually large variety are present in the song, 
there being five kinds of ascending and five of descending intervals. 

The song contains two rests. (See song No. 79.) 

No. a07. Song of the Moccasin Game (b) (Catalogue No. 552) 

Sung by Gray Hawk 
Voice J — 76 



Drum 



108 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 




Analysis. — This songbegins and ends on the same tone. (See No. 82.) 
The other instances of this kind in the present series with one ex- 
ception begin with an ascent of an octave, returning to the original tone 
at the close. It wiU be noted that the first tone of this song is about 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



487 



midway of the compass. The tones in the melody are those of the 
minor triad and fourth. Five renditions were recorded, in all of 
which the peculiar rhythm was steadily maintained. The number 
of major thirds is twice that of minor thirds, though the song is 
minor in tonality. The song is harmonic in structure and contains a 
rhythmic unit which appears three times. Concerning rests in 
Sioux songs see No. 79. 

No. 208. Song of the Moccasin Game (c) (Catalogue No. 560) 
Sung by Gray Hawk 
Voice J= 144 
Drum J— 144 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 



t: *. 



^ 



4= 



^E 



^^m 



i F=F 3 



ci sni ya wi 



lu - te 




ici^ sni ya it is wrong 

wi^lute your signal ("you guessed wrong ") 

Analysis. — This melody is simple but has a taunting sound. It 
resembles song No. 211 in its brevity, its range of six tones, and its 
tone material, which is that of the second five-toned scale. A major- 
ity of the progressions are major seconds. Concerning songs which 
contain rests see No. 79. 

No. 209. Song of the Moccasin Game (d) (Catalogue No. 559) 
Sung by Gray Hawk 
Voice J — 76 



Drum 



108 



Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 



'-0- 


-»- -0- 


-1 — \--P- 


f^^ 




rf-'nri 


1 

1^ p p ' ^ 

-1 — 1 — 1 — 1 — 

* — 


-^^i 




Anahjsis. — This song was recorded by Gray Hawk on two occa- 
sions, the duplication being accidental. On comparison it is found 



488 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



that the two renditions are identical, even the pitch being the same. 
The song contains the tones of the minor triad and fourth and has a 
compass of an octave. It is a rhythmic melody, and the time of the 
drum is slightly faster than that of the voice. 

No. 210. Song of the Moccasin Game (e) (Catalogue No. 561) 

Sung by Gray Hawk 
Voice ^ = 96 
Drum J=:96 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 19 

n : \ \ I 1 



-#- -•- -•- 



S£=E 



-tr- 






-y- 



^^ 



IE 



-# — p p ff 



li- 



^ 



^W==W^ 



^^-P-P—P'0^0=W 



Analysis. — Sharply accented tones characterize this song. Eight 
renditions were recorded without break in the time and in all the 
accents were given as indicated. The major triad and sixth are the 
only tones in the melody, which has a compass of seven tones. The 
final tone is preceded by a lower tone. Table 4a (p. 27) shows that 
in a large majority of both Chippewa and Sioux songs the final tone 
is the lowest tone in the song. 

No. 211. Song of the Moccasin Game (f) (Catalogue No. 525) 

Sung by Two Shields 
Voice J - 108 
Drum J — 108 
Principal drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 



^i^ftar^-! — b.:^^ 2 T" ^ : iJ-^- 


-sr=r^|^T- 


^P-y 


-^!-b-4f =^^^ 1- 3 4 


II-4--I — 




-^L-b-4^ ^^d U -4—^ ^- -4^ 


-^^ — \ ^-4-^ 


~1 



Analysis. — The drum rhythm of this song was not steadily main- 
tained, the principal rhythm bemg often interrupted by beats sep- 
arated by the value of a quarter note. (See song No. 125.) The song 
is very rhythmic and is tjrpical of the songs sung durmg a moccasin 
game. The rhythmic unit is continuous, and the song was repeated 
several times without break in the tempo. The latter part of the song 
is characterized by a descending fourth followed by the ascent of a 
whole tone. The melody tones are those of the second five-toned 



DK\8M0RE] 



TETON" SIOUX MUSTC 



489 



scale, and two-thirds of the progressions are downward. The song 
is harmonic in structure and has a compass of only six tones. 

THE GAME OF HIDING A STICK 

The game of hiding a stick is called by the same name as that of 
hiding a moccasin (Jiarj'jpa ape'ecurjpi). Tlie implements used in the 
former are shown in figure 41. The rules of this game are given on 
the authority of Mr. Robert P. Higheagle, the writer's interpreter, 
who said : 

Ten people play on each side, and 10 score sticks are used. One player from each 
side is chosen, these two competing to see wliich side shall first hide the stick. They 
sit on the ground opposite each other, and each has a little stick wliich he transfers 
rapidly from one hand to the other, his opponent watching and trying to determine 
which hand holds the stick. The player who conceals the stick most successfully 





(Actual size) 




(.Slightly reduced) 
Fig. 41. Implements used in the stick game. 

thereby secures two score sticks for his side, in addition to the privilege of being the 
first side to hide the stick. The two lines of players are seated on the ground, and the 
leader of each side selects two players. These sit in front of the other players, facing 
each other, and each with a hiding-stick. The side whose representative won in 
the first contest is the side wliich first conceals the sticks, the opposing players being 
the guessers. If the location of one of the sticks is correctly guessed, the guessing 
side takes one score stick from the two acquii-ed by their opponents in the first test. 
If the guessing side fails to locate the second Mding-stick, the rules require that the 
Bcore stick be returned to the hiding side. If the guessing side succeeds in locating 
the second hiding-stick, they take the remaining score stick from the other side. The 
score sticks are taken from the opponent's pile as long as he has any, after which they 
are taken from the unappropriated pile on the ground. The leader of either side 
may at any time withdraw a player who is not successful and substitute one from the 
remaining players. The play of each side continues until the opponents have guessed 
the location of both sticks, and the game continues until one side has won all the 
score sticks. , 

The following signals are used to indicate guesses: Extending the first and second 
fingers and pointing toward the right indicates a guess that both players have the 



490 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



stick in their left hands. Similarly, pointing toward the left indicates a guess that 
both players have the stick in their right hands. Extending the right hand Avith 
the fingers spread means "the players have the sticks in the outside hands." The 
right arm descending with the hand cleaving the air like a knife means "the players 
have the sticks in the inside hands. " 

The writer witnessed a game as above described, at Bull Head, 
S. Dak., in 1912. 

No. 212. Game Song (Catalogue No. 598) 

Sung by Kills-at-Night 
Voice J— 100 
Drum J= 100 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8 

Cil 1 I 1 1 1 

-#- -^ -f: -#- -^- -^ ^ . :f--^--^ 

T^ 1 — l~,"P" .1 "r~'r~" l~" 



^Mm 



MM 



31= 



S=E 



^ 



^isc 



11; 



I 



Analysis. — The compass of this song is nine tones, and this compass 
is accomplished in two intervals, at the opening of the song. More 
than half the progressions in this song are whole tones. The melody 
tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale. Tlie rhythmic unit 
is interesting, and the song as a whole has a decided rhythmic quality. 

The following song was said to be used when a player was "on the 
verge of winning the game." 

No. 213. Song When a Game Is Almost Won (Catalogue No. 599) 

Sung by Kills-at-Night 
Voice J =108 
Drum J =108 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 8 




a?i?i 



4V- 



i 



i^: .*- .- ^x^:^^- -^- 



p-jft-^. 



t- 



S 



£ 



Analysis. — Tliis song was recorded on two occasions, each of the 
records comprising several renditions. The transcription is from the 
first rendition in the second recording. In this rendition the song 
began clearly with the ascending ninth, which is a most unusual 
beginning. Other renditions began with F sung once in the lower 



DENSMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



491 



and twice in the upper octave, making the first interval an ascending 
octave, or with the three first tones on F in the upper octave. The 
song is rhythmic, with exact repetitions of the rhythmic unit except 
in one instance, in which the second tone is a quarter instead of two 
eighth notes. The progressions are chiefly major seconds and minor 
thirds. The final tone is preceded by a tone a minor third lower, 
which occurs in comparatively few songs. 

The song of victory most commonly used in this game is a war song, 
the name of the opposing player being inserted in place of the defeated 
enemy. Used-as-a-Sliield sang the song, inserting, the name Red 
Bear as that of a pla3^er, and One Feather sang the song, usmg the 
words ''the Crow tribe" in place of the man's name. The lendition 
by Used-as-a-Shield is given herewith. The idea of the words is that 
of derision, a free translation being " Did you think to save your life 
by that sign?" 

No. 214. Song of Victory (Catalogue No. 618) 

Sung by Used-as-a-Shield 
Voice J= 160 



Drum 



80 



Drum- 


rhythm 

- — v- 


similar t 


oNo. 5 

-| — 1 — 


^ 


r* — 'n 


p m 


r*— •— 


m m 


r* 

1 m 


m m. 


2?-4 






V 


•J 1 


= — ^ 


:t=t= 


J 1 — 










Ma- to - lu- ta to- ke - §ke wij- lu - te so 



^^r^- 


~i-h- 




V^A 



ha ija ya-ui lia kta ca ya he-ca-noij so 



Mato^-lu'ta Red Bear 

toke^^ke wi'lute so how did you make that sign? (indicating your 

guess) 

ya'ni kta (f'a in order to be alive 

he^canor) so did you do that? 

Analysis. — This song is without change of time, a feature which is 
somewhat unusual. The melody tones are those of the minor triad 
and fourth, and the song is harmonic in structure. The last tone is 
preceded by one a whole tone lower. It will be recalled that the 
final tone is usually the lowest tone in the song. The interval of a 
fourth characterizes this melody, comprising about one-third of the 
progressions. The major seconds are equal in number, but are often 
used as passing tones and therefore are less distinctive than the fourths. 



MISCELLANEOUS SONGS 

Children's Songs 

The little girls of the camp had their plays, which could scarcely 
be called games. In one of these childish plays the girls stood one 
behind another, each with her hands on the shoulders of the girl in 
front of her. Then they went around the village in a wavering line 
singing the following song, the words of which are not transcribed, 
but which mean " the deer follow each other. " 

No. 215. Song of Little Girls' Play (a) (Catalogue No. 680) 

Sung by Yellow Haih 
Voice J= 76 
Druai not recorded 




4 • • 7;^ 4| 




Ajialysis. — This is an example of a song in which the first part is 
sung only once, seeming to serve as an introduction to the musical 
performance. Thus the song was sung as transcribed and the last 
section was repeated four times. After a pause the song was recorded 
again, the singer beginning with the repeated part and singing it 
several times without a break in the tempo. The rhythmic unit is 
short but clearly given. The interval of a fourth occurs six times, 
forming about one-fourth of the entire number of intervals. 

Another play which afforded much merriment was described by 
Yellow Hair, who said that the little girls sat in a circle and each 
girl, putting one hand over the hand of the girl who sat next to her, 
lightly pinched the hand near the wrist. The tickling sensation 
could be endured only a few seconds before the little girls all fell over 
in a state of helpless laughter. Almost immediately the play was 
resumed, and the song sung again, to be interrupted before it was half 

492 



Denj^more] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



493 



finished. It seems a foolish Uttle play, yet war and ceremony were 
not all the life of the Indian; there were still the children, to whom 
life had not yet become serious. 



No. 216. Song of Little Girls' Play (b) 

Sung by Yellow Hair 



(Catalogue No. 681) 



Voice 



76 



Drum not recorded 




Ho - §i - §i - pa ho - Si - Si - pa ho - si - ^i - pa lio - si 



WORDS (free translation) 

ho^i^i^pa I catch but can not hold you 

Analysis. — This melody seems almost too short and simple for 
analysis, yet it is marked by the steady downward trend and the 
emphasis on the descending minor third, which characterize many of 
the longer and more important songs. It contains the tones of the 
minor triad and fourth, a tone material found in 12 per cent of the 
Sioux songs. 

The followmg was said to be the only lullaby used among the Sioux: 



No. 217. Lullaby 

Sung by Yellow Hair 



(Catalogue No. 679) 



Voice 



66 



Drum not recorded 




- *—^\\--^ ^—i^»-\-d . • • . •— # 



a tea loa wa i - ni - na i - §ti-ma - na a a wa wa 



# 



S^E? 



4-^ — ^^#H i^^«— •^•— #^d 



^t:± 






loa i - ni - na i -§ti-ma-na a a iva um wa ica i 



i 



W- 



e^^ 



^ 



^f^^S 



s 



II 



jt^i!tzf=n!!izat^3t 



^^—^ 



:i=t» 



7^ S- •{ 9 



^—r- 



ni - na i - ^ti-ma-na a 



a wa wa wa tea 



i - ni-na i - §ti-ma-na a 



ini'la be still 

i^ti^mana sleep 



494 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, gi 

Analysis. — This song contains the tones of the minor third and 
fourth, the latter being sharped in three instances. The intonation 
of the song as a whole is wavering, yet in some renditions the de- 
scending semitones around the accidental were sung with reasonable 
accuracy. About 56 per cent of the intervals are major seconds. 
This and song No. 204 are the only songs in the present series having 
a compass of but four tones, a range occurring in only 2 of the 340 
analyzed Chippewa songs. It is interesting to compare this with the 
Chippewa lullaby, which is in a major key. (See song No. 149, Bull. 
45.) 

Songs Connected with Legends 

legend of the maiden s leap 

Ths legend of the maiden who killed herself by leaping from a rock 
is said to be found among many tribes of Indians. The writer first 
recorded the story and a song at Sisseton, S. Dak., among the eastern 
Sioux. The song was said to have been sung by the maiden before 
she leaped from the rock, but the record, being unsatisfactory, was 
not transcribed. The incident was said to have taken place at Lake 
Pepin, wliich is formed by a widening of the Mississippi River, on 
the eastern boundary of Minnesota. A promontory on the eastern 
shore of Lake Pepin is known as Maiden Rock, and tradition states 
that a Sioux maiden leaped thence and was killed on the rocks 
below. 

A similar story was found by the writer at Standing Rock in North 
Dakota, among the Teton Sioux, who said they had been told that 
the rock was "somewhere in the west." Their version was as follows: 

A young woman had promised to marry a man, but he wished to "make a name for 
himself " before the marriage took place. He had been on the warpath, but he wished 
to go again that he might distinguish himself by valor. When the war party returned 
they said that he had been killed by the Crows. Sometime afterward in the course 
of tribal wanderings a camp was made at the place where, according to the report of 
the war party, the young man had been killed. Dressing herself in her best attire, 
the maiden went to the edge of a cliff, and after singing the following song and giving 
the shrill "woman's tremolo," jumped into the river below. 



DE.N'SMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



495 



No. 218. Song of the Maiden's Leap (Catalogue No. 620) 
Sung by Used-as-a-Shield 



Voice J— 108 
Drum not recorded 



4^ 



E: 



^ 



-*--•- -0- -#- 



^^ 



± 



s 



ffi 



-#- 


-p-,>> 


rP 


^ 




-•- 


-•- 


^^fe^ 


T= 


-f- 


lie 


-^ 


/^ 


T^r- 


-F- 


h^4— 






-t — 






ME 


zt^iz^ 


1 


. . 




4= 


4= 


y£d 


1 



r-Tsrrrj — | "' "i*"iT" T" • i * — f |"f" "f" » , # — # , f$ ^<? — . f^^Ts) — p-* — 1"^ 


-9-| ' ^ iLI,^-[__^_LU^,h-i-:— ,[— i^zi 1-^^ 



.£j^ 



,.&=^fc , , r r 1 -^ ^ 



-^ -#- -#- 



Zu-ya 



=9^ 



:^ 



1 - ya 



ye - lo e - ha - pi koq he was - te 



=^* 



^3 



^ 



^ — P- 



vva - la - ke ya he 



i - yo - ti - ye wa - ki ye 



^B£ 



v-=i- 



zu'ya iya''yelo he is gone to war 

eha^pi kog you said 

he was'te wala'ke I love him 

iyo^tiye waki' ye I am sad 

Analysis. — The closing tone in this song is a fourth above the 
lowest tone of the melody. Tliis is somewhat unusual, the final 
tone generally being also the lowest tone. The song is characterized 
by the minor tliird, wliich forms more than half the number of inter- 
vals. The melody tones are those of the second five-toned scale. 
The song has a compass of an octave and is melodic in structure. 
Two renditions were recorded, wliich show no points of difference. 

In connection with Type C, on page 53, it is noted that a recurrence 
of accent on the lowest tone, usually the keynote, appears associated 
with the idea of firmness and stabiUty of character. A contrast to 
this is afforded by the plot of this song (fig. 42). 



496 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



LEGEND OF GHOST HILL 

About 8 miles southeast of Fort Yates is a high butte known as 
Ghost Hill. (PL 81.) The following legend (given by Siya'ka) 
and song (recorded by Two Shields) are connected with this butte: 

When Sitting Bull and his band were brought from Canada they camped one winter 
on the lowland beside the Missouri River, a few miles below Fort Yates. It was a 
large camp, including many hostile Indians, who were afterward located at Pine 
Ridge and at Cherry Creek in the Cheyenne River Reservation. Among these Indians 
was a particularly handsome young man, who was very fascinating to the young 
women. One day he disappeared. As no trace of him could be found, his parents 
consulted a man who had some sacred stones, giving him a horse and asking that he 
would tell them of their son. This man said that -during the next night the voice 
of the missing man would be heard passing through the camp, and that all must follow 
the voice. On the night designated all the camp was on the alert; just before dawn 
they heard the voice of the young man approaching. His parents and friends, recog- 
nizing the voice, began to lament, and the dogs barked as at the approach of a person. 
The voice passed through the camp, singing a love song, then turned and came back, 
retracing its way toward tliis liill. The people followed, but could not go as fast as the 
voice, which gradually became more distant until it was lost in the darkness. 




Fig. 42. Plot of song No. 218. 

This incident seemed to make the grief of the young man's parents more acute, 
and they went again to the owner of the stones, to whom they gave another horse, 
asking him to tell who had killed their son. The man said he had been murdered l)y 
10 men, who were jealous of him, and that one ot these men would die in 10 days, 
another in 10 days after the first, and so on until all were dead. This came to pass as 
he predicted. The parents of the missing man then went again to the owner of the 
sacred stones and begged to know where they could find the body of their son. The 
man said that their son had been chased a long distance by his enemies and iinally 
had been killed far from home, and that his body had been devoured by wolves. He 
also told the parents to follow the voice (which was still heard at intervals singing the 
.same song) and to keep following it until they reached the place where the voice 
disappeared, where they would see their son. The next time they heard the 
voice they hastened toward the place whence it came and saw at some distance before 
them a figure wrapped in a gray Army Idanket. They followed it but never could 
quite overtake it. Sometimes they would feel its presence behind them, and on 
looking back, would see it, but it never quite overtook them. It always toUowed 
the path toward Ghost Hill, and the parents thought it disappeared in the side of the 
hill. Accordingly they dug into the side of the hill and made diligent search, l)ut 
the body of the young man was never found. A man named Walking Elk lived at 
the foot of Ghost Hill. He had a large family, the members of which died one after 
another. He laid their deaths to the ghost and shot at it with his rifle. The last 
appearance of the ghost was about the year 1889. It is said that a similar figure 
wrapped in a gray Army blanket was later seen at Pine Ridge and on the Rosebud 
Reservation. 



uen^more] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



497 



Great difficulty was experienced in securing the song which was 
sung by the ghost. Two Shields finally consented to record it, and 
:is compensation the writer gave him a valuable pine, both the stem 
and the bowl of which were carved out of red pipestone. 



No. 219. Song of a Ghost 

Sung by Two Shields 



(Catalogue No. 542) 



Voice J— 108 
Drum not recorded 



J, -f- - #- -f -f- 



SS 



^: 






:^=t 



4; 



He-na - ke wa 



ce - ye 



he - na - ke wa 



Ce - ye 



pilAazicipi 



% 






he- na - ke wa - ce - ye ce - ya o - ma o - wa- ni ye 



[a^i g i ^a^ ^i^ 



EEE^iS 



o - u-spa-pi Civij i- yo-tan wa-ca-mni koij a 




1 - yo-taij wa-ca-mni koij 



^c - ya o-ma-wa-ni 



ye yo 



he''nake finally 

wade'ye I weep 

ceya^ weeping 

oma^wani I roam 

kaska''la5ka (among) young men 

wio^uspapi cai] courting 

iyo^tag wada^mni kog (I was) most enthusiastic of all 

ceya^ weeping 

oma'wani I roam 

Analysis. — This song is minor in tonality, contains all the tones of 
the octave, and has one accidental — the sixth raised a semitone. 
This accidental was clearly given in all the renditions. The song is 
•melodic in structure and has a compass of nine tones. With the 
exception of three intervals of a fourth all the progressions are minor 
thirds and major seconds. 

Songs in Honor of an Individual 

The following group of 12 songs illustrates the Sioux custom of 
introducing a new name in a praise song which has been used for 
other persons, and also of composing new words for songs. Three of 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 ^32 



498 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



these songs are melodies of distinct classes, No. 225 being a song of 
the Wliite Horse Riders, No. 226 of the shuffling-feet dance, and No. 
231 of the Strong Heart society. No. 222 is said to have been com- 
posed recently. Tlie others are praise songs which have been used 
in the tribe. In many instances all the words of the song are new. 
The person whose name appears in the songs is Two "VMiite Buffalo, 
whom Red Fox adopted in place of his deceased daughter and to 
whom he gave his daughter's name. Red Fox stated that he had 
a right to give this name as he had killed two white buffalo. When- 
ever these songs are sung it is expected that Red Fox will make, in 
behalf of Two TYliite Buffalo, a gift to the singers or to any project 
for which donations are being solicited. Red Fox is a man who is 
highly respected in the tribe, and these songs have been widely 
sung. 

No. 220. "The Poor Are Many" (Catalogue No. 640) 

Sung by Shoots First 
Voice J — 72 
Drum J^"2 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




Pte-saq - noij-pa - wiij 







wa-kta yaq-ka yo 



o-hm]-ke §ni o-ta - ye he-ya-pi Caq-na 




§uij-ka - \va - kaq 



-0-. -s^ 

we-cui] - we 



Ptesag^'-nog^pawig Two Wliite Buffalo 

wakta'' yagka'' yo watch 

o'Tiugke sni the poor 

octave are many 

heya^pi <5ag^na whenever this is said 

sugka'wakag horses 

wecug^we I donated 



densmorb] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



499 



Analysis. —This is the melody of an old praise song, used only 
for those who give freely. It opens with an ascending octave, a 
somewhat unusual feature. Aside from this interval and one 
ascending sixth, the melody progresses chiefly by minor thirds and 
major seconds, the former constituting 32 and the latter about 46 
per cent of the entire number of intervals. 

No. 221. "I Expect to Give Something" (Catalogue No. 641) 
Sung by Shoots First 
1st rendition 
Voice J = 56 
Drum J =56 
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 6 

2(1 rendition 
Voice J = 84 
Drum J =84 
Drum-rhytlim as above 




(1) 



^^ 



1 (2) 



s 



:t 



S 



^-#- 



:p=P= 



*-^-M^ 



w=^=^=r- 



^'^^ 



^^^ 



^-^ML 



^ 



4--^ ^ 




Ka-mi 



(1) 



te kir)-haq 



wa-mna-yan-pi caq - na 



^9^=^ 



:2=e: 



4: 



.t: 



o - ma - ki - ya - ka - po 



he 



Pte - sag - noq - pa - wiq 



0) 



> .- . ■ ^-^ ^'^ 




»?^^^^^^^^^;g^^^^^:^ 


:E^1 



he - ya - ke - ya - pi Ca ko-haij wa-kta wa-oij ye - lo 

WORDS 

kami^te ' kighag' wamna^- tell me when the committee is raising funds 
yagpi cag^naoma'kiyaka po. 

Ptesag'-nog'pawii) Two White Buffalo 

heyake^yapi ca said (it is reported) 

kohag^ wakta^ waog^ yelo^. . . so beforehand I expect to give something 

' This is readily identified as the English word "committee" with the vowel sounds changed. Words 
are frequently added to Indian languages to express new ideas. An extended table of such words in the 
Omaha language is given by Miss Fletcher in The Omaha Tribe, op. cit., pp. 620, 021. 



500 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[B0LL. 61 



Analysis. — Like the preceding, this is a praise song in which 
words in honor of Two White Buffalo have been inserted. Like the 
preceding song, it opens with an ascending octave, and begins and ends 
on the same tone. (See song No. 82. ) Ahnost one-third of the intervals 
are fourths, and the minor thirds are exactly equal in number. The 
song has a compass of an octave and contains all the tones of the 
octave except the second. Two rhythmic units occur in the sec- 
ond unit, the count divisions of the first unit being reversed in the 

second. 

No. 222. "Two White Buflfalo" . (Catalogue No. 642) 

Sung by Shoots First 

Voice J — 60 

Drum 



60 

Druin-rhytbm similar to No. 6 

3 



it 



^^- 



0) 

I — 



^ 



-#— #-#^ 



-#— #- 



:f-. 



-^ 



-#— * 



•N-#- 



^-J^ 



(1) 



(1) 



(1) 

I — 






(1) 


(2) 


F^-= 


1 1 1 


m=^: 


H — \ — I — -4 — I — r-\ — r 1 1 » -<Lj_j — ;r^ — i ^ 



(1) 



rte-saij-nuij-pa-wiij he bli-lie - i - ci - ya uq - wo 
(1) (1) 



:a: 



± 



a— ^ 



o-ya-te o-ksaij/u' wa-ciij-ni-yai] a-u we-lo 
(1) (2) 



he 



na-ke-noq-la 




M 



W 



:S^= 



1^==r^ 



ya-oij we - lo To-ka - la - lu - ta ha he-ya ke-ya pe - lo he he 

WORDS 

Ptesaq'-nori^pawir) Two White Buffalo 

blihe'idiya ugwo' take fresh courage 

oya^te the tribe 

oklag^ in general 

wacig^niyag depend upon you 

aii^ welo' when they come 

nake'noqla yaon' welo^ a short time you live' 

Toka''la-lu'ta Red Fox 

heya^ keya^ pelo'' said this, it is reported 



This is a common expression among the Sioux. (See songs Nos. 189 and 231.) 



DENSMORK] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



501 



Analysis. — This song was sung by four singers, and was aftei"wards 
recorded by Shoots First alone, in order that it might be more easily 
transcribed. The structure of the song is interesting. There are 
two rhythmic units, having the same division of the first count; the 
first of these units appears nine times. There are also two similar 
phrases beginning on the unaccented instead of the accented beat. 
The second unit occurs twice, with a slight difference in the second 
measure due to the form of the words. The song has a compass of 
nine tones and lacks the sixth and seventh tones of the complete 
octave. Of the progressions 60 per cent are whole tones, the remaining 
intervals comprising 8 minor thirds, 7 fourths, and 1 ascending fifth. 



No. 223. "Take Fresh Courage" (Catalogue No. 478) 
Sung by Siya^ka 



Voice J__72 
(or J^ - 144) 
Drum not recorded 

:l2l 



3 T=^I33= ^^ ^ y^ 




WORDS (not transcribed) 

Ptesag^-nor)''pawig Two White Buffalo 

blihe'iciya yo take fresh courage 

itag^car) (for) the chiefs 

wagwi^dalaka 6e you have seen 

Analysis. — This song contains all the tones of the octave except 
the sixth and seventh. The principal intervals are the fourth and 
major second-^an unusual melodic formation. The song is minor in 
tonality and has a compass of nine tones. The tonic chord is promi- 
nent in the melody, but the accents are so placed that the song is 
classified as melodic with harmonic framework. 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 34 



502 



BUEEAU OF AMEEICAlSr ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



No. 224. "The White Horse Riders Said This" (Catalogue No. 477) 
Sung by Siya^ka 

Voice J =69 
Drum not recorded 




fr^n — u — ' — ^ — 1 ri~o~^~'i 1 1 — ~i — 6f* — m — ri^rr'^ — — ■ — n» — » — * * • \ ^ ! 1 


^^^ ^ ' — 1 -H-*^i — ^1 — ^-3 — f \2 1 1 — \ — r r L r r^^^ — 



\ m^m^ 



:3: 



-#- -W- -W ' -t-- -|— -| H- -F--»- 



I 



E- 6a Pte-saq - noq-pa - wii] 




waij-bla - kiq kte licin na i-yo-ti-ye ki - ya o-ma-wa-nl ye - lo 




^m 



Sui)k-ska A - kai]-yai]-ke 6h] o lie-ya a - u we - lo 



he yo 



ec2f well 

Ptesag^-nog'pawiq Two White Buffalo 

wagbla^kig kte Hc^ig I am anxious to see 

na and 

iyo^tiye kiya^ oma'wani yelo' . I have traveled under difficulties 

Sugk^ska Akag'yagke cir) The White Horse Riders 

heya^ aii^ welo' said this as they are coming 

Analysis. — This is a praise song, the structure of which suggests 
that the melody is old. It is probably a song of the White Horse 
Riders. With the exception of five progressions the intervals are 
minor thirds and major sixths, the first being about 36 and the 
latter 51 per cent of the entire number of intervals. An ascent of 
11 tones occurs with the introduction of the words. The rhythmic 
unit occurs twice, and near the close of the song there is a phrase 
resembling the rhythmic unit, but having a different accent. All the 
tones of the octave are contained in the melody. The sixth occurs 
only twice, and in both instances is raised a semitone. 



DENSMOEE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



503 



No. 225. "Two White Buflfalo, Take Courage" (Catalogue No. 671) 

Sung by Haka^la (Youngest Child) 
Voice J = 66 
Drum not recorded 




^^E^; :g ==^p=t=^ L^j=E=F= 



wa-wo - ki- ya - pi liiq he was-te wa - la - ka ke - lo 



m ^^^^s^\^ 



:p=p: 



To-ka - la-lu - ta he he - ya ke - ya 



pe 



^0 



lo he 



yo 



Ptesai)''-nog''pavsdi) Two White Buffalo 

blihe'iciya yo take courage 

wawo^kiyapi kig he to give the assistance 

wa^^te wala'ka kelo^ I love 

Toka'la-lu^ta Red Fox 

he heya^ has said 

keya^ pelo^ so they say 

Analysis. — This is a serenade song of the White Horse Riders, 
the present words being substituted for words formerly used. The 
man who recorded this song is a leader among the middle-aged 
singers of the tribe. The keynote appears to be G, and the tone- 
material is therefore that of the fourth five-toned scale, but the 
second is sharped in every occurrence. The interval of an augmented 
second occurs three times and was sung with good intonation. This 
interval is found also in two other songs. (See Nos. 63, 106.) The 
interval of a semitone appears seven times in this melody, and the 
minor third forms 47 per cent of the entire number of intervals. 
About two-thirds of the intervals are downward progressions. 



504 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 61 

No. 226. "The Tribe You Help" (Catalogue No. 672) 

Sung by Haka^la (Youngest Child) 



VoicK J — 66 
Drum not recorded 







e 



"l T T" _ 1~" V ■ H--#-.-«- -\~-0-. -0--^' -0- 



L-:M:. ^r-F= F5^^^^F^ [ 




O-ya- te kiq-hai] wa-wo-ki-ya -po Pte-sai]-noij-pa-wii] 

m -^-' m m m 

m 






:p^^ 



wa-na ig - la - so-te-a 



oya^te kiqhag' the tribe 

wawo^kiyapo (you) help 

Ptesag^-nog^pawir) Two White Buffalo 

wana^ now (by helping) 

igla''8ota has consumed what she had ' 

» 

Analysis. — This is a melody of the shuffling-feet dance. Two 
renditions of the song were recorded, one being sung by Haka'la as 
transcribed, and the other having the adcUtion of the women's voices 
an octave higher. The song contains only the tones E flat-G-B 
flat-C. E flat seems the most satisfactory keynote, especially at 
the close of the song, though the tone is not prominent in the melody. 
Of the intervals 68 per cent are minor thirds, though with E flat as 
keynote the song is major in tonality. The submediant chord 
(C-E flat-G) forms the basis of a large part of the melody. The 
triplets of eighth notes suggest the song (No. 192) in honor of Red 
Fish and, though often repeated, have so little character that they 
can scarcely be considered a rhythmic unit of the song. 



1 Among the Sioux it is considered a particularly high compliment to say that a person has been so 
generous as to give away all his possessions. 



DENSMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC ' 505 

No. 227. "Whenever the Tribe Assembles" (Catalogue No. 684) 

Sung by Silent Woman (see pi. 54) 

Voice J = 60 
Dkcm not recorded 




0-ya - te kii] a - hi - mni-ci-ya caij - na ha rui-ta-gui}-ke 




n- 



X 



^—i 



-li-ii^-ii- 



yu-ha pe 



he Pte - saq - noq-pa-wiq he- ya ke-ya pe 



oya^tekir) ahFmniciyacag^na. whenever the tribe assembles 

mita^sugke my horses 

y uha^ pe they receive 

Ptesag^-nog^pawig Two White Buffalo 

heya^ keya^ pe said this (it is said) 

Analysis. — Tliis is a praise-song melody. It is minor in tonality 
and laclcs the seventh and second tones of the complete octave. 
Two accidentals occur, the sixth and third raised a semitone, both 
of which are clearly given in the two recorded renditions of the song. 
The intonation was good throughout the renditions, the semitone 
progression, wMch appears six times, being well given. The tonic 
chord is prominent in the formation of the melody, though the 
accented tones are such that the song is classified as melodic in 
structure. 



506 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

No. 228. "they Depend Upon You" (Catalogue No. 683) 
Sung by Silent Woman 



Voice J- 58 
Drum not recorded 




Pte-saij-noij-pa-wu] bli - he - i - ci - ya ye he. kam- i - tekiq 




liaij wa - ciq - ni 



yaij pe - lo lie 



ya-pi 



he e 



i 



1255 



^ 



1^ 






it 



4 • • 9-^. 



e caq- na ma-zas - ka kiq- haq i - lipe- ya on- we ne hu 



11 



Ptesaq'-nog^pawii) Two White Buffalo 

blihe'iciya ye take courage 

kami'te kiijhai)' (English word) the committee 

wadiQ^niyag pelo^ depend upon you 

heya^pi they said 

<^aq''na hence 

ma^zaska kighag^ the money (literally "white metal' ') 

ihpe^ya on^we you donated 

Analysis. — This melody is one of the praise songs, or honor 
songs, of the tribe. Three renditions were recorded. The fii-st two 
had no words, and the note values varied, but the third was as indi- 
cated, though the florid part of the first measure can not be transcribed 
with absolute accuracy. The song is minor in tonality, harmonic in 
structure, and contains all the tones of the octave. The upward and 
downward progressions are more nearly equal than usual, there being 
15 downward and 13 upward progressions. 



DENSMOKE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

No. 229. "I Donated a Horse" 

Sung by Shooter 



507 

(Catalogue No. 579) 




Voice J = 80 
Drum J = 80 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 



4-«- 



-^-it. 



a_^^-JL^^__H-II 3 CI 



'& 'r -w 



m^iuis-^^ ^ i^g^^ ?^'^^ 




Pte-saij-noij-pa - wiij koij bli - lii-ca ye ya 



e - ha 



Pi 




Ptesaq^-nog^pawiq Two White Buffalo 

kog blihe'iciya ' ye take courage 

eha^pi da you said this 

he hence 

^ugka^wakag a horse 

we^cog welo^ I donated 

Analysis. — This, as well as the next preceding song, is a praise 
song in wliich new words have been inserted. It is based on the 
second five-toned scale and is minor in tonality, but the proportion of 
minor thirds is smaller than in many major songs, 44 per cent of the 
intervals being minor thirds. The rhythmic unit is the same as the 
first unit in the next preceding song. 



I This word was shortened by the singer. 



508 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 61 



No. 230. "Hence They Come" (Catalogue No. 578) 

Sung by Shooter 
Voice J = 66 
Drum J r= 66 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 6 




hi-wi- ta-ya can- na o-huij-ke sni mi-ta - Suq-ke yu-ha pe - lo 
(1) (2) (2) 




he Pte-saij-noij-pa-wii] he 



oya'te kiq hiwi^taya c'ar)''na.. whenever the tribe is gathered together 

ohug^ke ^ni those without resources 

mita^sugke yuha^ pelo^ obtain my horses 

Ptesag^-nog'pawig Two White Buffalo 

he heya^ca has said this 

he hence 

aii^ welo^ they come 

Analysis. — Two rhythmic units are found in tliis song, the cUfference 
between them giving variety and character to the rhythm of the song 
as a whole. The melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned 
scale. The fourth is prominent, forming about 25 per cent of the 
intervals, while the minor thirds form 71 per cent of the entire number. 
The song is melodic in structure and has a compass of an octave. In 
addition to the recording of the song b}^ Shooter it was, at the request 
of the Indians, recorded by several singers assisted by others who gave 
the sharp yells with which songs of this kind are punctuated. 

Rests are considered in the analysis of song No. 79. 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 

No. 231. "A Short Time' 

Sung by Gray Hawk 



509 

(Catalogue No. 558) 



Voice J = 80 
Drum J ^88 
Druru-rhj'thm similar to No. 19 




m^^^ 



s 



Pte- saij - noij -pa - wiq 



^^•^ 



^'T^'f^ .... 



szsttttr^ri 



bli-i -he-i -ci-ya yo 



na - ke-nuij-la ya-oi] 

WORDS 



Ptesag^-nog^pawii) Two White Buffalo 

blihe'iciya yo take courage 

nake^nugla yaon^ a short time you live (see songs Nos. 189, 222) 

Analysis. — This is a song of the Strong Heart society. It was 
considered a special honor to be praised in the songs of this society. 
This song contains only the tones of the minor triad and foui'th and 
is melodic in structure. The progressions are interesting, as the 
ascendmg intervals are aU larger than (and including) the minor 
third, while the descending intervals are smaller than (and including) 
the mifior third. A majority of the descending intervals are whole 
tones. This is a particularly clear-cut and pleasing melody. 

Love Songs (Wio'weste Olo'wai^) 

The three following songs are comparatively modern. The words 
of the first song only are transcribed. The words of the second 
are somewhat similar, being the expression of a maid whose parents 
object to the man of Iter choice. The third song was recorded at 
Sisseton, only the melody being taken. 

The older form of love song is considered in connection with the 
war material on page 370. 



510 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

No. 232. "Come" (Catalogue No. 659) 

Sung by Dog Eagle 



Voice J -88 
Drum not recorded 

0) 




ya- ka he - 6i - na ya - u 

(0 



•- -•-• -•- -*- -s- 




(V 
I 






^e 



wi - ca - ya - ka he - 6i - na ya - u §ni 




ya- ka he - ci - na ya-u 
(2) 



sni Taij -iij -yaij-ma-ni-wiij /« he-ya 



^^t. 



i^'-Ufrr £^ ^^^ 



f^=W=:^=f^^l 



P f f \-f-^- 



he - lo wi - 6a - ya - ka he - Ci - na ya-u Sni 



wida^yaka heci^na yaii' ^ni. . . if you are truthful, come 

Tagig'yag-ma'niwig Walks Visibly (woman's name) 

he'ya helo^ has said this 

Analysis. — In several respects this melody resembles No. 234. 
Like that song, it has a range of 10 tones, lacks the sixth and seventh 
of the complete octave, and in structure is melodic with harmonic 
framework. About one-fifth of the intervals are fourths, the remain- 
ing intervals, with three exceptions, being minor thirds and major 
seconds. Two rhythmic units are present and a comparison of them 



DEN^MORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



511 



as well as a study of their use is interesting. It will be noted that 
the first three and the last two counts of the two units are alike. The 
triplets of eighth notes were distinctly given. Two renditions of the 
entire song were recorded, with a repetition of the part containing 
the words. These showed no points of difference. 



Voice J — 66 
Drum not recorded 
(1) 



No. 233. Love Song (a) 

Sung by Swift Dog 

(2) 



(Catalogue No. 590) 



0) 






:t= 



^=p=p=p=^=p 




Analysis. — Two rhythmic units are found in this song, each appear- 
ing twice. The larger part of the second unit also appears at the 
close of the song, but a change of accent alters the phrase so mate- 
rially that it is not marked as a repetition of the unit. One acci- 
dental occurs — the seventh raised a semitone — this being an accidental 
often found in songs of minor tonality. This melody is based on 
the second five-toned scale and is harmonic in structure. One-third 
of the intervals are minor thirds. 



No. 234. Love Song (b) 

Sung by Blue Cloud 



Voice J — 63 
Drum not recorded 






(Catalogue No. 661) 



^-•-^-^ 






± 



^==:S 



TTi^ ^ 






ai ^jg^ 



M, 



' p ^, n—^ 



:^ 



If^ 



-^-^.ip ifV -^ -#-• -0- 



#- ^- 



■# — ^- 



^..0-.n -»- -0.. 



¥ 



't- 



:2ze=£f 



-A± 



:gE 



55^ 



-(22 1^ 



Analysis. — This is an excellent example of the modem Sioux love 
song. Twenty-seven per cent of the intervals are minor thirds. 



512 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

The remainder of the progressions show a greater variety than is 
found in a majority of the Sioux songs. This appears to be a charac- 
teristic of the more modern songs. All the tones of the octave 
except the sixth and seventh are present in the melody. The song 
begins and ends on the same tone, a somewhat unusual feature in 
both Chippewa and Sioux songs. (See song No. 82.) This song was 
recorded at Sisseton. (See below.) 

Sioux Songs Recorded at Sisseton, S. Dak. 

All the songs of this group were recorded among the Santee Sioux 
at Sisseton, S. Dak., at the opening of the writer's work among the 
Sioux. This place was selected because Sioux from this locality 
frequently visit the Chippewa, among whom the writer's previous 
work had been done, and it was thought that this acquaintance would 
facilitate the work. It was impossible, however, to secure a satis- 
factory interpreter at Sisseton, and most of the songs recorded there 
were translated from the phonograph record by Mr. Higheagle. 
Many of these songs were famihar to the Standing Rock Sioux and 
were identified by them when the records were played. In one 
instance a Standing Rock singer supphed words which were missing 
from the Sisseton rendition of a song, A few Sun-dance songs were 
recorded, but these were said to belong to the Santee ceremony and 
were accordingly discarded. It is, however, interesting to note 
Sioux material from more than one locality, and the songs are there- 
fore included in the series. Other Sisseton songs are Nos. 95, 96, 
97, 189, 190. The words of the songs recorded at Sisseton are in the 
Santee dialect. (See p. 2.) 

On July 4, 1911, the writer attended a gathering of Indians 
on the Sisseton Reservation. The number of dancers was small 
compared with that at Standing Rock, and the striking contrast indi- 
cates the progress of the Sioux away from the old customs. A little 
group of dancers facing the setting sun is shown in plate 82. One 
of the mounted men was Good Thunder, the chief, who wore a gold- 
braided uniform and acted as "marshal of the day," and the other was 
a mounted Indian pohceman. In the same plate is shown also 
the prairie on this reservation, which is more rolling than that at 
Standing Rock. 

The three following songs are known at Standing Rock as songs of 
the Ticketless society. The term ' ' society ' ' is here a misnomer, bemg 
applied by the Sioux to those who were first dropped from the list of 
those receiving rations and accordingly had no " ration tickets." Such 
Indians were supposed to be able to provide for themselves, and for 
that reason were expected to show unlimited generosity toward their 
friends. The designation was used for only four or five years and 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



BULLETIN 61 PLATE 82 




DANCERS ON SISSETON RESERVATION 




PRAIRIE ON SISSETON RESERVATION 



densmore] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



513 



was ill the nature of a jest, but many songs of the Ticketless society 
are still remembered by the Sioux. 

The first of these songs was undoubtedly sung as a praise song 
in honor of Little Helper, w^ho was expected to be inspired to still 
greater generosity by its words. 

No. 235. "You Have Relied Upon Me" (Catalogue No. 645) 

Sung by Holy-face Bear (Mato'ite'wakan) 
Voice J- 96 
Drum J „ 96 
Druin-rhythiii similar to No. 8 

-•- -•- -•- -•-. -•- -•- -•- '-X 1 

:p t= :p :p j,^^ :p i ^z :^ :^^. _#. ^ 



- - ^- f f f^»^ J f • f •. ^ • ^ . ^ 


-•Y h ^ — L^ — \ — -m -fij — ^ f— ^- -T- -^ ^- -^ ^ ^-^ •-- 





-•- -•- 



-"^m 



^-A- 



*^^- 









ff f 



O-ska-te caq- 






iSi^^^^ 



^^=^- 'g=a ^ 



It: 



#-r:^ 



#— *-^-#- 



a=L^& 



:4 



lE^ 



f P ^ 



^9^ 



na wa - fill) ma-ye ya-pi ke-ha-pi a bdi-he - 1 - ci- ya wa-oq he ya 

m. m. m. I I 



^— «- 



It 



ip=p=p=g|ig=r-#-^-#-i^ 



he e Wo-wa-ciq-ye - na o o he-ya caq-na taq-yaq 



I 



oska''te cag''na in dances and feasts 

wacig'' maye'' ya^pi you have relied upon me 

ke^hapi you have said 

bdihe'igiya waoi]^ so I have taken fresh courage 

Wo^wacig^ye-na Little Helper 

hey a^ said 

cag^na and 

tagyag'' all is well 

Analysis. — An unusually large variety of progressions is found 
in this song, there being 6 kinds of ascending and 5 of descending 
intervals. The number of major seconds is largest, though the 
intervals are more nearly equal in nmnber than in most of the songs 



514 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



under analysis. The melody tones are those of the minor triad and 
fourth, the latter being sharped in one instance. This accidental 
was uniformly given in the several renditions. The song is melodic 
in structure and has a range of an octave. 



No. 236. "I Have Been Helping" 

Sung by HoLY-rACE Bear 
Voice J— 72 
Drum J— 72 
Drum-rhythm similar to No. 5 



(Catalogue No. 644) 




A - te he -ya ya he 




ho-ma-ya e - ca o - hoq - ke ^ni ke wa - wo-ki-ya wa-oq 



ate'' father 

heya^'ya has advised me 

iwa^homaya by words 

e<5a^ so 

o^hogke ^ni the weak ones 

wawo^kiya waog' I have been helping 

Analysis. — This is a rhytlnnic melody. The rhythmic unit appears 
only twice, but its count-divisions appear frequently throughout the 
song. Of the progressions 79 per cent are either minor thirds or 
major seconds. The melody tones are those of the second five-toned 
scale, 'and the song has a compass of an octave. 



DENgMORE] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



515 



No. 237. Song of the Ticketless Society (Catalogue No. 678) 
Sung by Twin (Cekpa^) 



Voice 



108 



Drum not record 


ed 

+ + 
^- ^ ^- ^- 


pi 


-#— 


V:# -•- -0- 


F^=r^FS^ 


-! — 1 


i^-^ifl 








-^^=^^^ 


A- — ^1-4-^^^- 






5iii5 



#i 



-• 9 •- • 1 



±^ 



:^=S= 




Analysis. — This song contains all the tones of the octave, an un- 
usual feature in a song of minor tonality. It has a range of 40 tones 
and is melodic in structure. Of the intervals 63 per cent are whole 
tones. The song is peculiar in that it contains only one tone less 
than an eighth note m value. 

Rev. John Eastman' of Sisseton, S. Dak., told the story of the 
following song, saying that the incident occurred when his father was 
15 or 16 years old, and was still remembered by many old people. 
The incident was as follows: A party of white men were driving 
cattle to one of the new settlements m the north. They lost their 
way and entered on territory along the Red River where the Sioux 
war parties were in the habit of going. They were seen by the 
Sioux, who, supposing them to be Cree half-breeds, fired on them, 
killing one or more of the number. These Sioux were under the white 
man's law, and when they found that they had killed a white man 
they knew that they were liable to arrest for murder. Accordingly 
they ''lost themselves" among various bands of Indians. The chiefs 
tried to locate them, but could find only one man, whose name was 
Fierce Face (Ite'-hiijyari'za). In order to demonstrate the good 
faith of the Sioux toward the white men he traveled many miles 
without escort of any kind and voluntarily gave himself up to the 
authorities. He went from camp to camp down the Minnesota River, 
each camp encouraging him and praising him in the following song. 
His son, a boy of about 7 years, went with him to the edge of the 



iRev. Mr. Eastman's Sioux name is Mabpi'ya-wakag'-kidai)' (Sacred Cloud Worshiper). See his 
biography in Handbook of American Indians, pt. 1, pp. 412-413. 



516 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



Indian country. After following the Minnesota River to its conflu- 
ence with the Mississippi, Fierce Face went down the Mississippi 
to Prairie du Chien, where he is said to have died in prison. 

More than 70 years have passed since this took phice, but through 
a song the Indian who gave himself for the honor of his tribe now re- 
ceives the reward which an Indian most desires — that his name and 
deed shall be remembered. 



No. 238. Song concerning Fierce Face 

Sung by Blue Cloud 



(Catalogue No. 662) 



Voice J— 76 
Drum not recorded 




ta ko - da - pi koi] o 



ta - pi 



Ite'-higyai)''za Fierce Face (man s name) 

naya'pe cig do you should not run away 

nita' ko''dapi koij your friends ' 

oni' dota'p do have borrowed you 

Analysis. — This song is based on the second five-toned scale and 
contains the seventh raised a semitone, this being an accidental 
which frequently appears in songs of minor tonality. The song 
begins with an ascending octave (see song No. 220) and begins and 
ends on the same tone (see song No. 82) . In common with many of the 
modern Sioux songs, it has a variety of intervals, there being five sorts 
of ascending and five of descending progressions. The last count of 
the rhythmic unit is not divided in the second as in the other 
occurrences, this measure being sung the same in the four renditions 
of the song. In one rendition the first note of the song was sung 
in the upper octave, avoiding the ascending octave. 

See plot of this melody on page 519. 



1 Keferring to the white men; 



DENSMORi:] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 517 

No. 239. Sonj? Coacerniug a Message from Washington (Catalogue No. 646) 

Sung )jy Holy-face Bear 



Voice J ^-88 
])ri M ^^88 
Drum-rhytlim similar to No. 5 




Tuu-ka-si - na - iia-ya-pi he - ya ke - ya - pi a ha t a 




Da - ko - ta kiij wa - §i - 6u 



:i^i^ 



^ 



he - ya ke - ya - pi hi 



plE^gEg 




tka ta - moij-ka sui e he 



Da-ko-ta kiij te-wa - hiij - da 




ye - do e 



e - pe ca wa-wo wa - ki - ya 



Tugka^^inayapi The great grandfather (the President) 

heya^ has said 

ke''yapi so they report 

Dako'ta kiij ' " Dakotas 

wasi''cu po l)e citizens, ' ' 

heya' he said 

]ie''yapi so they report 

tka Init 

tamog^ka sni it will he impossible for me 

Dako'ta kiij the Dakota (ways) 

tewa^hinda them 

ye'do I love 

epe' I said 

^a therefore 

wawo^ waki'ya I have helped (to keep up the old ways) 

Analysis. — This song is remarkable in its opening interval, which 
was uniformly given in three renditions, the fourth rendition begin- 
ning on the last part of the first measure. The song is melodic in 
structure, has a range of 10 tones, and lacks the sixth and seventh 
tones of the complete octave. This song was said to have been 
recently composed. 

See plot of this melody on page 519. 
4840°— Bull. 61—18 35 



518 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

No. 240. Song of the Famine (Catalogue No. 647) 

Sung by Holy-face Beaf. 



Voice J- 76 
Drum J = "6 
Drum-iliytlmi similar to No. 6 

l» ^« ^ -^ -n- -0- -^ ^.0.^^ 

-I— — 



-^ -^ 




4 J bJ- 



i 



Wi-ca - lica-na kiij he 



-^— ^ 



i 



^^ 



4 ^ I 



it 



wa- na he - iia - ke - ca - pi mi - ye e - ha - ke 



^ 



^— * 



=9^^==- 



:^^^ 



s 



SE 



:#: 



wa-oij 6a /<e i-yo - tay e 



i - ye wa- ki - ye 



wica^Ec^ana kig the old men 

wana^ now 

hena^kecapi (are) so few that they are not worth counting 

miye'' I myself (am) 

eha'ke the last 

waoij^ living 

(ja therefore 

iyo'taq iye' a hard time 

wa^kiye I am having 

Analysis. — ^^This song is characterized by a sixteenth note followed 
by a dotted eighth, but this combination is used in so many connec- 
tions that the song can scarcely be said to have a rhythmic unit. 
The melody progresses chiefly by whole tones, about 77 per cent of 
the intervals being major seconds. The song is melodic in structure 
and contains the tones of the second five-toned scale. 



DEXSMOKK] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



519 



PLOTS OF SONGS OF SADNESS 

Oiily 13 of the 240 songs under observation contain an ascending 
relation between the first two accented tones. On examining these 
songs with reference to their titles it was found that those which 
begin with a large ascending interval are songs which have an idea, 
more or less evident, associated with sadness, disappointment, or 
suffering. This type of plot, appearing to be distinct from others 
and to be comiected with the content of the song, was accordingly 
designated Class E. The plots of songs Nos. 238 and 239 (fig. 43) 
resemble each other, both being Sisseton songs, the former associ- 
ated with a tragic incident and the latter expressing dissatisfaction. 
Similar to these is the plot of song No. 99, concerning the driving of 
buffalo against wind which cut their faces hke a lance. (See p. 419.) 





No. 238 



No. 239 




No. 147 



No. 148 



Fig. 43. Plots, (i roup 8. 



Songs Nos. 147 and 148 are songs concerning slain warriors. The 
initial ascent is not so large in these, the large ascent occurring later 
in the song. Song No. 149 begins with an ascending fifth and is 
similar in content to those last mentioned. Song No. 191 is an 
exception, as it begins with an ascending sixth and contains no trace 
of the ideas mentioned. Other songs having an ascending relation 
between the first and second accented tones are as follows: No. 207 
(ascent of a fifth), moccasin-game song; No. 200 (ascent of a third), 
grass-dance song; No. 35 (ascent of a whole tone). Sun-dance song; 
No. 105, Elk-society song; No. 206, moccasin-game song; No. 212, 
hiding-stick game song; and No. 219, song of a ghost. The last- 
named is distinctly a song of sadness; with one exception the others 
have no words, and the origin of these songs is somewhat uncertain. 
This final analysis group comprises several small groups of songs. 
First are thi'ee incidental songs (Nos. 18, 24, 25) used during the Sun 



520 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 61 



dance, which can not properly be included m fonner classifications. 
Next are songs of the social dances — the grass, shufHing-feet, and 
night dances (Nos. 195-203); songs used m ordinary begging, 
distmct from requests for food accompanied with smging of praise 
songs (Nos. 204, 205); and songs of games (Nos. 206-213) together 
Avith songs used in children's play (Nos. 215-217), and songs con- 
nected with legends (Nos. 218, 219). In this group are also such 
songs in honor of the writer as were sung to modern tmies; these 
are Nos. 220, 221, 222, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230. There is a small group 
of modern love songs (Nos. 232-234). These are followed by a group 
of miscellaneous songs (Nos. 235-240) recorded at Sisseton, S. Dak., a 
majority of which were probably Santee rather than Teton Sioux in 
orighi. Three songs recorded at Sisseton (Nos. 95-97) are analyzed 
with the Teton songs, as they are general in character and may have 
been used by l)oth branches of the tribe. 

Comparatively Modern Sojigs — (S) Miscellaneous Songs 

Melodic Analysis 

TONALITY 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Major tonality 
Minor tonality 

Total.... 




24, 25, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, 205, 20 >, 

210, 212, 220, 226, 230 
18, 195, 196, 200, 204, 207, 208, 209, 211, 

213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 221, 222, 

227, 228, 229, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 

238, 239, 240 



FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Beginning on the 

Twelfth 

Tenth 

Ninth 

Octave 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Third 

KejTiote 

Total 



202 
237 
199 
25, 195, 197, 200, 209, 210, 219, 222, 227, 

228, 229, 232, 2;?3, 235, 236, 240 
18, 24, 196, 201, 203, 208, 211, 212, 214, 215, 

216, 218, 220, 230 
217 

198, 204, 205, 206, 213, 226 
207, 221, 234, 238, 239 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



, 521 



den.smore] 

Comi)arativeIy Modern Songs — (.1) Miscellaneous Songs — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Ending on the 
Fifth 

Third 

Keynote. . 

Total.... 



IS, 196, 199, 201, 202, 203, 20G, 210, 212, 

214, 220, 230 

24, 25, 198, 213, 226, 234 

195, 197, 200, 204, 205, 207, 208, 209, 211, 

215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 221,222,227, 228, 
229, 232, 233, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 
240 



LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs in which final tone is— 

Lowest tone in song 

Immediately preceded by- 
Minor third below 

Whole tone below 

Songs containing a fourth below the final tone 

Songs containing a major third below the final tone 
Songs containing a minor third below the final tone 

Total 



18,24, 25, 195, 196, 197, 199, 200, 203, 204, 
205, 206, 209, 212, 215, 217, 219, 220, 221 , 
222,226,227,228,229, 230,232,233,234, 
235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240 



2 


202, 213 




4 


208, 210, 211, 


214 


3 


207, 216, 218 




1 


198 




1 


201 





NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG 



Compass of— 

Seventeen tones. 
Fourteen tones. . 
Thirteen tones. . 

Eleven tones 

Ten tones 

Nine tones 

Ki.i,'ht tones 

Seven tones 

Six tones 

Five tones 

Four tones 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 






2 


195, 202 






1 


25 






1 

1 


198 
201 






7 


24, 200, 205, 232, 234, 237, 239 






8 


196, 198, 203, 206, 212, 214, 219, 222 






19 


18, 197, 207, 209, 213, 216, 218, 220, 


221 






226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 233, 235, 236 


238, 






240 






1 


210 






2 


208, 211 






1 


215 






2 


204,217 




! 45 





522 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, ei 

Comimratively Modern Songs — (S) Miscellaneous Songs — Continued 

Melodic Analysis — Continued 

TONE MATERIAL 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Second i.ve-toned scale 

rourth five-toned scale 

Major triad and sixth 

Major triad and second 

Minor triad and faiirth 

Octave complete 

Octave complete except seventh 

Octave complete except seventh and sixth 

Octave complete except seventh, fifth, and second 

Octave complete except seventh and second 

Octave complete except sixth 

Octave complete except fourth 

Octave complete except fourth and second 

Octave complete except second 

Minor third and fourth 

Total -i 



18, 195, £08, 211, 213, 218, 229, 233, 236, 

238, 240 
24, 25, 197, 199, 201, 205, 212, 230 
210, 226 
202 

200, 207, 209, 214, 215, 217, 235 
206, 228, 237 
219 

216, 222,232,234,239 
198 
227 
220 
203 
196 
221 
204 



ACCIDENTALS 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Songs containing — 

No accidental 

Seventh raised a semitone 

Sixth raised a semitone 

Fourth raised a semitone 

Third and sixth raised a semitone 
Seventh lowered a semitone 

Total 



18, 24, 25, 195, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 
204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209 210, 211, 212, 
213, 214, 215, 216, 218, 220, 221, 222, 226, 
228, 229, 230, 232, 234, 236,237,239,240 

233,238 

196,219 

217,235 

227 

203 



STRUCTURE 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Melodic 

Melodic with harmonic framework 
Harmonic 

Total 



32 



18, 24, 25, 195, 199, 201, 203, 204, 205, 20o, 
208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 215, 216, 217, 218, 
219, 220, 221, 226, 227, 229, 230, 235, 236, 
237,238,239,240 

200,222,232,234 

196, 197, 198, 202, 207, 211, 214, 228, 233 



DENSMORK] 



TETOX SIOUX MUSIC 



523 



Comparatively Modern Songs — (J) Miscellaneous Sor^gs — Continued 

Melodic Analysis — Continued 

FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Do-.\Tiward. 



V'pward . 



18, 24, 197, 202, 208, 209 210, 211, 214, 215, 

216, 217, 218, 226, 227, 229, 230, 233, 235, 

236,237,240 
25, 195, 196, 198, 199, 200, 201, 203, 204, 

205, 206, 207, 212, 213, 219, 220, 221, 222, 

228,232,234,238,239 



Total. 



TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD 





795 
464 




1 pward 




Total 


1,259 









INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 



Interval of a — 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third. . 
Minor third.. 
Major second. 
Minor second . 

Total 



Interval of a— 

Tenth 

Ninth. ; 

Octave 

Major sixth. . 
Minor sixth. . 

Fifth 

Fourth 

Major third. . 
Minor third. . 
Major second. 
Minor second . 

Total 



4 

80 

43 

273 

376 

19 



INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION 



1 

14 
2 

4 
18 
82 
38 
130 
160 
13 



AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL 



Total number of intervals 

Total numl)^ of semitones 

Average number of semitone.s in an interval. 



1,259 
3,865 
3.07 



524 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOOY 



[lU-r.L. 61 



Comparatively Modern Songs — (3) Miscella/neovs Songs — Continued 
Melodic Analysis — Continued 

KEY 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Key of — 

A minor 

B flat major... 

B major 

B minor 

C minor 

D flat major. . 
C sharp minor . 

D major 

D minor 

E flat major.. . 
E flat minor . . 

E minor 

F minor 

G flat major.. . 
F sharp minor 

G major 

G minor 

A flat major.. . 
G sharp minor 

Total 



208,214,218,222 

202 

201,203,212 

18,196,215,237 

200,207,216 

205 

219,233 

206, 220, 230 

217 

210,226 

227 

204,232,239 

195, 240 

25 

238 

198, 199 

197, 209, 21 1 , 221, 228, 229, 235, 236 

24 

213,234 



Rhythmic Analysis 
PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 




16 
29 


18,24,195,202,203,205,209,211,212,213, 


Beginning on accented part of measure , 


217, 220, 221, 228, 232, 2.33 
25, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 204, 206, 
207, 208, 210, 214, 215, 216, 218, 219, 222, 
226, 227, 229, 230, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 
239, 240 


Total 


45 









RHYTHM OF FIRST MEASURE 



First measure in 
2-4 time 

3-4 time 

Total 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



23 



25, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 204, 206, 208, 

209, 214, 215, 217, 218, 220, 226, 229, 233, 

234,236,237,240 
18,24,195,196,199,203,205,207,210,211, 

212, 213, 216, 219, 221, 222, 227, 228, 230, 

232,235,238,239 



DEN.SMOIti;] 



TETON SIOUX MUSIC 



525 



Comparatively Modern Sorigs — -(-5) Miscellaneous Songs — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis— Continued 

CHANGE OF TIME, MEASURE LENGTHS 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Pon::s containiug no chan,<;e of time 
Sony's containing a change of time. . 

Total 



208,209,213,214,215 

18, 24, 25, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 
202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210, 211,212, 
216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 226, 227, 
228, 229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 
238, 239, 240 



RHYTHM OF DRUM 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 




6 


195. 196. 200 207 208 909 




9 ''03 205 20fi 210 220 951 9M Mfl 540 




4 

6 
20 


198,212,213,235 


Each beat preceded by an imaccented beat correspond- 
ing to third count of a triplet 


201,211,214,229,236 239 


Drum not recorded 


18 24 25 197 199 202 204 215 216 217 




218, 219, 226, 227, 228, 232, 233 234, 237, 
238 


Total 


45 









RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG 





Number 
of songs. 


Serial Nos. of songs. 


Songs containing— 

No rhythmic imit 


12 
28 

5 


24, 196, 198, 201 208 214 215 218 227 




228,239,240 
18, 25, 195, 197, 199, 200 203, 204 205 


One rhythmic unif 


206,207,209,210,211,212,213,216,217, 
219, 220, 222, 226, 229, 234, 235, 236, 237, 
238 
202,221,230,232,233 






Total 


45 









526 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burx. ei 

Comparatively Modern Songs — (3) Miscellaneous Songs — Continued 
Rhythmic Analysis — Continued 

METRIC UNIT OF VOICE (TEMPO) 



Number 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Metronome 

56 

58 

60....;. 

63 

66 

72 

76 

80 

88 

92 

96 

100 

108 

112 

116 

120 

144 

160 

Total 



221 

25,228 

222, 227 

18,202,234 

24,200,217,226,230,233 

195,220,236,238 

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229 

232, 239 

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204,210,235 

197,203,212 

211,213,21s, 219, 237 

199 

196 

205 

198, 208 

214 



45 



I 



METRIC UNIT OF DRUM (TEMPO) 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



Metronome— 

56 

60 

66 

72 

• 76 

80 

88 

96 

100 

108 

116...- 

144 

Drum not recorded 

Total 



221 

222 

220, 230 

195,220,236 

201,240 

214,229 

239 

210,235 

203,205,212 

206,207,209.211,213 

196, 198 

208 

18, 24, 25, 197, 199, 202, 204, 215, 216, 217, 

218, 219, 226, 227, 228, 232, 233, 234, 237, 

238 



Jl 



DEx.SMORE] TETON SIOUX MUSIC 527 

Comparatively Modern Songs— (3) Miscellaneous Songs — Continued 
Rhythmic Akalysis — Continued 

COMPARISON OF METRIC UNIT OF VOICE AND DRUM 



Number j 
of songs. 



Serial Nos. of songs. 



] >nim and voice having same metric unil 

r)rum faster than voice 

1 )rnm slower than voice 

Drum not recorded 

Total 



20 



195, 196, 200, 201, 2a3, 205, 208, 210, 211, 

212. 213. 220. 221. 222. 229. 230. 235. 236, 
239,240 

206, 207, 209 

198, 214 

18,24,25,197, 199, 202, 204, 215, 216, 217, 

218. 219. 226. 227. 228. 232. 233. 234. 237, 
238. 



• 



528 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

RHYTHMIC UNITS 

Old Songs ^ 
1. ceremonial songs 

No. 1 



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No. 12 



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TETON SIOUX MUSIC 
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No. 21 



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No. 86 






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No. 37 



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No. 43 



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No. 44 




No. 47 



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No. 58 
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No. 59 



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No. 79 



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No. 97 



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No. 98 



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No. 101 



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No. 102 



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No. 105 



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No. 106 



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No. Ill 

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No. 112 






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No. 128 




No. 129 



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No. 131 



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No. 132 



537 



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No. 134 



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No. 136 



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No. 137 



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No. 139 



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No. 145 



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No. 151 




No. 153 



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No. 154 



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No. 155 



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No. 156 



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No. 160 



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No. IGl 



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No. 164 



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No. 165 



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No. 167 



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No. 171 



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BUHEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
No. 172 






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No. 174 



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No. 176 



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Comparatively Modern Songs ^ 

1. WAR SONGS (sec. 2) 

No. 6 

(1) 



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TETON SIOUX MUSIC 
No. 10 



541 



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No. 23 



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No. 26 



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No. 28 






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No. 29 



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No. 30 




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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
No. 31 



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No. 32 



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No. 114 



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No. 116 



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No. 117 



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No. 224 



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No. 225 




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No. 182 



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No. 184 



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No. 186 



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No. 188 






No. 190 






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TETON SIOUX MUSIC 
No. 191 




No. 193 




No. 194 




3. MISCELLANEOUS SONGS 
No. IS 



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No. 25 



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No. 195 




No. 197 



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No. 202 




No. 204 



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No. 206 




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No. 210 



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TETOX SIOUX MUSIC 
No. 211 



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No. 212 



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No. 216 



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No. 219 



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No. 221 



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BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

No. 222 

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No. 233 



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No. 237 



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No. 238 



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4840°— Bull. 61—18 37 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Barrett, S. A. The dream dance of the Chippewa and Menomini Indians of 

northern Wisconsin. Bull. Pub. Mus. Miluauhfe, vol. i, 1911. 
Beckwith, Paul. Notes on customs of the Dakotahs. Smilhson. Rep. for 1886, 

pt. 1, 1889. 
Boas, Franz, and Swanton, John R. Siouan Dakota (Teton and Santee dialects) 

with remarks on the Ponca and Winnebago. In Handbook of American Indian 

Languages (BuJl. 40, Bur. Amer. Ethn.), pt. 1, 1911. 
Catlix, George. The manners, customs, and condition of the North American 

Indians. London, 1841. 
Chittenden, Hiram M., and Richardson, Alfred T. Life, letters, and travels of 

Father Pierre-Jean de Smet, S. J., 1801-1873. Vols. i-iv. New York, 1905. 
Clark, W. P. The Indian sign language. Philadelphia, 1885. 
Clark, Wm. See Lewis. 
CouES, Elliott, ed. History of the expedition under the command of Lewis and 

Clark to the sources of the Missouri river, and to the Pacific ocean, in 1804-5-6. 

A new edition. Vols. i-iv. New York, 1893. 
Croghan, George. Journal of Col. George Croghan. Reprinted from Featherston- 

haugh, Amer. Mo. Journ. Geol., Dec, 1831. 
CuLiN, Stewart. Games of the North American Indians. Tuenty-fpurih Rep. Bur. 

Amer. Ethn., 1907. 
Densmore, Frances. Chippewa music. Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1910. 

Chippewa music — II. Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1913. 

Documents accompanying the President's message to Congress, at the commence- 
ment of the first session of the Nineteenth congress, 1825. 
Dorset, George A. The Arapaho Sun dance. Pub. Field Col. Mus., Anthr. ser., 

vol. IV, 1903. 

The Cheyenne. Pts. 1-2. Ibid., vol. ix, no. 2, 1905. 

Dorsev, James Owen. Omaha sociology. Third Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1884. 

— A study of Siouan cults. Eleventh Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1894. 

Siouan sociology. Fifteenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1897. 

Fletcher, Alice C. The Sun dance of the Ogallala Sioux. Proc. Amer. Assoc. 

Adv. Sci., 1882 (1883). 
— The Elk mystery or festival. Ogallala Sioux. Peabody Mus. Reps., vol. 

III. nos. 3 and 4, 1884. 
The religious ceremony of the Four Winds or Quarters, as observed by the 

Santee Sioux. Ibid. 

-^ The WTiite Buffalo festival of the L"ncpai)as. Ibid. 

■ The " Wawan " or Pipe dance of the Omahas. Ibid. 

The Shadow or ghost lodge: a ceremony of the Ogallala Sioux. Ibid. 

— The emblematic use of the tree in the Dakotan group. Proc. Amer. Assoc. 

Adv. Sci., 1S96 (1897). 
The Hako; a Pawnee ceremony. Twenty-second Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn.. pt. 

2, 1904. 
■ and La Flesche, Francis. The Omaha tribe. Twenty-seventh Rep. Bur. 

Amer. Ethn., 1911. 
Freire-Marreco, Barbara. See Robbins. 

551 



552 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Grinnell, George Bird. Blackfoot lodge tales. New York, 1892. 

Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 

pts. 1-2, 1907-1910. 
Harrington, John Peabody. See Robbins. 
Hayden, F. Y. Contributions to the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes 

of the Missouri valley. Philadelphia, 1862. 
Helmholtz, H. L. F. The sensations of tone as a physiological ba.sis for the theory 

of music. Translated by A. J. Ellis. 2d ed., London, 1885. 
Hennepin, Louis. A new discovery of a vast country in America. Reprinted 

from the second London issue of 1698. Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed. Yols. i-ii. 

Chicago, 1903. 
Hoffman, Walter J. The MidcAviwin or "Grand Medicine society" of the Ojibwa. 

Seventh Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1891. 

The Menomini Indians. Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1896. 

HovEY, H. C. Eyay Shah: a sacrificial stone near St. Paul. Amer. Antiquarian, 

vol. IX, no. 1, Chicago, 1887. 
Indian Laws and Treaties. Yol. i (Laws), Vol. ii (Treaties). Compiled and 

edited by Charles J. Kappler. Washington, 1903. 
James, Edwin. Account of an expedition from Pittsburg to the Rocky mountains, 

under the command of Major Long. Yols. i-ii. Philadelphia, 1823. 
Kappler, Charles J. See Indian Laws and Treaties. 
Keating, William II. Narrative of an expedition to the source of St. Peter's river, 

under the command of Maj. Stephen H. Long. Yols. i-ii. Philadelphia, 1824. 
La Flesche, Francis. See Fletcher. 
Lewis, Meriwether, and Clark, Wm. Original journals of the Lewis and Clark 

expedition, 1804-1806. Edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites. Vols, i-viii. New 

York, 1904-1905. 

See CouES. 

LowiE, Robert H. Dance associations of the Eastern Dakota. Amer. Mus. Nat. 

Hist., Anthr. Papers, vol. xi, pt. 2, 1913. 

— Societies of the Crow, Ilidatsa, and Mandan Indians. Ibid., pt. 3. 

— • The Sun dance of the Crow Indians. Ibid., vol. xvi, pt. 1, 1915. 

Lynd, James W. Religion of the Dakotas. [Chap, vi of Lynd's Ms. "History of 

the Dakotas. "] Minn. Hist. Soc. Colls, for 1864 [vol. ii, pt. 2], 1865. 
McGee, W J The Siouan Indians. Fifteenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1897. 
McLaughlin, James. My friend the Indian. Boston and New York, 1910. 
Matthews, Washington. Ethnography and philology of the Hidatsa Indians. 

U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Misc. Pul)., no. 7, 1877. 
Maximilian, Alex. P. Reise in das Innere Nord-America in den Jahren 1832 Ids 

1834. B. i-ii. Coblenz, 1839-1841. 
Travels in the interior of North America. Trans, from the German l)y 

H. Evans Lloyd. London, 1893. 
Meyer, Max. Experimental studies in the psychology of music. Amer. Journ. 

Psychology, vol. xiv, July-Oct., 1903. 
Mooney, James. Siouan tribes of the East. Bull. 22, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1894. 
The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890. Fourteenth Rep. 

Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, 1896. 
■ Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians. Seventeenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 



pt. 1, 1898. 

The Cheyenne Indians. Mem. Amer. Anthr. Assoc, vol. i, 1905-1907. 



Neill, E. D. Dakota land and Dakota life. Minn. Hist. Colls., vol. i. Reprint, 

1872. 
Pond, G. H. Dakota superstitions. Ibid, for 1867 [vol. ii, pt. 3] (1867). 
Richardson, Alfred T. See Chittenden. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 553 

RiGGs, Stephen R. Tah''-koo Wah-kaii ; or, the gospel among the Dakotas. Boston 

[1869]. 

The theogony of the Sioux. Amer. Antiquarian, vol. ii, no. 4, 1880. 

A Dakota-English dictionary. Edited by James Owen Dorsey. Contr. 

N. Amer. Ethn., vol. vii, 1890. 
Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography. Edited l)y James Owen Dorsey. 



Ibid., vol. IX, 1893. 
Robinson, DeLorme. Editorial notes on historical sketch of North and South 

Dakota. South DaJcota Hist. Colls., vol. i, 1902. 
RoBBiNs, Wilfred William, Harrington. John Peabody, and Freire-Marreco, 

Barbara. Ethnobotany of the Tewa Indians. Bull. 55, Bur. Amer. Ethn.. 1916. 
Scott, Hugh Lenox. Notes on the Kado, or Sun dance of the Kiowa. Amer. 

Anthropologist, vol. xiii, no. 3, 1911. 
Seashore, C. E. The measurement of pitch discrimination: a preliminary 

report. Psychological Monographs, vol. xiii, no. 1, 1910. 
Skinner, Alanson. Social life and ceremonial Ijundles of the Menomini Indians. 

Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthr. Papers, vol. xiii, pt. 1, 1913. 
War customs of the Menomini Indians. Atner. Anthropologist, vol. xiii, 

no. 2, 1911. 
Stevenson, Matilda C'oxe. Ethnol)Otany of the Ziifd Indians. Thirtieth Rep. Bur. 

Amer. Ethn., 1915. 
Swanton, John R. Indian tribes of the lower Mississippi valley and adjacent 

coast of the Gulf of Mexico. Bull, -f?, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1911. 

See Boas. 

Warren, William W. History of the Oji})ways. Minn. Hist. Soc. Colls., vol. v, 

1885. 
Wilson, R. N. The sacrificial rite of the Blackfoot. Proc. and Trans. Roy. Soc. Can., 

1909, 3d ser., vol. ni, sec. ii, 1910. 
WissLER, Clark. Societies and ceremonial associations in the Oglala division of 

the Teton-Dakota. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthr. Papers, vol. xi, pt. 1, 1912. 
Societies and dance associations of the Blackfoot Indians. Ibid., pt. 4, 

1913. 
United States Office op Indian Affairs. (Department of ihe Interior.) Reports 

of the Commissioners. For the years 1874, 1875, 1882, 1886. 



INDEX 



[For a list of the songs contained in this volume, see pages xin-xxv, and of the authorities cited, 

pages 551-553.] 



Accidentals — Page 

diagram illustrating 45 

tabular analysis 15, 30-31 

Age of a song, how determined 11 

Akicita — 

duties of 320 

meaning of word 313 

remarks concerning, by Rev. J. Owen 

Dorsey 314 

remarks concerning, by Hennepin.. 313-314 
remarks concem'ng, by Lewis and Clark. 314 
remarks concerning, by (lark Wissler... 31-t 

ALO'WAgPI— 

also called "Huijka"..^. 69 

definition of word 69 

Alo'waijpi ceremony— 

in\itation to perform 71 

liberal rewards to performers 76 

preparation for .- 71 

significance of colors 77 

songs 73, 75 

statement by Looking Elk 70 

statement by Robert P. Higheagle 70 

tribes used by 68 

use of corn in 72 

Analysis— 

descriptive and diagrammatic, of Sioux 

and Clilppewa songs 40-62 

Maimer of study suggested 8-9 

melodic 26-34 

method of 6 

rhythmic 35-39 

tabulated, of 600 Chippewa and Sioux 

songs 26-39 

tabulated, of 240 Sioux songs 12-21 

Arrows— 

feathers used 439 

for buffalo, method of making 438 

length required for buffalo 43S 

Augmented second, interval of, occurs in 
songs Nos. 63, 106, 225. 

Badger society. See Society. 

Barrett, S. A., cited as an authority 470 

Bear, songs concerning 196, 197 

Bear Eagle, songs by 236, 237, 351, 352 

Bear Face, statement by 78 

Bear Necklace— 

composer of songs 220 

narrative concerning sacred stones 217-218 

Bear Soldier, song by 316 

Bear-with-White-Paw— 

drum used in practice of medicine 267 

necklace worn when attending sick 267 

song by 268 

suppUcation to bear when treating sick . . 268 

Beckwith, Paul, cited as an authority 470 



Begging dance. See Dance. Page 

Blue Cloud, songs by 288, 511, 516 

Bows and arrows for buffalo 437^39 

Brave Buffalo— 

dream of sacre d stone 207-208 

narrative of buffalo dream 173-174, 175 

narrative of elk dream 176-177 

songs by . . . 174, 176, 180, 209, 249, 250, 299, 300, 301 

speech concerning horse 298 

statement concerning animal dreams.. 172-173 

statement concerning sacred stones 208 

treatment of sick by 248-249 

Buffalo— 

clamshell used for skinning 399 

dreams concerning 17.3-176 

uses made of parts of 436 

white, description, uses 446 

BuFF.u,o Boy— 

informant concerning Sun dance 91 

Sun-dance vow 91 

Buffalo hunt— 

cutting up of buffalo 443-444 

description by Siya'ka 439-440 

description by Swift Dog 441-442 

description of bows and arrows for 437-439 

last held in 1882 436 

part of medicine-men in 437 

prohibited at certain times 437 

Buffalo hunt songs. See Songs. 

Buffalo society. See Society. 

Buffalo tribe, mentioned 65 

Bushotter, George, mention of grass dance 469 

Catlin, George— 

cited 285 

concerning buffalo hunting 436 

Ceremony — 

Alo'wagpi 68-77 

Heyo'ka Ka'ga 157 

Spirit-keeping 77-84 

Sun dance 84-151 

White Buffalo Calf pipe 67 

See also Alo'wagpi ceremony: Spirit-keep- 
ing ceremony; White Buffalo Calf pipe 
ceremony. 

Charging Beak. See Grass. 

Charging Thunder— 

dream of thunderbirds 170 

informant concerning Sun dance 90 

narrative of wolf dream 181, 183 

songs by 67, 

182, i83, 184, 194-195, 219, 220, 221, 222, 328 
statement concerning Miwa'tani society . . 327 
Sun-dance vow 90 

Chased-by-Bears— 

informant concerning Sun dance 88 

narrative of Sun dance 95-97 

recoveryaf ter return of sacred stone . . . 212-213 

555 



556 



INDEX 



Chased-by-Bears— Continued Page 

song by 212 

Sun-dance vow 132 

visit to site of last Sun dance 97 

Chief songs. See Songs. 
Children's songs. See Songs. 

Chippewa songs, change of time 76 

Clark, W. P., cited 311 

Compass of songs— 

comprising 17 tones Nos. 5.5, 195, 202 

diagram illustrating 44 

small compass.. Nos. 92, 103, 204, 215, 217 

tabulated analysis 13-14, 28 

Council songs. See Songs. 
Croghan, Col. George, cited as an author- 
ity.. 2-3 

Crook, Maj. George, member boundary 

commission 4 

Crooked Foot — 

demonstration of power of sacred stone. 229-230 

song by 230 

Crow-owners society. See Societies. 
CuLiN, Stewart, description of moccasin 

game 4S5 

Dakota— 

definition of 1 

former home of 2 

variations of name 2 

Dance— 

begging, description 4S1-4S2 

begging, held before Sun dance 103 

costumes worn 4(iS 

grass, description 468-477 

night, description 479 

shuffling-feet 477-479 

De Smet, Pierre-Jean— 

cited as an authority 214 

description of grass dance 409 

Dog Eagle, songs by .349,361,510 

Dog Feast of Strong Heart society 322 

DoRSEY, George A.— 

cited as an authority 312,316 

DoRSEY, James Owen— 

cited as an authority 2, 77, 256, 314, 320, 469 

concerning night dance 479 

reference to 181, 206 

Drawings accompanying songs 387-412 

Dream societies— . 

songs of 54 

see also Societies. 
Dream songs— 

considered best 59 

see aJso Songs. 
Dreams— 

announcement to tribe 157 

concerning animals 172 

concerning wolf 179 

thunderbird 157-172 

Drum, rhythm of— 

diagram illustrating 49 

examples of 105, 107, 109, 115, 128, 220 

tabular analysis 19, 36 

Eagle, Mrs. Holding, songs recorded by. . 60 
Eagle Man — 

sacred stone song by 232-233, 234 

explanation of Crovv-o\vners society 319-320 

explanation of drawings by 393, 

394,396,397,400,401 



Eagle Man— Continued Page 

narrative of dream of badger 266 

personal narrative 379-381 

preparation of scalps 360 

songs by 255, 256, 258, 259, 2C0, 202, 

263, 264, 265, 322, 394, 395, 396, 398, 400, 402 
specialist in treatment of broken bones. . 261 

treatment of wounded 254 

Earth Medicine Woman, song by 364 

Eastman, Rev. John, narrative of song 515 

Elk, dreams concerning 176-179 

Elk Head, possessor of White Buffalo Calf 

pipe 66 

Elk Society. See Society. 

Falsetto Tone mark of proficiency 61 

Fierce Face, surrender to authorities 515 

First note of song, relative to keynote- 
diagram ilhistrating 42 

tabular analysis 12,26 

Five-toned scales— 

According to Helmholtz 7 

Comparison between occurrence in old 

and modern songs 12 

data in tabulated analysis 28 

songs on first five-toned scale No. 131 

Fletc.ier, Alice C— 

Alo'waqpi ceremony studied by 68 

cited as an authority. 63,68, 77, 122, 2S4, 312, 315 

reference to 63 

statement concerning Crow-owners so- 
ciety 348 

statement concerning sftcieties 284 

symbolism of sacred stone 206 

Fletcher and La Flesche— 

cited 318, 326 

description of grass dance 468 

Fort Yates established 1873 4 

Foster, Ex-Gov. Charles, chairman boimd- 

ary corr mission 4 

Fox SOCIETY. See Society. 

Frosted, Thomas, attendant at Sun dance 

council 92 

Games— 

hiding a stick, description 489-490 

moccasin, description 485 

Ghost Hill, legend of 496 

Goose— 

demonstrations of power of sacred 

stones 210 

dream authorizing him to treat sick 251-252 

informant concerning Sun dance 90 

participant in Sun dance 90 

scout, U. S. Army 90 

specialist in treatment of consumption. . . 251 
Grass (John)— 

informant concerning Sun dance 89 

judge, Court of Indian Offenses 89 

Grass dance. Sec Dance. 

Grass-dance songs, plots 483-484 

Gray Hawk, songs by 289, 290, 291, 

292, 323 , 324 , 325, 326, 339, 442, 486, 487, 488, 509 

Gray Whirlwind, songs by 226, 227 

Grinnell, George Bird, cited as an au- 
thority 312 

Haka'la, songs by 503, 504 

Harmonic structure defined 19 



INDEX 



557 



Hawley, E. H.— Page 

description of grass-dance whistle 471 

description of Sun-dance whistle 125 

statement by 388 

Hayden, F. v., cited 284 

Helmholtz, H. L. F., cited as an author- 
ity 5, 7, 40, 41, 42 

IIenkel, Alice, acknowledgment of assist- 
ance by 271 

Hexnepin, Father Louis, cited as an au- 
thority :il4 

Herbs. See Medicine. 

Hewitt, J. N. B.— 

cited as an authority 70, 71 

definition of "Sioux" 1 

Heyo'ka, uses of the word 158-159 

Hiding a stick. Sec Games. 

HiGHEAGLE, ROBERT P.— 

attendant at Sun-dance council 92 

interpreter 1, 63, 172 

statement by 70-71, 72-73 

statement concerning Alo'waqpi cere- 
mony 70 

study of Alo'waqpi ceremony 69 

HoFFMAX, Walter James— 

cited as an authority 470 

reference to '. 167 

Holmes, W. H., cited as an authority 122 

HoLY'-FACE Bear, songs by 513,514,517,518 

Hoop, considered sacred 295 

Horse society'. See Society. 

HovEY, H. C, cited 

Hrdlicka, Dr. Ale§, aclcnowledgment to... 

HuNKA. See Alo'waripi. 

Interpretation dependent on personality.. 

Interval of a fourth— 

prominent in Songs Nos. 7, 

10,46,58,72,81,83,95, 129, 169, 186, 194. 

Intervals, small— 

apparent difficulty in singing 182 

large proportion in Songs Nos. 90, 

94,104,117.158,170. 
consideration of 6 

Intervals in downward and upward pro- 
gression— 

diagram illustrating 46 

tabular analysis 16-17, 32-33 

Intonation, comparison of good and poor 
singers 60 

Jaw— 

explanation of drawings by 387-389, 392, 393 

herbs used as medicine by 389 

killing of white buffalo, bear, and elk. . 446-447 
songs by 390, 391, 392 

Keating, Wm. H., cited as an authority 3 

Key— 

comparison with "interval formation".. 40-41 

definition of 12,26 

tabular analysis 17-18, 34 

use of term explained 9 

Kn.LS-.\T-NiGHT, songs by 61, 

408, 473, 474, 475, 476, 478, 479, 480, 490 

Last note of song — 

diagram illustrating 43 

relative to compass of song 16, 27-28 

relative to keynote 13, 27 



206 
40 



62 



Lawrence, Mrs. Hattie — Page 

interpreter 412 

songs by 365, 366 

Lewis and Clark — 

description of "race course" 319 

Journal of, cited as an authority. 3, 195,312,314 

Little Buffalo, painter of warricrs 350 

Little Conjuror, songs by 286, 287 

Lone M.m^ — 

dream of thunderbird 159-160 

in Custer massacre 91 

informant concerning Sun dan.e 91 

narrative concerning sacred stcne. . 214, 216, 217 
narrative of White Buffalo (^alf pipe by. . 63 

participant in Sun dance 91 

prayer by 2I6 

songs by 160, 162, 163, 165, 168, 169, 215, 216 

statement concerning Sundance 92 

statement concerning thunderbirds 161 

163, 164, 167 

Looking Elk, statement concerning Alo'- 

waqpi ceremony 70 

Love songs. See Songs. 

LowiE, Robert H.— 

cited as an authority 285,315,318,320,325 

concerning night dance 479 

concerning shullling-f eet dance 4 77 

mention of grass dance 469 

reference to 107 

statement concerning Buffalo society 285 

McGillicuddy, V. T., statement concerning 
Sun dance gg 

McKenjv-ey", Thomas L., cited as an author- 

i<^y 3 

McLaughlin, Maj. James— 

acknowledgment to 3 

cited as an authority 436 

McLaughlin, Mrs. James— 

description of treatment of sick by use of 

sacred stones 246-247 

interpreter 274, 379, 441 

purchase of "spirit wrap" 79 

Maiden's Leap, legend of 494 

Major and minor tonality .^ 40 

Many Wounds, songs by 342 448 

Maximilian, Prince of Wied, cited 315,318 

Measure, part of, on which song begins— 

diagram i llustrating 43 

tabular analysis 18,35 

Measure-division, 5-8, songs Nos. 64, 68, 125, 

169. 
Measure lengths, uniformity throughout 
song — 

diagramillustrating 49 

tabular analysis 18, 36 

Medicine, herbs used as 269-271 

Medicine bag, remarks concerning 252-254 

Melodic structure with harmonic frame- 
work defined 19 

Melodies, " plotting" of 51 

Melody— 

lack of unity in, in "made-up" songs... 59 

typical outline 43 

Memory for songs extensive 61 



558 



INDEX 



Page 

Metric unit— 

determination 50 

of voice and drum compared 10 

of voice and drum, differences 50 

Metric unit, tabular analysis- 
comparison of voice and drum 21, 39 

diagram illustrating 51 

graphic representation 110 

of drum 20, 21. 38, 39 

of voice 20. 37-38 

Meter, Prof. Max, statement by 6 

Military societies. See Societies. 

Minor intervals, prominence in songs of 
major tonality 1'5 

Minor third — 

approximately the average interval 47 

frequency of occurrence 46 

large proportion in Songs Nos. 1. 

8,24,27,66. 118, 130, 154. 177, 182, 190 

Minor triad with minor seventh added — 
Songs Nos. 49, 126 

Miwa'tani society. See Societies. 

Moccasin game. See Games. 

Mooney, James, cited as an authority 127, 

311,312,316 

Music as cultivated art among Chippewa 
and Sioux 58-62 

Musical customs of Sioux and Chippewa 
compared 9-10 

Musical notation, use in transcribing songs. 5 

Night dance. See Dance. 

No Heart — 

informant concerning Sun dance 91 

participant in Sun dance 91 

Odjib'we, more than 80 songs recorded by . . . 61 

Old Buffalo— 

explanation of drawings by 4 12, 4 16 

narrative of vigil and prayer for sick 274 

narrative of war 4 12-416 

songs by 191, 413, 414, 417 

One Butfalo — 

songs by 272, 273. .336 

One Feather — 

narrative 381 

songs by 297, 343, 382,383, 3S4, 385,386 

Overtones defined by Helniholtz 41 

0^^'X, considered sacred 181 

Paint, securing and preparing 116 

Painting of warriors and their horses. . 353 

Palmer, Edmond, cited 452 

Pentatontc scales. See Five-toned scales. 

Picture-calendar, reference to 69 

Pitch discrimination test described 56-58 

Phonograph, use in recording songs 5 

"Plotting" of melodie.s— « 

described 51-52 

group 1 53 

group 2 204 

group 3 244 

group 4 283 

group 5 419 

group 6 461 

group 7 484 

grouD 8 519 

of song No. "^IS 496 



Page 

Pond, G. H., symbolism of sacred stone. . . 205-206 

Progressions, downward and upward— 

diagram illustrating 46 

tabular analysis 16. 32 

Rattle used in treating sick 252 

Red Bird — 

comment on Sun-dance vow 134 

discussion of Sun dance 94 

explanation of Sun-dance song 139 

informant concerning Sun dance 89 

song by 99 

statement concerning Sun dance 86, 102 

vision in Son dance 149 

Red Fish— 

informant concerning Sun dance 91 

participant in Sun dance 91 

song by ir,' 

Red Fox- 
informant concerning Sun dance 90 

personal narrative 375 

song by 378 

Sun-dance vow 90-91 

Red Weasel— 

informant concerning Sim dance 88 

opinion on description of Sun dance 94 

prayer by . .■ 95 

Renville, Gabriel, information concern- 
ing 4.53-454 

Ren^'ille, Moses, songs by 454,455 

Rest occurs in few songs 249 

Rhythm- 

comparison of old and young singers 59 

drum 49 

importance emphasized 9 

of first measure, diagram illustrating 48 

of first measure, tabular analysis 18, 35 

vocal 48 

See alio Drum rhythm. 

Rhythmic unit — 

defined 19 

diagram illustrating 50 

rhythmic units classified 527-.549 

tabular analysis 19, 37 

RiGGS, Stephen R.— 

cited as an authority 1,180,206 

definition of word ho ISO 

former home of Dakotas 2 

reference to .' 158, 193, 20i; 

statement concerning thunderbird 159 

variations of name "Dakota" 2 

Robin.son, De Lorme W., information con- 
cerning Gabriel RenvOle 453 

Sacred language 120 

Sacred stones— 

demonstration of power of, in treatment 

of sick 246-247 

information acquired by use of 205 

possession of 206-207, 208, 210, 211 

songs, plots of : 244 

statement by Brave Buffalo 208 

symbolism 205 

Sage, use in Sun dance 99 

Santee dialect, songs recorded in 1 

Santee Sioux songs, Nos. 95,96, 97, 189,190, 
23&-240. 



INDEX 



559 



Page 

Scalp dance, songs 363 

Scalps, preparation of, for victory dance 360 

Seashore, Trof. C. E. — 

acknowledgment to 56 

assistance and suggestions 56 

Seizes-the-Gun-away-from-Them — 

informant concerning Siin dance 91 

Sun-dance vow 91 

Semitones, average number in an interval — 

diagram illustrating 47 

tabular analysis 17, 34 

Shell necklace — 

demonstration of sacred stone by 230 

sacred stone songs by 23C-237 

Shooter — 

songs by 228, 229, 293, 296, 317, 374, 507, 508 

statement concerning animals 172-173 

statement concerning elk 176 

statement concerning thunderbird 157-158 

statement concerning treatment of sick. 244-245 

Shoots First, songs by 456, 498, 499, 500 

Shuffling-feet dance. Sec Dance. 

Sick— 

eagle claw used in treating 253 

methods of treating 245 

mirror used in treatment of 249 

treatment of 244-283 

treatment of, by Brave Bulfalo 248-249 

Used-as-a-S!iield cured by medicine- 
man 247-248 

Vigil and prayer for 274 

Silent Woman, songs by 368, 50.5, 506 

Sioux— 

adoption of civilized pursuits 4 

assigned to reservations 4 

definition of 1 

name adopted by Government in 1825 3 

Reservation, extent in 1868 3 

songs. See Songs. 

Teton, Sun dance 87 

treaty -svith Government in 1868 3 

Sitting Bi;ll, information concerning 458 

Siva'ka — 

description of buffalo hunt 439-440 

informant concerning Sun dance 90 

legend of Ghost Hill 496 

narrative concerning bear songs 195 

narrative oferow and owl songs 184-185, 187, 188 

remarks to horse 298 

songs by 186, 

187, 193, 230, 232, 233, 234, 295, 

303, 304, 346, 353, 354, 355, 369,371, 

440, 441. 445, 449, 4.53, 501, 502 

Sun dance vow 90 

Skinner, Alanson, cited as an authority 214, 

360,470 

SOCIETIE-S — 

how formed 284 

mentioned 101 

military, among di.i'erent tribes 311-312 

remarks by Lewis and Clark .'. . . 312 

Society— 

Badger, extinct 20 years ago 325 

Buffalo 285 

Cagte' Tigfa (Strong Heart) 320-325 

Crow-owners 318 



Society— Continued. 

Elk 293 

Fox 314-318 

Horse 298 

Kaqgi' yuha (Crow-owners) 318-320 

Miwa'tanijdefinition of work 326 

Miwa'tani, description of initiation 327-329 

Miwa'tani, members exempt fromaki'cita 

duty 326 

Strong Heart, dog feast 322 

Strong Heart, requirements and privi- 
leges of members 321 

White Horse Riders, description 330 

Songs— 

accompanied by native drawings 387-412 

Alo'warjpi ceremony 73, 75 

analysis 6 

Badger society 325, 326 

begging dance 482, 483 

beginning and ending on same tone 257 

best, " composed in dreams " 59 

buffalo 191 

buffalo hunt, council, and chief, melodic 

analysis 462-465 

buffalo hunt, council, and chief, rhythmic 

analysis 466-467 

Buffalo society 286, 

287,288,289,290,291,292,293 

Caqte Tiqza (Strong Heart society) 322-324 

ceremonial 152-156 

ceremonial, right to sing 59 

chief 453, 454, 455, 456, 457, 459, 460 

chief, plots 461-462 

children's 492, 493 

Cliippewa and Sioux, compared 54 

classified by groups 22-25 

comparative study 11 

comparatively modern war songs,melodic 

analysis 428-432 

comparatively modern war songs, 

rhythmic analysis 432-435 

comparison between Chippewa and 

Sioux 54 

comparison between old and compara- 
tively modern 22-25 

concerning sacred stones . . 209, 212, 215, 216-217, 
219- 220, 220-221, 221, 222, 224, 225, 226, 
227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 236, 237 

concerning bear 196, 197 

concerning buffalo 174, 176 

concerning elk 177 

concerning wolf 180, 182, 183 

coimected with legends 495, 497 

council 448, 449, 450, 451 

crow and owl 180, 186, 187, 189 

deer 193,194 

descriptive analysis 9 

determination of key 9 

determining age of 11 

Dream societies 54 

duplications of 5 

Elk society 294, 295, 296, 297 

for treatment of sick 249, 250 

255, 256, 258, 259, 260, 262, 263, 

264,26.5,268,272,273,275, 277 

Fox societv 316, 317 



560 



INDEX 



Songs— Continued Page 

grass dance 473,474,475,476,477 

liiding a stick game 490, 491 

Horse society 299, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304 

imperfectly rendered 5 

in honor of individual 498,499,500, 

501, 502, 503, 504, 505, 506, 507, 508, 509 

list of xm 

love 510, 511 

melodic analysis 12-21, 52(^-524 

method of collecting 5 

methods of tracing 8 

Miwa'tani society 328 

moccasin game 486, 487, 488 

night dance 480 

old, concerning personal dreams 198-203 

old, concerning sacred stones 239-244 

old, Dream societies, melodic analysis. . 305-309 

old, melodic analysis 152-155, 

198-201, 239-242, 278-281 

old, plots of 283 

old, rhythmic analysis 155-156, 

202-203, 242-244, 2S1~283 , 309-31 1 

phonographic records made by Sioux 22 

pitch discrimination 56 

plots of 204, 519-520 

reliability of singers 5 

represented as being sung by animals 60 

rhythm, comparison of old and young 

singers 59 

rhythmic analysis 524-527 

Sioux 513, 514, 515, 516, 517, 518 

Sioux, comparison between old and com- 
paratively new 22-25 

shuflling-feet dance 478,479 

Sun dance 99, 

105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113, 115, 117, 119, 
120, 121, 123, 124, 128, 129, 130, 135, 133, 138, 
139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148 

thunderbird 160, 162, 163, 165, 168, 169, 170 

transcribing 7 

two methods of closing 10 

war 334, 

336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 
346, 247, 349, 351, 352, 3.53, 354, 3.55, 356, 357, 
358, 361, 362, 364, 365, 366, 368, 369, 370, 371, 
372, 373, 374, 378, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 390, 
391, 392, 394, 395, 396, 398, 400, 402, 403, 404, 
406, 407, 408, 409, 410, 411, 413, 414, 417 

war, analysis of 419-427 

war, melodic analysis 420-424 

war, plots of 41S 

war, rhythmic analysis 425-427 

White Buffalo Maiden 67 

White Horse Riders 330, 331 

■wolf 189, 190 

Spirit-keeping ceremony— 

disposition of white buffalo robe 84 

distribution of gifts 82 

duty of itari'car) in 81 

feasts 81 

finest attire worn at end of 81 

gifts for the itar) 'car) 79 

inspired by White Bulfalo Maiden 78 

lighting and smoking the pipe 83 



Spirit-keeping ceremont— Continued Page 

narrative l)y Weasel Bear 78 

preparation for 78 

song 67 

statement by Bear Face 78 

unwrapping the spirit bundles 83 

Spirit post, description of si 

Standing Elk, statement concerning sacred 

stone 231 

Standing Rock Reservation, part included 

in 1868 treaty 4 

Standley, Paul C, acknowledgment of 

assistance by 271 

Stones. See Sacred stones. 

Strong Heart society. See Society. 

Structure of songs — 

diagram illustrating 45 

tabular analysis 16, 32 

Sun dance — 

carrying buffalo skulls 133 

children take part 137 

choice of participants., 103 

conferences concerning 94 

costume 12.5-126 

costume of Intercessor 126 

coimcil passes on statements concern- 
ing 92 

council visits site of last celebration 93 

Crier, duties of 104 

cutting the flesh in fulflllment of vow. . . 1.32 
dancers abstain from food and water..' 130 

description of ceremony 127 

discussion by Red Bird 94 

feasting , rejoicing, and lamenting during . 136 

imitation of, by boys lcO-151 

information concerning, by several in- 
formants 88-91 

last held in 1881 4 

Leader of Dancers, qualifications neces- 
sary 102 

limited to certain Plains tribes 85 

manner of breaking fast 149 

misinterpreted by whites 86 

offerings 102-103 

painting sacred pole 116 

painting the body for 103-104.124-125 

pipe, decoration 102 

prayer for fair weather during 99 

preparing the inclosure 122 

sacred pole, description 118 

selecting and raising sacred pole 107, 111, 

112.114,116,118 

six ways of participating in 131 

songs. See Songs. 

statement of Red Bird concerning 86 

suspension from pole 132-133 

Teton Sioux, description 98-151 

torture by different methods 131-134 

use of drum 130 

use of sage in 99 

variation in ceremony 86 

vow' 101 

women assume part of torture 135 

Sun worshipped as deity 81 

S wanton, John R ., reference to sun as deity . 84 



INDEX 



561 



S'WTFT Dog — Pago 

description of buffalo hunt 441-142 

explanation of drawing by 403, 404, 405, 

406,409,410,411 

songs by 373,403.404,406, 

407,409,410,411,511 

Tabular analyses — 

ceremonial songs 1S3-155 

Chippewa and Sioux songs 26-39 

comparatively modem songs 520-527 

Sioux songs 12 21 

songs concerning personal dreams 19.S-203 

songs concerning the sacred stones 239-244 

songs of buffalo hunt, council, and chief 

songs :6J-467 

songs of Dream societies 30^-311 

songs used in treatment of the sick 27S-2S2 

war songs 420-435 

Teai Duck. Sec Siya'ka. 

Tempo, changes during a song 106 

Teton dulect, songs recorded in 1 

Teton Sioux— 

Sun dance 87 

Sun dance, description 98-151 

Third of the scale, absent from songs Nos. 
5, 42, 99, 131, 169. 

Thunderbird ceremony-, description by 
Lone Man 167-168 

Thu^nderbird offerings, obligations 166 

Thunderbirds — 

definition 1,57 

statement concerning 157 

Ticketi.ess society 512 

Tonality — 

consideration of 41 

defined 12, 26, 40 

diagram illustrating 40 

major and minor 40 

tabular analysis 15, 26 

Tone— 

falsetto favored 61 

nasal, used in love songs 61 

production, manner different from white 
man 61 

Tone material— 

diagram illustrating 44 

tabular analysis 14-15, 28-30 

Twin, song by 515 

Two Shields— 

dream concerning wolf i 188-189 

narrative concerning bear songs 195 

songs by 189, 224, 225, 275, 277, 

294, 302, 330, 331, ,334, 336, 337, 338, 340, 
341, 344, 345, 362, 370, 372, 477, 488, 497 

Units, rhythmic 528-549 

Used-as-a-Shield— 

description of cure by a medicine man. 247-248 

songs by 347, 356, 

357, 358, 450, 451, 459, 460, 483, 491, 495 



WAKAg'TAijKA— Page 

children sent by 70 

definition of 85 

War— 

custom of wearing feathers and painting 

face 359 

narrative by Old Buffalo 412-418 

preparation of scalps 36O 

purpose in going to 359 

War expeditions — 

description of 332-333, 348-349, 350 

description of return 361-362 

dress and ornament 350 

War shield, description 343 

War songs. See Songs. 

Warner, Maj. Wm., member boundary com- 
mission 4 

Warren, Wm. W., cited as an authority l 

Wead, C. K., acknowledgment to 110 

Weasel Bear — 

informant concerning Sun d;mce 89 

narrative by 74, SO-81, 83, 84, 

songs by 73, 75, 189-190 

Sim-dance vow 89 

W msTLE, ELK, description 470-471 

White buffalo — 

high regard for 84 

See also Buffalo. 

White Buffalo Calf pipe, narrative ol 63-66 

White Buffalo Maiden — 

instructor of Spirit-keeping ceremony 78 

mentioned 66, 67, 69 

song of 67 

White-Buffalo- Walking — 

informant concerning Sun dance 91 

participant in final Sun dance in 1882 91 

White Hawk — 

description of bows and arrows for buffalo 

himt 437-438 

description of cutting up of buffalo 443 

White Uorse Riders. See Society. 

White Shield — 

composer of songs 223 

demonstration of sacred stone by 235, 238 

WissLER, Clark— 

cited as an authority 313, 

314,318,319,320,325,336 

concerning night dance 479 

concerning shufning-feet dance 477 

definition of word "Miwa'tani" 326 

division of niiUtary societies 313 

mention of grass dance 469 

organization of Crow-o\vners society 348 

organization of Jfiwa'tani society 327 

reference to isg 

statement concerning Kit-fox society .... 314 

Wolf, dreams concerning 179 

Wright, James C, characterization of Sun 

dance ■. . . 86 

Yellow H.\ir, songs by 4S2,492,493 



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